Alle poster tagget med: "Syrien"
Den arabiske i morgen
DAVID B. OTTAWAY
oktober 6, 1981, skulle være en festdag i Egypten. Det markerede årsdagen for Egyptens største sejrsmoment i tre arabisk-israelske konflikter, da landets underdoghær kastede sig over Suez-kanalen i de første dage 1973 Yom Kippur-krigen og sendte israelske tropper til at trække sig tilbage. På et køligt, skyfri morgen, Cairo-stadionet var fyldt med egyptiske familier, der var kommet for at se militæret stramme sin hardware. På revisionsstanden, Præsident Anwar el-Sadat,krigens arkitekt, så med tilfredshed, da mænd og maskiner gik foran ham. Jeg var i nærheden, en nyankomne udenlandsk korrespondent. pludselig, en af hærens lastbiler stoppede direkte foran reviewstanden, da seks Mirage-jetfly brølede over hovedet i en akrobatisk forestilling, maler himlen med lange stier af rødt, gul, lilla,og grøn røg. Sadat rejste sig, forbereder sig tilsyneladende på at udveksle hilsner med endnu en kontingent af egyptiske tropper. Han gjorde sig selv til et perfekt mål for fire islamistiske snigmordere, der sprang fra lastbilen, stormede podiet, og riddled hans krop med kugler. Da morderne fortsatte i det, der syntes en evighed, at sprøjte standen med deres dødbringende ild, Jeg overvejede et øjeblik, om jeg skulle ramme jorden og risikere at blive trampet ihjel af panik tilskuere eller forblive på foden og risikere at tage en vild kugle. Instinkt fortalte mig at blive på mine fødder, og min følelse af journalistisk pligt fik mig til at finde ud af, om Sadat var i live eller død.
islam, Politisk islam og Amerika
Arabisk indsigt
Er "broderskab" med Amerika muligt?
khalil al-anani
Amerikansk Hamas-politik blokerer fred i Mellemøsten
Henry Siegman
Egypten ved vendepunktet ?
Islamisk politisk kultur, Demokrati, og menneskerettigheder
Daniele. Pris
Political Islam in the Middle East
Are Knudsen
STRATEGIES FOR ENGAGING POLITICAL ISLAM
SHADI HAMID
AMANDA KADLEC
ISLAMISKE BEVÆGELSER OG DEMOKRATISK PROCESS I DEN ARABISKE VERDEN: Udforskning af de grå zoner
Nathan J. Brun, Amr Hamzawy,
Marina Ottaway
ISLAMIST RADICALISATION
Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.
Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.
Political Islam and European Foreign Policy
POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Siden 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, the European Union (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) that in principle commit to dialogue and deeper engagement all(non-violent) political actors and civil society organisations within Arab countries. Yet many analysts and policy-makers now complain of a certain a trophy in both conceptual debate and policy development. It has been established that political Islam is a changing landscape, deeply affected bya range of circumstances, but debate often seems to have stuck on the simplistic question of ‘are Islamists democratic?’ Many independent analysts have nevertheless advocated engagement with Islamists, but theactual rapprochement between Western governments and Islamist organisations remains limited .
The Moderate Muslim Brotherhood
Robert S. Leiken
Steven Brooke
Energizing US-Syria Relations: Leveraging Ancillary Diplomatic Vehicles
Benjamin E. Strøm,
Andrew Akhlaghi,
Steven Rotchtin
Demokrati, Terrorisme og amerikansk politik i den arabiske verden
F. Gregory Gause
Gør krav på centret: Politisk islam i overgang
John L.. Esposito
I 1990'erne politisk islam, hvad nogle kalder “Islamisk fundamentalisme,” er fortsat en stor tilstedeværelse i regeringen og i oppositionspolitik fra Nordafrika til Sydøstasien. Politisk islam ved magten og i politik har rejst mange spørgsmål og spørgsmål: “Er islam i modsætning til modernisering?,” “Er islam og demokrati uforenelige?,” “Hvad er implikationerne af en islamisk regering for pluralisme, mindretal og kvinders rettigheder,” “Hvor repræsentative er islamister,” “Er der islamiske moderate?,” “Skulle Vesten frygte en transnational islamisk trussel eller sammenstød mellem civilisationer?” Moderne islamisk genoplivning Landskabet i den muslimske verden i dag afslører fremkomsten af nye islamiske republikker (Iran, Sudan, Afghanistan), udbredelsen af islamiske bevægelser, der fungerer som store politiske og sociale aktører inden for eksisterende systemer, og radikale voldelige ekstremisters konfrontationspolitik._ I modsætning til 1980'erne, hvor politisk islam simpelthen blev sidestillet med revolutionært Iran eller hemmelige grupper med navne som islamisk jihad eller Guds hær, den muslimske verden i 1990'erne er en, hvor islamister har deltaget i valgprocessen og er synlige som premierministre, kabinetsofficerer, talere for nationalforsamlinger, parlamentarikere, og borgmestre i så forskellige lande som Egypten, Sudan, Kalkun, Iran, Libanon, Kuwait, Yemen, Jordan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesien, og Israel/Palæstina. Ved begyndelsen af det enogtyvende århundrede, politisk islam er fortsat en vigtig kraft for orden og uorden i global politik, en, der deltager i den politiske proces, men også i terrorhandlinger, en udfordring til den muslimske verden og til Vesten. At forstå karakteren af politisk islam i dag, og i særdeleshed de spørgsmål og spørgsmål, der er opstået fra erfaringerne fra den seneste fortid, forbliver kritisk for regeringerne, politiske beslutningstagere, og studerende i international politik.
The Syrian Opposition
Joshua Landis
Joe Pace
Radical Islam in the Maghreb
Carlos Echeverría Jesús
The development of a radical Islamist movement has been a major featureof Algerian political life since the mid-1970s, especially after the death of PresidentHouari Boumediène, the Republic’s first president, in December 1978.1 Boumediènehad adopted a policy of Arabization that included phasing out the French language.French professors were replaced by Arabic speakers from Egypt, Libanon, andSyria, many of them members of the Muslim Brotherhood.The troubles began in 1985, when the Mouvement islamique algérien (MIA),founded to protest the single-party socialist regime, began attacking police stations.Escalating tensions amid declining oil prices culminated in the Semoule revolt inOctober 1988. More than 500 people were killed in the streets of Algiers in thatrevolt, and the government was finally forced to undertake reforms. I 1989 itlegalized political parties, including the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), and over thenext two years the Islamists were able to impose their will in many parts of thecountry, targeting symbols of Western “corruption” such as satellite TV dishes thatbrought in European channels, alcohol, and women who didn’t wear the hiyab (theIslam veil). FIS victories in the June 1990 municipal elections and in the first roundof the parliamentary elections held in December 1991 generated fears of animpending Islamist dictatorship and led to a preemptive interruption of the electoralprocess in January 1992. The next year saw an increase in the violence that hadbegun in 1991 with the FIS’s rhetoric in support of Saddam Hussein in the GulfWar, the growing presence of Algerian “Afghans”—Algerian volunteer fightersreturning from the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan—and the November 1991massacre of border guards at Guemmar, on the border between Algeria andTunisia.2Until mid-1993, victims of MIA, Islamic Salvation Army–AIS (the FIS’sarmed wing), and Islamic Armed Group (GIA) violence were mostly policemen,soldiers, and terrorists. Later that year the violence expanded to claim both foreignand Algerian civilians. In September 1993, the bodies of seven foreigners werefound in various locations around the country.3 Dozens of judges, doctors,intellectuals, and journalists were also murdered that year. In October 1993 Islamistsvowed to kill any foreigner remaining in Algeria after December 1; more than 4,000foreigners left in November 1993.