Tous les articles taggés avec: "Sayyed Qutb"
Islam en occident
Jocelyne Cesari
Islam et Démocratie: Texte, Tradition, et d'Histoire
Ahmad Ahrar
La vie de Hasan al Banna & Syed Qutb.
Sayyid Qutb: Le Karl Marx de la révolution islamique
Leslie Evans
Les Ikhwan en Amérique du Nord: Un peu d'histoire
Douglas Farah
Ron Sandee
Le procès en cours fédérales contre la Holy Land Foundation pour les secours et le développement (HLF) à Dallas, Texas,1 offre un regard intérieur sans précédent sur l'histoire des Frères musulmans aux États-Unis, ainsi que ses objectifs et sa structure. Les documents parlent de recrutement, organisme, l'idéologie et le développement de l'organisation en différentes phases aux États-Unis. L'accusation dans cette affaire a présenté de nombreux documents internes des Frères musulmans des années 1980 et du début des années 1990 qui donnent une première, vision publique de l'histoire et de l'idéologie derrière les opérations des Frères musulmans (connu sous le nom d'Ikhwan ou Le Groupe) aux Etats-Unis. au cours des quatre dernières décennies. Pour les chercheurs, les documents ont le poids supplémentaire d'être rédigés par les dirigeants Ikhwan eux-mêmes, plutôt que des interprétations de sources secondaires.
L'ISLAMISME DANS LE SUD DE L'EGYPTE
James Toth
For years, religious violence and terrorism in Middle Eastern countries such as Egypthave splashed across the headlines and surged across the screen, announcing yet anotherround of senseless death and destruction. While Arabists and Islamicists attemptto pick their way carefully through the ideological and intellectual minefields to makesense of what is happening, the wider public generally disregards their insights andinstead sticks to what it knows best: deeply ingrained prejudices and biases. Égyptien,Arabe, Muslim—all are painted in a very unfavorable light. Even in Egypt, manybystanders show the same sorry prejudices. In the end, people simply blame the brutalityon inexplicable backward religious ideas and then move on.Yet comprehending terrorism and violence in places such as Egypt by recourse toan unnuanced religious fundamentalism is generally acknowledged not only to begthe question of why these events actually happen, but also to lead to misunderstandingsand misperceptions, and perhaps even to exacerbating existing tensions.1 Mostscholars agree that such seemingly “irrational” social behavior instead needs to beplaced in its appropriate context to be properly understood, and hence made rational.Analyzing these actions, alors, involves situating this violence and destruction in theireconomic, politique, and ideological milieu as these have developed historically, forthis so-called Islamic terrorism does not merely arise, ex nihilo, out of a timeless void.What follows, alors, is one case study of one portion of the Islamic movement as itemerged principally in southern Egypt and as it was revealed through anthropologicalfieldwork conducted in one of this region’s major cities. This account takes a completelydifferent direction from that of stigmatizing this movement as a sordid collectionof terrorist organizations hell bent on the senseless destruction of Egypt and itsIslamic civilization.2 Because this view is somewhat at odds with the perceptions oflocal spectators, Egyptians in Cairo, and non–Egyptians inside and outside the country,I go to some length not only to discuss the movement itself but also to shed lighton why it might have received such negative publicity.
Les Frères musulmans: Hasan al-Hudaybi et idéologie
Barbara SE. Zollner
Hasan Ismail al-Hudaybi a dirigé la Société des Frères musulmans pendant une période de crise et de dissolution. Succeeding Hasan al-Banna’, qui a été le fondateur et le premier dirigeant de l'organisation, al-Hudaybi devait en être le chef pendant plus de vingt ans. During his leadership he faced severe criticism from fellow Brothers.
Following the Revolution of July 1952, il a été opposé à l'antagonisme d'Abd al-Nasir, qui devinrent de plus en plus influents au sein du conseil des principaux Officiers Libres. La détermination d'Abd al-Nasir à contrecarrer la cause de la Confrérie et son influence sur la société faisait partie de son chemin vers le pouvoir absolu. Considérant l'importance des années d'al-Hudaybi en tant que chef des Frères musulmans, it is surprising that there is little scholarly work on the subject.
Si l'on tient compte du fait que ses idées modérées continuent d'avoir une forte influence sur la politique et l'attitude des Frères musulmans d'aujourd'hui, e.g. sa position conciliante envers le système étatique et sa réfutation des idées radicales, le fait que si peu d'attention soit accordée à son écriture est encore plus surprenant. Assurément, il y a eu de l'intérêt pour les Frères musulmans.
Il existe des études assez approfondies sur Hasan al-Banna’: le fondateur et premier dirigeant des Frères musulmans a été décrit comme une figure modèle de la campagne islamique; others depict him as the originator of threatening political activism in the name of Islam.
There has been even more interest in the ideas of Sayyid Qutb; some see him as the ideologue of Islamist radicalism, whose concepts trained extremist groups; others describe him as a victim of state persecution who developed a theology of liberation in reaction to his maltreatment.
No doubt, it is important to examine the work of these thinkers in order to understand currents of Islamist ideology and Islamist movements. Whatever the verdict on al-Banna’ and Qutb, it is a fact that certain ideas of the two thinkers have been incorporated into the modern-day Muslim Brotherhood.
Cependant, this focus has led to an incorrect perception that the Islamic movement is necessarily radical in its thinking and/or militant in its deeds, an assumption which has, in recent years, been questioned by a number of scholars, among them John L. Edwards, Fred Halliday, François Burgat, and Gudrun Krämer.
The following study of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood under the leadership of Hasan al-Hudaybi will form an addition to these theses, addressing and reassessing the viewpoint that political Islam is a monolithic block, all in all disposed towards violent means.
There are reasons why al-Hudaybi is hardly mentioned in the literature on the Muslim Brotherhood. The fi rst that comes to mind is the observation that Islamist movements are, by defi nition, seen as fundamentally radical, anti-democratic and anti-Western.
This reasoning questions any distinction between moderate Islamism and its radical counterpart. The argument goes that both have the objective of establishing an Islamic state system, that they both aim to replace existing secular governance and that they therefore differ only in the degree of their methods, but not in principle.
This book, cependant, clearly joins the scholarly circle on political Islam, which identifi es arguments such as these as neo-Orientalist. As Esposito shows, this approach to political Islam is based on what he terms ‘secular fundamentalism’.
The external view of political Islam is focused primarily on radical thought, and this may be due to the creation, on the part of power politics, of a fear of Islam as a religion, which is different, strange and seemingly in opposition to
Western thought. Alternatively, it may be because radical or even militant groups are constantly appearing in the media by reason of their actions. En réalité, militant Islamists actually seek such publicity.
While radical thought and militant action make it necessary to study extremist groups, the focus on terrorism in the name of Islam marginalises moderate Islamists.
It also makes it difficult to explain the differences between radical and moderate Islamism. In effect, the scholarly focus on radical or militant groups reinforces the generally negative public perception of Islam in the West.
A further reason why al-Hudaybi in particular has not been studied by Western scholars has to do with the internal affairs of the Brotherhood. It is astonishing that his name is not mentioned much by the writers of the Muslim Brotherhood itself. There is no simple explanation for this.
One reason may be that members particularly stress their sympathies for al-Banna’, depicting him as an ideal leader who died for his activist convictions. Cependant, as many Brothers endured imprisonment, hard labour and even torture insideAbd al-Nasir’s prisons and camps, their personal histories have resulted in a dearth of discourse on Hasan al-Hudaybi.
Ainsi, there is a tendency to remember al-Hudaybi’s period of leadership as a time of near defeat and destruction. Still, the experiences of the persecuted are caught in the ambiguous relationship between forgetting and reappraisal.
Many personal accounts of the time have been published since the mid 1970s, 2 narrating stories of torture and stressing steadfastness of faith. Only a few of the books written by Muslim Brothers take a broader approach, which includes discussion of a crisis within the organisation and of al-Hudaybi’s part therein. Those authors who do tackle this issue not only reveal the society’s weak position vis-à-vis Abd al-Nasir, but also expose signs of disintegration within the
Frères musulmans. 3 This has led to differing attitudes towards al-Hudaybi, with most portraying him as an incompetent leader lacking the charismatic personality of his predecessor, al-Banna’. En particulier, he was accused of not commanding the authority to bring together the different wings of the Muslim Brotherhood or to adopt a strong position in relation to the authoritarian state system.
In the latter view lies an ambiguity, for it would appear to show al-Hudaybi not just as a failure, but also as a victim of the political situation. Pour terminer, these accounts reveal an ideological gap which opened at the beginning of the period of persecution in 1954.
To a certain extent, Sayyid Qutb fi lled this gap. During his imprisonment he developed a radical approach, rejecting the then state system as illegitimate and ‘un-Islamic’. In developing a revolutionary concept and explaining thereby the reasons underlying the persecution, he turned the condition of victimisation into one of pride.
Ainsi, he gave many imprisoned Muslim Brothers, particularly young members, an ideology that they could hold on to.
It has to be said that al-Hudaybi did not react decisively to the situation of internal crisis and dissolution. En effet, to a certain extent his indecisiveness triggered this situation.
This was especially obvious during the period of persecution (1954–71), when he omitted to provide any guidelines to help in overcoming the feeling hopelessness ushered in by Abd al-Nasir’s mass imprisonments. His reaction to the radical ideas which fl ourished in the prisons and camps among certain, especially young, members came fairly late.
Even then, his scholarly and juridical argumentation did not have the same sweeping effect as Sayyid Qutb’s writings. Dans 1969, al-Hudaybi proposed a moderate concept in his writing Duat la Qudat (Preachers not Judges).
This writing, which was secretly distributed among fellow Brothers, is considered the fi rst substantial refutation of Sayyid Qutb’s ideas. 5 Qutb, who was hanged in 1966, was by then considered to be a martyr, his thoughts already having a considerable infl uence.
This does not mean that the majority of Muslim Brothers did not pursue a moderate approach, but the lack of guidelines left them voiceless and reinforced the perception of al-Hudaybi as a weak leader.
Néanmoins, al-Hudayb’is moderate thought had an impact on his fellow Muslim Brothers. After the general amnesty of 1971, al-Hudaybi played a major part in the re-establishment of the organisation. Although he died in 1973, his moderate and conciliatory ideas continued to be relevant.
The fact that close companions such as Muhammad Hamid Abu Nasr, Umar al-Tilmisani and Muhammad Mashhur, who died recently, succeeded him as leaders shows the continuance of his thought.
en outre, his son Ma’mun al-Hudaybi has played a major role in his capacity as the Brotherhood’s secretary and spokesman.
Another reason why his thinking became important lies in the changed attitude towards the Muslim Brotherhood since Anwar al-Sadat’s presidency. Al-Sadat, who succeeded Abd al-Nasir, released the imprisoned Brothers and offered the organisation a half-legal though not offi cially recognised status.
A period of reorganisation (1971–77) followed, during which the government lifted the censorship of books written by Muslim Brothers. Many memoirs of formerly imprisoned members were published, such as Zaynab al-Ghazali’s account or al-Hudaybi’s book Du<at la Qudat (Preachers not Judges).
Dealing with the past, these books did not merely preserve the memory of the cruelties of Abd al-Nasir’s persecution.
Al-Sadat followed his own agenda when he allowed these publications to fi ll the market; this was a deliberate political stratagem, implying a change of direction and aimed at distancing the new government from the old.
The posthumous publication of al-Hudaybi’s writings was not merely aimed at providing ideological guidance to the Muslim Brothers; they were distributed because of their statements against radical thought, and were thus used to address a new and rising problem, namely the establishment of Islamist groups, which began to fi ght actively against the political system in the early 1970s. In these terms, Duat la Qudat remains an important critique of radical thought.
Hasan al-Hudaybi’s main aim was to change society, Je. Egyptian society, lequel, in his view, was not aware of the political nature of Islamic belief. Ainsi, real change could only be brought about through creating awareness and by tackling the issue of Islamic identity (as opposed to a Western perception).
Only through developing a sense of Islamic consciousness could the ultimate goal of the establishment of an Islamic society be reached. Given this approach, al-Hudaybi refuted revolutionary overthrow, instead preaching gradual development from within. A major point was therefore education and social engagement, as well as participation in the political system, appealing by means of mission ( dawa ) to the consciousness of the individual believer.
This path of his is now followed by today’s Muslim Brotherhood, which endeavors to be recognised as a political party and which infl uences political decision making by infi ltrating the political participatory structures (parlement, administration, organisations non gouvernementales).
This study of the Muslim Brotherhood from the 1950s until the early 1970s, donc, is not only a piece of research into the modern political history of Egypt and an analysis of a religious ideology, but has also a relationship to current politics.