RSSУсе запісы з тэгамі: "Сеід Кутб"

Лібэральная дэмакратыя і палітычны іслам: Пошукі Common Ground.

Mostapha Benhenda

Гэты дакумент накіраваны на ўсталяванне дыялогу паміж дэмакратычнай і ісламскай палітычнай theories.1 ўзаемадзеяння паміж імі загадкавым: напрыклад, для таго, каб растлумачыць адносіны, якія існуюць паміж дэмакратыяй і іх канцэпцыі ідэальнага ісламскага палітычнага
рэжым, пакістанскі навуковец Абу Ала Маудуди прыдумаў неалагізм "теодемократия", тады як французскі вучоны Массиньон прапанаваў аксюмарон "свецкая Тэакратыя". Гэтыя выразы паказваюць, што некаторыя аспекты дэмакратыі ацэньваюцца станоўча і іншыя судзяць адмоўна. Напрыклад, Мусульманскія навукоўцы і актывісты часта падтрымліваюць прынцып падсправаздачнасці кіраўнікоў, якая з'яўляецца вызначальнай рысай дэмакратыі. Наадварот, яны часта адпрэчваюць прынцып падзелу паміж рэлігіяй і дзяржавай, які часта лічыцца часткай дэмакратыі (прынамсі, дэмакратыі, як вядома, у Злучаных Штатах сёння). Улічваючы гэтую неадназначную ацэнку дэмакратычных прынцыпаў, уяўляецца цікавым вызначыць канцэпцыю дэмакратыі, якая ляжыць у аснове ісламскіх палітычных мадэляў. Іншымі словамі, мы павінны паспрабаваць высветліць, што дэмакратычны «теодемократия». З гэтай мэтай, сярод уражлівага разнастайнасці і мноства ісламскіх традыцый нарматыўнай палітычнай думкі, мы ў асноўным засяроджаныя на шырокім патоку думкі, вяртаючыся да Абу Ала Маудуди і егіпецкай інтэлектуальнай Sayyed Qutb.8 гэтая тэндэнцыі думкі цікавая тым, што ў мусульманскім свеце, яна ляжыць у аснове некаторых з найбольш складаных супрацьстаянняў да дыфузіі каштоўнасцяў, якая адбываецца ад Захаду. На аснове рэлігійных каштоўнасцяў, гэтая тэндэнцыя распрацавала палітычную мадэль альтэрнатыву ліберальнай дэмакратыі. наогул кажучы, канцэпцыя дэмакратыі, уключаная ў гэтай ісламскай палітычнай мадэлі з'яўляецца працэдурнай. З некаторымі адрозненнямі, гэтая канцэпцыя натхнёная дэмакратычнымі тэорыі, якая прапагандуецца некаторыя канстытуцыяналісты і палітычныя scientists.10 Гэта тонкае і мінімалізм, да пэўнага моманту. Напрыклад, яна не залежыць ад якога-небудзь паняцця народнага суверэнітэту, і не патрабуе якога-небудзь падзелу паміж рэлігіяй і палітыкай. Першая мэта дадзенай працы складаецца ў распрацоўцы гэтай канцэпцыі мінімалізму. Мы робім дэталёвы пералік яго для таго, каб ізаляваць гэтую канцэпцыю ад яго маральнага (ліберальны) асновы, якія з'яўляюцца спрэчнымі з пэўнай пункту гледжання ісламу разглядаецца тут. Сапраўды, дэмакратычны працэс, як правіла, атрымліваюць з прынцыпу асабістай аўтаноміі, які не адобраны гэтых ісламскіх theories.11 Тут, мы пакажам, што такі прынцып не з'яўляецца неабходным, каб апраўдаць дэмакратычны працэс.

Islam and Islamism in Afghanistan

Kristin Мендоса

The last half-century in particular has seen the recurrent use of religious Islam as

ідэалогія, often referred to as political Islam or Islamism, in groups espousing the

establishment of an Islamic state. Attention was drawn to Afghanistan when it became

the rallying point for Islamists in the 1980s. Аднак, the earlier appearance of an

Islamist movement in Afghanistan in the 1960s and its subsequent development offer an

instructive, unique lesson in understanding Islam and Islamism in Afghan society.

This overview of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan is divided into three

parts: It begins by defining the differing manifestations of Islam in Afghanistan,

indicating how Islamism differs from or draws upon each manifestation in constructing

its own vision. Тады, the broader context of Islamism elsewhere in the Muslim world is

discussed and analyzed. Although the theoretical basis for Islamism was constructed in

the 1960s by Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi in Pakistan and Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, this paper will

show that the Islamist movement in Afghanistan did not mirror those in either of these

countries. To this end, this paper reviews the thought of the above-mentioned

theoreticians of Islamism, and outlines historical and social conditions that colored the

implementation of their models in their respective countries. This leads back to a

discussion of the Afghan context, which makes up the final part of the paper. It is

necessary to review salient aspects of the traditional structure of Afghan society, and the

role Islam has historically played in Afghanistan to understand how the Islamist

experience was shaped and constrained by this structure, as well as how the Islamist

experience has altered it.
As Afghanistan is now faced with the monumental task of rebuilding a state and

legal system, Islamists are attempting to influence the reconstruction. This overview will

underscore for those observing and participating in this process the importance of

understanding the Afghan Islamist perspective, its historical underpinnings, and current

demands.


In the Shadow of an Arab Caesar: Sayyid Qutb and the Radicalization of Modern Islamic Fundamentalism

Research

“We are the umma of the believers, living within a jahili society. As a community of believers we should see ourselves in a state of war with the state and the society. The territory we dwell in is the House of War.”1 These were the words of Sayyid Qutb in an Egyptian military court in April, 1966 before he and two of his companions were sentenced to death by hanging. The offense; conspiring against the government and plotting its overthrow, the evidence used by the state prosecutors in the trial, besides ‘confessions,’ a book, Qutb’s final piece of literature, Ma‘alim fi al-Turuq, Signposts.2 This study does not set out to be a thorough analysis of the political and religious ideology of Sayyid Qutb. Rather it is an attempt to identify the political and social climate in Egypt as the primary motivation which led to the development of Qutb’s radical interpretations of Islam. Notions of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism dominated the political discourse of Qutb’s Egypt and hearts and minds were enraptured by promises of its populist leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser. This chapter in Arab history from the early 1950’s until the late 1960’s is etched in historical memory as the era of pan-Arabism. Аднак, it was also a vital period in the evolution of fundamentalist Islam into its more radical form which first expressed itself in the 1970’s and is until today at the base of radical fundamentalist Islamic thought worldwide. This piece will
demonstrate the principal role played by Sayyid Qutb in this transformation and reveal that radical interpretations of Islam were given impetus to develop in Egypt during this period due to the nature of Nasser’s regime

Мусульманскае братэрства "

Барбара Яго правасхадзіцельства. Zollner

The Muslim Brotherhood is one of the most infl uential Islamist organisations inthe world today. Based in Egypt, its network includes branches in many countriesof the Near and Middle East. Although the organisation has been linked to politicalviolence in the past, it now proposes a politically moderate ideology.This book provides an in-depth analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood duringthe years of al-Hudaybi’s leadership, and how he sought to steer the organisationaway from the radical wing, inspired by Sayyid Qutb, into the more moderateIslamist organisation it is today. It is his legacy which eventually fostered thedevelopment of non-violent political ideas.During the years of persecution, 1954 to 1971, radical and moderate Islamistideas emerged within the Brotherhood’s midst. Sayyid Qutb’s ideas inspired aradical wing evolved which subsequently fed into radical Islamist networks aswe know them today. Усё ж, it was during the same period that al-Hudaybi and hisfollowers proposed a moderate political interpretation, which was adopted by theBrotherhood and which forms its ideological basis today.

Islamic Movements and the Use of Violence:

Эсен Kirdis

.


Despite recent academic and popular focus on violent transnational Islamic terrorist networks,there is a multiplicity of Islamic movements. This multiplicity presents scholars with two puzzles. The first puzzle is understanding why domestic-oriented Islamic movements that were formed as a reaction to the establishment of secular nation-states shifted their activities and targets onto a multi-layered transnational space. The second puzzle is understanding why groups with similar aims and targets adopt different strategies of using violence or nonviolence when they “go transnational.” The two main questions that this paper will address are: Why do Islamic movements go transnational? And, why do they take on different forms when they transnationalize? First, I argue that the transnational level presents a new political venue for Islamic movements which are limited in their claim making at the domestic level. Second, I argue that transnationalization creates uncertainty for groups about their identity and claims at the transnational level. The medium adopted, Я. use of violence versus non-violence, is dependent on type of transnationalization, the actors encounter at the transnational level, and leadership’s interpretations on where the movement should go next. To answer my questions, I will look at four cases: (1) Turkish Islam, (2) Браты-мусульмане, (3) "Джемаа ісламу", і (4) Tablighi Jamaat