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A Kepulauan Muslim

Max L. Kotor

This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.

Demokrasi dalam Pemikiran Politik Islam

Azzam S. Tamimi

Democracy has preoccupied Arab political thinkers since the dawn of the modern Arab renaissance about two centuries ago. Since then, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, bapak demokrasi Mesir menurut Lewis Awad,[3] yang tak lama setelah kembali ke Kairo dari Paris menerbitkan buku pertamanya, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, di 1834. Buku itu merangkum pengamatannya tentang tata krama dan kebiasaan orang Prancis modern,[4] dan memuji konsep demokrasi seperti yang dia lihat di Prancis dan saat dia menyaksikan pembelaan dan penegasannya melalui 1830 Revolusi melawan Raja Charles X.[5] Tahtawi mencoba menunjukkan bahwa konsep demokrasi yang ia jelaskan kepada para pembacanya sesuai dengan hukum Islam. Ia membandingkan pluralisme politik dengan bentuk-bentuk pluralisme ideologis dan yurisprudensi yang ada dalam pengalaman Islam:
Kebebasan beragama adalah kebebasan berkeyakinan, pendapat dan sekte, asalkan tidak bertentangan dengan asas-asas agama . . . The same would apply to the freedom of political practice and opinion by leading administrators, who endeavour to interpret and apply rules and provisions in accordance with the laws of their own countries. Kings and ministers are licensed in the realm of politics to pursue various routes that in the end serve one purpose: good administration and justice.[6] One important landmark in this regard was the contribution of Khairuddin At-Tunisi (1810- 99), leader of the 19th-century reform movement in Tunisia, siapa, di 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.

Budaya Politik Islam, Demokrasi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia

Daniel E. Harga

Telah berpendapat bahwa Islam memfasilitasi otoriterisme, contradicts the

values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes

in Muslim nations. Karenanya, sarjana, komentator, and government

officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next

ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, Namun, is based primarily

on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies

of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention

that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,

can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country

specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help

us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the

countries of the Muslim world. Karenanya, a new approach to the study of the

connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,

demokrasi, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much

emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first

use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay

between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

Budaya Politik Islam, Demokrasi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia

Daniel E. Harga

Telah berpendapat bahwa Islam memfasilitasi otoriterisme, contradicts the

values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes
in Muslim nations. Karenanya, sarjana, komentator, and government
officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next
ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, Namun, is based primarily
on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies
of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention
that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,
can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country
specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help
us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the
countries of the Muslim world. Karenanya, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,
demokrasi, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much
emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first
use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay
between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

Pihak Oposisi Islam dan Potensi Engagement Uni Eropa

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

In light of the increasing importance of Islamist movements in the Muslim world and

the way that radicalisation has influenced global events since the turn of the century, dia

is important for the EU to evaluate its policies towards actors within what can be loosely

termed the ‘Islamic world’. It is particularly important to ask whether and how to engage

with the various Islamist groups.

This remains controversial even within the EU. Some feel that the Islamic values that

lie behind Islamist parties are simply incompatible with western ideals of democracy and

hak asasi manusia, while others see engagement as a realistic necessity due to the growing

domestic importance of Islamist parties and their increasing involvement in international

affairs. Another perspective is that democratisation in the Muslim world would increase

European security. The validity of these and other arguments over whether and how the

EU should engage can only be tested by studying the different Islamist movements and

their political circumstances, country by country.

Democratisation is a central theme of the EU’s common foreign policy actions, as laid

out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union. Many of the states considered in this

report are not democratic, or not fully democratic. In most of these countries, Islamis

parties and movements constitute a significant opposition to the prevailing regimes, dan

in some they form the largest opposition bloc. European democracies have long had to

deal with governing regimes that are authoritarian, but it is a new phenomenon to press

for democratic reform in states where the most likely beneficiaries might have, from the

EU’s point of view, different and sometimes problematic approaches to democracy and its

related values, such as minority and women’s rights and the rule of law. These charges are

often laid against Islamist movements, so it is important for European policy-makers to

have an accurate picture of the policies and philosophies of potential partners.

Experiences from different countries tends to suggest that the more freedom Islamist

parties are allowed, the more moderate they are in their actions and ideas. In many

cases Islamist parties and groups have long since shifted away from their original aim

of establishing an Islamic state governed by Islamic law, and have come to accept basic

democratic principles of electoral competition for power, the existence of other political

competitors, and political pluralism.

Demokratisasi dan Islam Politik: Sebuah Studi Mengenai Partai Wasat di Mesir

Takayuki Yokota

The aim of this article is to explore the often contradictory correlation between democratization and Islamic politics in Egypt, berfokus pada sebuah partai politik baru Islam, Partai Wasat (Ḥizb al-Wasaṭ).
Secara teoretis, democratization and Islamic politics are not incompatible if Islamic political organizations can and do operate within a legal and democratic framework. Di sisi lain, this requires democratic tolerance by governments for Islamic politics, as long as they continue to act within a legal framework. Di Timur Tengah, Namun, Islamic political parties are often suspected of having undemocratic agendas, and governments have often used this suspicion as a justification to curb democratization. This is also the case with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (Jam'īya al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin) di bawah rezim Husni Mubarak. Although the Brotherhood is a mainstream Islamic movement in Egypt, operasi terbuka dan menikmati popularitas yang cukup besar,
pemerintah berturut-turut tidak pernah berubah status ilegal untuk lebih dari setengah abad. Some of the Brotherhood members decided to form the Wasat Party as its legal political organ in order to break this stalemate.
Ada beberapa studi mengenai Partai Wasat. Stacher [2002] analyzes the “Platform of the Egyptian Wasat Party” [Hizb al-Wasat al-Misri 1998] and explains the basic principles of the Wasat Party as follows: demokrasi, syariah (Hukum Islam), hak-hak perempuan, and Muslim- Christian relations. Tukang roti [2003] regards the Wasat Party as one of the new Islamist groups that have appeared in contemporary Egypt, dan analisis ideologinya sesuai. Wickham [2004] discusses the moderation of Islamic movements in Egypt and the attempt to form the Wasat Party from the perspective of comparative politics. Norton [2005] examines the ideology and activities of the Wasat Party in connection with the Brotherhood’s political activities. As these earlier studies are mainly concerned with the Wasat Party during the 1990s and the early 2000s, I will examine the ideology and activities of the Wasat Party till the rise of the democratization movement in Egypt in around 2005. Aku akan melakukannya berdasarkan dokumen Partai Wasat's, seperti
sebagai "Platform Partai Wasat Baru" [Hizb al-Wasat al-Jadid 2004]1), and my interviews with its members.

The Kehidupan Hasan Al Banna & Syed Qutb.

Ikhwanul Muslimin (Ikhwan al Muslimin) didirikan oleh Hasan al-Banna (1906-1949) di kota al . Mesir- Ismailiyah dalam 1928. Putra seorang ulama Azhari, yang mencari nafkah dengan memperbaiki jam tangan, Hasan al-Banna menunjukkan sejak awal
masa sekolah merupakan kecenderungan dan semangat besar untuk menyeru orang kepada nilai-nilai dan tradisi Islam. Rasa religiusitas dan kesadaran spiritualnya yang kuat mendorongnya untuk bergabung dengan tarekat Hasafiyyah, salah satu dari sekian banyak tarekat sufi yang tersebar luas di Mesir saat itu. Meskipun dia tidak secara resmi terkait dengan tarekat ini setelah dia mendirikan Ikhwan, dia, namun demikian, menjaga hubungan baik dengannya, seperti halnya dengan organisasi-organisasi Islam dan tokoh-tokoh agama lainnya, dan bertahan dalam melafalkan litani (penghargaan, tolong. kemauan) dari tarekat ini sampai hari-hari terakhirnya. Though Hasan al-Banna joined a modern-type school of education, he promised his father that he would continue to memorize the Qur’an, which he did, in fact later, at the age of twelve. While at school, he took part in the activities of some religious associations and clubs which were promoting it and calling for the observance of Islamic teachings .

Sayyid Qutb: The Karl Marx Revolusi Islam

Leslie Evans

Sayyid Qutb (Oktober 9, 1906-Agustus 29, 1966), kritikus sastra Mesir, filsuf, dan teori gerakan jihad kontemporer hanya menjadi satu nama yang terkenal di Barat dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, tapi tulisan beliau yang luas telah dan terus memiliki dampak yang sangat besar di dunia Muslim. Hal ini tidak berlebihan untuk mengatakan bahwa hampir tidak mungkin untuk memahami alasan dan tujuan dari militan Islam tanpa keakraban beberapa dengan pandangan Qutb (diucapkan KUH-tahb) diucapkan.
Sebuah pencarian dari kembali tidak kurang dari tujuh buku dalam bahasa Inggris tentang Sayyid Quthb serta koleksi tulisan-tulisannya dan banyak buku sendiri dalam terjemahan. Kedua bekerja menyentuh di sini adalah hanya random sampling dari sebuah literatur yang sangat besar yang lagi tapi sebagian kecil menit dari apa yang ada dalam bahasa Arab. Kedua sangat berbeda dalam lingkup dan sikap. Adnan Ayyub Musallam, penduduk asli Palestina dari Betlehem, meraih gelar doktor dari University of Michigan
dan saat ini profesor sejarah, politik, dan budaya penelitian di Universitas Betlehem di Tepi Barat. biografi-Nya umumnya simpatik tetapi sangat penting berkonsentrasi pada politik berkembang afiliasi Quthb dan pemikiran. Potongan cukup singkat dan lebih kritis oleh Paul Berman untuk New York Times melihat teologi Quthb dan membantu untuk mengklarifikasi argumen dengan Kristen dan sekularisme Barat.
Brilliant dari masa mudanya awal, Sayyid Quthb adalah seorang tokoh tidak mungkin untuk melayani sebagai inspirasi untuk sebuah gerakan revolusioner global. Meskipun untuk jangka waktu singkat ia adalah seorang anggota militan Muslim Brothers, di mana ia menjabat sebagai editor bukan sebagai seorang organisator, ia menghabiskan sebagian besar hidupnya sebagai seorang intelektual tunggal. Dimana Marx, ahli teori komunisme dunia, bekerja di British Museum, Sayyid Qutb menulis karya-karyanya yang paling berpengaruh di sebuah penjara Mesir, di mana ia menghabiskan sebagian besar sebelas tahun terakhir hidupnya, sampai eksekusi oleh pemerintah Nasser di 1966. Bahkan giliran untuk Islam dengan cara apapun yang serius tidak berlangsung sampai ia empat puluh tahun, namun di penjara lima puluhan ia menghasilkan pemikiran ulang kontroversial agama yang bergema di seluruh dunia.
Quthb dilahirkan di desa Musha, antara Kairo dan Aswan dalam sebuah keluarga pemilik tanah kecil. Ia dikirim ke madrasah setempat, sekolah pemerintah, daripada Kuttab masih lebih religius, sekolah Islam, tapi dia memenangkan sebuah kontes antara dua sekolah untuk menghafal Alquran terbaik. Dia ingat hidupnya di sana dalam bekerja hanya biografi nya, “Anak dari Desa,” merekam kebiasaan lokal dan takhayul. Dari masa itu ia memperoleh kepercayaan dalam dunia roh bahwa ia membawa bersamanya sepanjang hidupnya

Dalam Shadow dari Caesar Arab: Sayyid Quthb dan Radikalisasi Fundamentalisme Islam Modern


“We are the umma of the believers, living within a jahili society. As a community of believers we should see ourselves in a state of war with the state and the society. The territory we dwell in is the House of War.”1 These were the words of Sayyid Qutb in an Egyptian military court in April, 1966 before he and two of his companions were sentenced to death by hanging. The offense; conspiring against the government and plotting its overthrow, the evidence used by the state prosecutors in the trial, besides ‘confessions,’ a book, Qutb’s final piece of literature, Ma‘alim fi al-Turuq, Signposts.2 This study does not set out to be a thorough analysis of the political and religious ideology of Sayyid Qutb. Rather it is an attempt to identify the political and social climate in Egypt as the primary motivation which led to the development of Qutb’s radical interpretations of Islam. Notions of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism dominated the political discourse of Qutb’s Egypt and hearts and minds were enraptured by promises of its populist leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser. This chapter in Arab history from the early 1950’s until the late 1960’s is etched in historical memory as the era of pan-Arabism. Namun, it was also a vital period in the evolution of fundamentalist Islam into its more radical form which first expressed itself in the 1970’s and is until today at the base of radical fundamentalist Islamic thought worldwide. This piece will
demonstrate the principal role played by Sayyid Qutb in this transformation and reveal that radical interpretations of Islam were given impetus to develop in Egypt during this period due to the nature of Nasser’s regime

Politik Islam di Timur Tengah

Apakah Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. Laporan ini memberikan penekanan khusus untuk Timur Tengah, di

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Namun, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

Pihak Islam : mengapa mereka tidak bisa demokratis

Bassam Tibi

Noting Islamism’s growing appeal and strength on the ground, many

Western scholars and officials have been grasping for some way to take

an inclusionary approach toward it. In keeping with this desire, memiliki

become fashionable contemptuously to dismiss the idea of insisting on

clear and rigorous distinctions as “academic.” When it comes to Islam

and democracy, this deplorable fashion has been fraught with unfortunate


Diskusi cerdas tentang Islamisme, demokrasi, dan Islam mewajibkan

definisi yang jelas dan akurat. Tanpa mereka, analisis akan runtuh menjadi

kebingungan dan pembuatan kebijakan akan menderita. Pandangan saya sendiri, terbentuk setelah

tiga puluh tahun studi dan refleksi tentang masalah ini, apakah itu Islam dan

demokrasi memang cocok, asalkan agama tertentu yang diperlukan

reformasi dilakukan. Kecenderungan untuk mewujudkan reformasi semacam itu adalah—

Saya melihat kurang dalam Islam politik. Ketertarikan saya sendiri—sebagai orang Arab-

Ahli teori dan praktisi prodemokrasi Muslim—adalah untuk mempromosikan kemapanan

demokrasi sekuler dalam lingkup peradaban Islam.

Untuk membantu menghilangkan kebingungan yang terlalu sering terjadi

topik ini, Saya akan menjelaskan beberapa poin dasar yang perlu diingat. Yang pertama adalah

bahwa, sejauh ini, Praktik Barat vis-`a-vis Islam politik telah salah

karena mereka tidak memiliki dasar penilaian yang beralasan.

Kecuali keberuntungan buta campur tangan, tidak ada kebijakan yang lebih baik dari penilaian

yang menjadi dasar. Penilaian yang tepat adalah awal dari

semua kebijaksanaan praktis.

Pihak Islam : kembali ke asal

Husain Haqqani

Hillel Fradkin

Bagaimana seharusnya kita memahami munculnya dan sifat partai-partai Islam? Dapatkah mereka cukup diharapkan tidak hanya untuk berpartisipasi dalam politik demokratis tetapi bahkan untuk menghormati norma-norma demokrasi liberal? Pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini terletak di jantung masalah yang kita telah diminta untuk mengatasi.
In our view, any response that is historically and thus practically relevant must begin with the following observation: Until very recently, even the idea of an Islamist party (let alone a democratic Islamist party) would have seemed, from the perspective of Islamism itself, a paradox if not a contradiction in terms. Islamism’s original conception of a healthy Islamic political life made no room for—indeed rejected—any role for parties of any sort. Islamist groups described themselves as the vanguard of Islamic revival, claiming that they represented the essence of Islam and reflected the aspiration of the global umma (community of believers) for an Islamic polity. Pluralism, which is a precondition for the operation of political parties, was rejected by most Islamist political
thinkers as a foreign idea.
As should be more or less obvious, the novelty not only of actually existing Islamist parties but of the very idea of such parties makes it exceptionally difficult to assess their democratic bona fides. But this difficulty merely adds another level of complication to a problem that stems from the very origins of Islamism and its conception of the true meaning of Islam and of Islam’s relationship to political life




Politik Islam adalah kekuatan politik yang paling aktif di Timur Tengah hari ini. masa depan adalah terkait erat dengan daerah. Jika Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa berkomitmen untuk mendukung reformasi politik di daerah, mereka akan perlu untuk merancang beton, koheren strategi untuk melibatkan kelompok-kelompok Islam. Belum, Amerika Serikat. secara umum telah bersedia untuk membuka dialog dengan gerakan-gerakan ini. Demikian pula, keterlibatan Uni Eropa dengan Islam telah pengecualian, tidak aturan. Dimana tingkat rendah ada kontak, mereka terutama melayani tujuan pengumpulan-informasi, tidak strategis tujuan. Amerika Serikat. dan Uni Eropa memiliki sejumlah program yang menangani pembangunan ekonomi dan politik di wilayah ini - di antara mereka di Timur Tengah Inisiatif Kemitraan (MEPI), Millennium Challenge Corporation (PKS), Uni untuk Mediterania, dan Kebijakan Lingkungan Eropa (EPP) - Namun mereka memiliki sedikit untuk mengatakan tentang bagaimana tantangan oposisi Islam politik pas dengan tujuan regional yang lebih luas. AS. dan Uni Eropa demokrasi bantuan dan program diarahkan hampir seluruhnya baik pemerintah otoriter sendiri atau kelompok-kelompok masyarakat sipil sekuler dengan dukungan minimal dalam masyarakat mereka sendiri.
Waktu yang matang untuk penilaian ulang kebijakan saat ini. Sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001, mendukung demokrasi di Timur Tengah telah mengambil kepentingan yang lebih besar bagi para pembuat kebijakan Barat, yang melihat hubungan antara kurangnya demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. Perhatian yang lebih besar telah dikhususkan untuk memahami variasi dalam Islam politik. Pemerintah Amerika baru yang lebih terbuka untuk memperluas komunikasi dengan dunia Muslim. Sementara itu, sebagian besar organisasi Islam mainstream - termasuk Ikhwanul Muslimin di Mesir, Yordania Front Aksi Islam (IAF), Maroko Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (PJD), Gerakan Konstitusi Islam Kuwait, dan Yaman Islah Partai - telah semakin membuat dukungan bagi reformasi politik dan demokrasi komponen utama dalam platform politik mereka. Selain, banyak telah mengisyaratkan minat yang kuat dalam membuka dialog dengan AS. dan pemerintah Uni Eropa.
Masa depan hubungan antara negara-negara Barat dan Timur Tengah mungkin sebagian besar ditentukan oleh sejauh mana yang pertama melibatkan partai-partai Islam anti kekerasan dalam dialog yang luas tentang kepentingan bersama dan tujuan. Telah ada proliferasi baru-baru ini studi tentang keterlibatan dengan Islamis, tetapi sedikit alamat jelas apa yang mungkin memerlukan dalam praktek. Sebagai Nautré Zoe, mengunjungi rekan-rekan di Dewan Hubungan Luar Negeri Jerman, dikatakan, "Uni Eropa berpikir tentang keterlibatan tetapi tidak benar-benar tahu bagaimana." 1 Dalam harapan mengklarifikasi diskusi, kita membedakan antara tiga tingkat "keterlibatan,"Masing-masing dengan cara yang bervariasi dan berakhir: tingkat rendah kontak, dialog strategis, dan kemitraan.

Pihak Islam : partisipasi tanpa kekuasaan

Malika Zeghal

Over the last two decades, social and political movements grounding their ideologies in references to Islam have sought to become legal political parties in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Some of these Islamist movements have been authorized to take part lawfully in electoral competition. Among the best known is Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won a parliamentary majority in 2002 and has led the government ever since. Morocco’s own Party of Justice and Development (PJD) has been legal since the mid- 1990s and commands a significant bloc of seats in Parliament. Di Mesir, Ikhwanul Muslimin (MB) has never been authorized to form a political party, but in spite of state repression it has successfully run candidates as nominal independents in both national and local elections.
Sejak awal 1990-an, this trend has gone hand-in-hand with official policies of limited political liberalization. Together, the two trends have occasioned a debate about whether these movements are committed to “democracy.” A vast literature has sprung up to underline the paradoxes as well as the possible risks and benefits of including Islamist parties in the electoral process. The main paradigm found in this body of writing focuses on the consequences that might ensue when Islamists use democratic instruments, and seeks to divine the “true” intentions that Islamists will manifest if they come to power.

Amerika Menyelesaikan islamis Dilema: Pelajaran dari Asia Selatan dan Tenggara

Shadi Hamid
AS. upaya untuk mempromosikan demokrasi di Timur Tengah telah lama lumpuh oleh "dilema Islam": dalam teori, kami ingin demokrasi, tapi, dalam praktek, takut bahwa partai-partai Islam akan menjadi penerima manfaat utama dari pembukaan politik. Manifestasi paling tragis dari ini adalah bencana Aljazair dari 1991 dan 1992, ketika Amerika Serikat berdiri diam sementara militer sekuler yang kukuh membatalkan pemilihan setelah sebuah partai Islam memenangkan mayoritas parlemen. Baru-baru ini, pemerintahan Bush mundur dari “agenda kebebasan” setelah para Islamis melakukannya dengan sangat baik dalam pemilihan umum di seluruh wilayah, termasuk di Mesir, Arab Saudi, dan wilayah Palestina.
Tetapi bahkan ketakutan kita terhadap partai-partai Islam—dan penolakan yang diakibatkannya untuk terlibat dengan mereka—sendiri tidak konsisten, berlaku untuk beberapa negara tetapi tidak untuk negara lain. Semakin bahwa suatu negara dipandang penting bagi kepentingan keamanan nasional Amerika, Amerika Serikat yang kurang bersedia menerima kelompok-kelompok Islamis yang memiliki peran politik yang menonjol di sana. Namun, in countries seen as less strategically relevant, and where less is at stake, the United States has occasionally taken a more nuanced approach. But it is precisely where more is at stake that recognizing a role for nonviolent Islamists is most important, dan, sini, American policy continues to fall short.
Throughout the region, the United States has actively supported autocratic regimes and given the green light for campaigns of repression against groups such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the oldest and most influential political movement in the region. Di bulan Maret 2008, during what many observers consider to be the worst period of anti-Brotherhood repression since the 1960s, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice waived a $100 million congressionally mandated reduction of military aid to Egypt. The situation in Jordan is similar. The Bush administration and the Democratic congress have hailed the country as a “model” of Arab reform at precisely the same time that it has been devising new ways to manipulate the electoral process to limit Islamist representation, and just as it held elections plagued by widespread allegations of outright fraud
and rigging.1 This is not a coincidence. Egypt and Jordan are the only two Arab countries that have signed peace treaties with Israel. Lagi pula, they are seen as crucial to U.S. efforts to counter Iran, stabilize Iraq, and combat terrorism.

Pihak Islam : Tiga jenis gerakan

Tamara Cofman

Antara 1991 dan 2001, dunia politik Islam menjadi jauh lebih beragam. Hari ini, istilah "Islamis"—digunakan untuk menggambarkan perspektif politik yang diinformasikan secara terpusat oleh seperangkat interpretasi dan komitmen agama—dapat diterapkan pada beragam kelompok sehingga hampir tidak berarti.. Ini mencakup semua orang mulai dari teroris yang menerbangkan pesawat ke World Trade Center hingga legislator yang dipilih secara damai di Kuwait yang telah memilih mendukung hak pilih perempuan..
Namun, keunggulan gerakan Islam—legal dan ilegal, kekerasan dan damai—dalam barisan oposisi politik di seluruh dunia Arab membuat perlunya menarik perbedaan yang relevan menjadi jelas. Wacana keagamaan kaum Islamis kini tak terhindarkan menjadi pusat politik Arab. Diskusi kebijakan konvensional melabeli Islamis sebagai “moderat” atau “radikal”.,” umumnya mengkategorikan mereka menurut dua kriteria yang agak longgar dan tidak membantu. Yang pertama adalah kekerasan: Radikal menggunakannya dan moderat tidak. Ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana mengklasifikasikan kelompok yang tidak terlibat dalam kekerasan tetapi yang memaafkan, membenarkan, atau bahkan secara aktif mendukung kekerasan orang lain. Sebentar, hanya kriteria yang agak lebih membatasi adalah apakah kelompok atau individu yang bersangkutan
menerima aturan permainan pemilu yang demokratis. Kedaulatan rakyat bukanlah konsesi kecil bagi kaum Islamis tradisional, banyak dari mereka menolak pemerintah yang dipilih secara demokratis sebagai perampas kedaulatan Tuhan.
Namun komitmen terhadap aturan prosedural pemilu demokratis tidak sama dengan komitmen terhadap politik atau pemerintahan yang demokratis.