Semua Entries Tagged: "U.S."
Islam Reformasi
Adnan Khan
Oposisi Suriah
Joshua Landis
Joe Pace
Politik dan Janji Dialog Peradaban
M. SEBUAH. Muqtedar Khan
In response to Harvard Professor SamuelHuntington’s now infamous argument predicting afuture full of clashes between civilizations, the world’sliberals responded with a call for a civilizational dialogue.After 9/11, this call for a dialogue betweenIslam and the West has become even more urgent.The philosophical assumptions behind these dialoguesare not too difficult to discern. Islam and themodern West share a common Abrahamic traditionand their foundational sources; Islamic law and philosophyand Western enlightenment philosophy havecommon roots—Hellenistic reason and Biblical revelation.The two civilizations have a common past anda common future, particularly in the light of strongeconomic relations between the West and the Muslimworld and the growing presence of Islam in nearlyevery Western society.Because the future of the two civilizations is inseparable,any clash will be devastating to both, regardlessof the asymmetry of power. A clash between Islamand the modern West would be like a collisionbetween the present and the future for both. Islam isintegral to the future of the West and Islamic civilization’sreticence toward modernity is untenable.Eventually, the Muslim world will have to modernize,democratize, and recognize that its future, terlalu, isinterdependent. Neither the West nor the Muslimworld can imagine a mutually exclusive future.
Tren saat ini dalam Ideologi Ikhwanul Muslimin Mesir
Dr. Elad Israel Altman
The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last twoyears has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up fordissent. Bersama kami. dan dukungan Eropa, local opposition groups have been able to takeinitiative, memajukan tujuan mereka dan mengekstrak konsesi dari negara. The EgyptianMuslim Brotherhood movement (MB), which has been officially outlawed as a politicalorganization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities and new risks.Western governments, termasuk pemerintah Amerika Serikat, are consideringthe MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advancedemocracy in their countries, dan mungkin juga dalam memberantas terorisme Islam. Couldthe Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice andDevelopment Party (AKP) dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Indonesia (PKS), twoIslamist parties that, menurut beberapa analis, are successfully adapting to the rules ofliberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with,masing-masing, Eropa dan Asia "kafir"?Artikel ini membahas bagaimana MB menanggapi realitas baru, how it has handledthe ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the pasttwo years. To what extent has the movement accommodated its outlook to newcircumstances? Apa tujuan dan visinya tentang tatanan politik?? How has itreacted to U.S. tawaran dan kampanye reformasi dan demokratisasi? How has itnavigated its relations with the Egyptian regime on one hand, and other opposition forceson the other, saat negara itu menuju dua pemilihan dramatis di musim gugur 2005? Towhat extent can the MB be considered a force that might lead Egypt toward liberaldemocracy?
Muslim Amerika Tengah dan Sebagian besar Kelas Mainstream
Pew Research Center
Muslims constitute a growing and increasingly important segment of American society.Yet there is surprisingly little quantitative research about the attitudes and opinions of thissegment of the public for two reasons. Pertama, Amerika Serikat. Census is forbidden by law from askingquestions about religious belief and affiliation, dan, as a result, we know very little about thebasic demographic characteristics of Muslim Americans. Kedua, Muslim Americans comprisesuch a small percentage of the U.S. population that general population surveys do not interview asufficient number of them to allow for meaningful analysis.This Pew Research Center study is therefore the first ever nationwide survey to attempt tomeasure rigorously the demographics, attitudes and experiences of Muslim Americans. It buildson surveys conducted in 2006 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project of Muslim minority publics inGreat Britain, Perancis, Germany and Spain. The Muslim American survey also follows on Pew’sglobal surveys conducted over the past five years with more than 30,000 Muslims in 22 nationsaround the world since 2002.The methodological approach employed was the most comprehensive ever used to studyMuslim Americans. Nearly 60,000 respondents were interviewed to find a representative sampleof Muslims. Interviews were conducted in Arabic, Urdu and Farsi, as well as English. Subsamplesof the national poll were large enough to explore how various subgroups of thepopulation — including recent immigrants, native-born converts, and selected ethnic groupsincluding those of Arab, Pakistani, and African American heritage — differ in their attitudesThe survey also contrasts the views of the Muslim population as a whole with those ofthe U.S. general population, and with the attitudes of Muslims all around the world, includingWestern Europe. Akhirnya, findings from the survey make important contributions to the debateover the total size of the Muslim American population.The survey is a collaborative effort of a number of Pew Research Center projects,including the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, the Pew Forum on Religion &Public Life and the Pew Hispanic Center. The project was overseen by Pew Research CenterPresident Andrew Kohut and Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Director Luis Lugo. ThePew Research Center’s Director of Survey Research, Scott Keeter, served as project director forthe study, with the close assistance of Gregory Smith, Research Fellow at the Pew Forum. Manyother Pew researchers participated in the design, execution and analysis of the survey.
Mesir: Latar Belakang dan AS. Hubungan
Jeremy M. Tajam
Pada tahun lalu, kebijakan luar negeri Mesir, terutama hubungannya dengan Amerika Serikat, hasbenefitted substansial dari kedua perubahan luar AS. kebijakan dan dari peristiwa di tanah. Administrasi TheObama, seperti yang dibuktikan pada bulan Juni Presiden 2009 pidato di Kairo, telah mengangkat kepentingan Mesir bagi AS. kebijakan luar negeri di wilayah tersebut, sebagai AS. pembuat kebijakan bekerja untuk menghidupkan kembali proses perdamaian Arab-Israel. Dalam memilih Kairo sebagai tempat pidato tanda tangan Presiden untuk dunia Muslim, Orang Mesir merasa bahwa Amerika Serikat telah menunjukkan rasa hormat kepada negara mereka sepadan dengan statusnya yang dianggap di dunia Arab., ketegangan yang berlanjut dengan Iran dan Hamas telah memperkuat posisi Mesir sebagai kekuatan moderat di kawasan itu dan menunjukkan utilitas diplomatik negara itu kepada AS.. kebijakan luar negeri. Berdasarkan kepentingannya sendiri, Mesir telah menentang campur tangan Iran di Levant dan di Gaza dan baru-baru ini memperluas kerja sama militer dengan Israel untuk menunjukkan tekad melawan provokasi Iran lebih lanjut., seperti mempersenjatai Hamas atau mengizinkan Hizbullah untuk beroperasi di tanah Mesir. Selanjutnya, Pemimpin Pemeran Operasi Israel (Desember 2008 hingga Januari 2009) menyoroti kebutuhan untuk memoderasi perilaku Hamas, mencapai persatuan Palestina, dan mencapai pertukaran tembak-menembak / tahanan Israel-Hamas dalam jangka panjang, tujuan yang telah diupayakan Mesir, Meski dengan keberhasilan yang terbatas sejauh ini, indikasi peningkatan hubungan bilateral terlihat jelas. Selama enam bulan terakhir, telah terjadi kebingungan dalam pertukaran diplomatik, berpuncak pada kunjungan Presiden Obama bulan Juni 2009 ke Mesir dan perjalanan Presiden Mesir Hosni Mubarak ke Washington pada bulan Agustus 2009, kunjungan pertamanya ke Amerika Serikat dalam lebih dari lima tahun. Setelah kunjungan Presiden Obama pada bulan Juni, dua pemerintah mengadakan dialog strategis tahunan mereka. Beberapa bulan sebelumnya, Amerika Serikat berjanji untuk memperluas perdagangan dan investasi di Mesir, meskipun suasananya terlihat lebih positif, ketegangan dan kontradiksi yang melekat dalam hubungan AS-Mesir tetap ada. Untuk kita. pembuat kebijakan dan Anggota Kongres, pertanyaan tentang bagaimana menjaga hubungan strategis AS-Mesir secara bersamaan yang lahir dari Kesepakatan CampDavid dan 1979 perjanjian damai sambil mempromosikan hak asasi manusia dan demokrasi di Mesir merupakan tantangan besar tanpa jalan yang jelas. Sebagai tokoh oposisi Mesir telah tumbuh lebih vokal dalam beberapa tahun terakhir atas isu-isu seperti suksesi kepemimpinan, korupsi, dan ketimpangan ekonomi, dan rezim tersebut kemudian menjadi lebih represif dalam menanggapi meningkatnya seruan untuk reformasi,aktivis telah menuntut agar Amerika Serikat menekan Mesir untuk menciptakan lebih banyak ruang bernafas untuk perbedaan pendapat. Pemerintah Mesir telah menolak setiap AS. upaya untuk ikut campur dalam politik domestiknya dan telah menanggapi dengan kasar AS. panggilan untuk reformasi politik. Pada waktu bersamaan, karena situasi Israel-Palestina semakin memburuk, Peran Mesir sebagai mediator telah terbukti sangat berharga bagi AS. kebijakan luar negeri di wilayah tersebut. Mesir telah mendapatkan perjanjian gencatan senjata dan negosiasi menengah dengan Hamas mengenai pembebasan tahanan, pengaturan gencatan senjata, dan masalah lainnya. Karena Hamas adalah Organisasi Teroris Asing yang ditunjuk AS (UNDANG) dan seruan untuk kehancuran Israel, baik Israel maupun pemerintah Amerika Serikat secara langsung bernegosiasi dengan pejabatnya, menggunakan Mesir sebagai perantara. Dengan komitmen Pemerintahan Obama untuk mengejar perdamaian Timur Tengah, ada kekhawatiran bahwa AS. pejabat dapat memberikan prioritas yang lebih tinggi pada peran regional Mesir dengan mengorbankan hak asasi manusia dan reformasi demokrasi.
Promosi Demokrasi Timur Tengah Bukan Jalan Satu Arah
Marina Ottaway
Amerika Serikat. administration is under pressure to revive democracy promotion efforts in the Middle East,but momentum toward political reform has stalled in most of the region. Opposition parties are at lowebb, and governments are more firmly in control than ever. While new forms of activism, such as laborprotests and a growing volume of blogging critical of government and opposition parties have becomewidespread, they have yet to prove effective as means of influencing leaders to change long-standingpolicies.The last time a U.S. administration faced such unfavorable circumstances in advancing political reformswas over 30 years ago, when the Helsinki process was launched during the Cold War. That experiencetaught us that the United States needs to give reluctant interlocutors something they want if itexpects them to engage on issues they would rather not address. If Washington wants Arab countriesto discuss the universal democratic principles that should underpin their political systems, it needs to beprepared to discuss the universal principles that should underpin its own Middle East policies.
ANTARA GLOBAL DAN LOKAL
Anthony BUBALO
Greg Fealy
Against the background of the ‘war on terror’,many people have come to view Islamism as amonolithic ideological movement spreading from thecenter of the Muslim world, the Middle East, toMuslim countries around the globe. To borrow aphrase from Abdullah Azzam, the legendary jihadistwho fought to expel the Soviet Union fromAfghanistan in the 1980s, many today see all Islamistsas fellow travellers in a global fundamentalist caravan.This paper evaluates the truth of that perception. Itdoes so by examining the spread of two broad categoriesof Islamic thinking and activism — the morepolitically focused Islamism and more religiouslyfocused ‘neo-fundamentalism’ — from the MiddleEast to Indonesia, a country often cited as an exampleof a formerly peaceful Muslim community radicalizedby external influences.Islamism is a term familiar to many.Most commonly itis used to categorize ideas and forms of activism thatconceive of Islam as a political ideology. Hari ini, a widerange of groups are classified as Islamist, from theEgyptian Muslim Brotherhood to al-qa‘ida.While sucha categorization remains appropriate in many cases,Islamism seems less useful as a label for those groupsthat do not see Islam as a political ideology and largelyeschew political activism — even if their activism sometimeshas political implications. Included in this categoryare groups concerned primarily with Islamic mission-IV Be t w e e n t h e G l o b a l a n d t h e L o c a l : Islamisme, the Mi d d l e E a s t , a n d Indonesiaary activity, but it would also include a group such asal-qa‘ida whose acts of terrorism are arguably drivenless by concrete political objectives than religious inspiration,albeit of a misguided form. This paper thereforeuses the term ‘neo-fundamentalist’, developed by theFrench scholar Olivier Roy, to describe these groups andwill study the transmission of both Islamist and neofundamentalistideas to Indonesia.