Entries Tagged Kwa: "Mashariki ya kati"
Arab Kesho
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Oktoba 6, 1981, Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan' 1973 Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan',Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.,moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., na hisia yangu ya wajibu wa uandishi wa habari ilinisukuma kwenda kujua kama Sadat alikuwa hai au amekufa.
Demokrasia huria na Uislamu wa Kisiasa: Utafutaji wa Sehemu ya Kawaida.
Mostapha Benhenda
Uislam upya
Matta Azzam
Iraq na Baadaye ya Uislamu wa Kisiasa
James Piscatori
Misri kwenye Kituo cha Tipping ?
Mizizi Ya Utaifa Katika Ulimwengu Wa Kiislamu
Shabir Ahmed
Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu
Daniel E. Bei
Vyama vya Upinzani vya Kiisilamu na Uwezo wa Ushirikiano wa EU
Toby Archer
Heidi Huuhtanen
UTAWALA WA KIISLAMU KWENYE PAMBANO
The United States no doubt will be involved in the Middle East for many decades. To be sure, settling the Israeli–Palestinian dispute or alleviating poverty could help to stem the tides of Islamic radicalism and anti-American sentiment. But on an ideological level, we must confront a specific interpretation of Islamic law, history,and scripture that is a danger to both the United States and its allies. To win that ideological war, we must understand the sources of both Islamic radicalism and liberalism. We need to comprehend more thoroughly the ways in which militants misinterpret and pervert Islamic scripture. Al-Qaeda has produced its own group of spokespersons who attempt to provide religious legitimacy to the nihilism they preach. Many frequently quote from the Quran and hadith (the Prophet Muhammad’s sayings and deeds) in a biased manner to draw justification for their cause. Lieutenant Commander Youssef Aboul-Enein and Dr. Sherifa Zuhur delve into the Quran and hadith to articulate a means by which Islamic militancy can be countered ideologically, drawing many of their insights from these and other classical Islamic texts. In so doing, they expose contradictions and alternative approaches in the core principles that groups like al-Qaeda espouse. The authors have found that proper use of Islamic scripture actually discredits the tactics of al-Qaeda and other jihadist organizations. This monograph provides a basis for encouraging our Muslim allies to challenge the theology supported by Islamic militants. Seeds of doubt planted in the minds of suicide bombers might dissuade them from carrying out their missions. The Strategic Studies Institute is pleased to offer this study of Islamic rulings on warfare to the national defense community as an effort to contribute to the ongoing debate over how to defeat Islamic militancy.
KUPANDA KWA “DEMOKRASI YA WAISLAMU”
Vali Nasr
A specter is haunting the Muslim world. This particular specter is notthe malign and much-discussed spirit of fundamentalist extremism, nor yet the phantom hope known as liberal Islam. Instead, the specter that I have in mind is a third force, a hopeful if still somewhat ambiguoustrend that I call—in a conscious evocation of the political tradition associated with the Christian Democratic parties of Europe—“Muslim Democracy.”The emergence and unfolding of Muslim Democracy as a “fact on the ground” over the last fifteen years has been impressive. This is so even though all its exponents have thus far eschewed that label1 and even though the lion’s share of scholarly and political attention has gone to the question of how to promote religious reform within Islam as a prelude to democratization.2 Since the early 1990s, political openings in anumber of Muslim-majority countries—all, admittedly, outside the Arabworld—have seen Islamic-oriented (but non-Islamist) parties vying successfullyfor votes in Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan (beforeits 1999 military coup), and Turkey.Unlike Islamists, with their visions of rule by shari‘a (Islamic law) oreven a restored caliphate, Muslim Democrats view political life with apragmatic eye. They reject or at least discount the classic Islamist claim that Islam commands the pursuit of a shari‘a state, and their main goaltends to be the more mundane one of crafting viable electoral platform sand stable governing coalitions to serve individual and collective interests—Islamic as well as secular—within a democratic arena whosebounds they respect, win or lose. Islamists view democracy not as something deeply legitimate, but at best as a tool or tactic that may be useful in gaining the power to build an Islamic state.
Hamas na mageuzi ya kisiasa mashariki ya kati
Udugu wa Kiislam huko Misri
William Thomasson
Je, Uislamu ni dini ya vurugu? Je, dhana inayotumika sana ambayo Waislamu wote wanaipinga vikali tamaduni za "kafiri" ni sahihi?? Ulimwengu wa leo unakabiliwa na nyuso mbili zinazopingana za Uislamu; mmoja akiwa mwenye amani, kubadilika, Uislamu wa kisasa, na yule mwingine mwenye msimamo mkali kabisa na dhidi ya mambo yote yasiyo ya Kiislamu au ambayo yanaweza kuharibu utamaduni wa Kiislamu. Vielelezo vyote viwili, ingawa inaonekana kupinga, kuchanganya na kuingiliana, na ndio mizizi ya mkanganyiko juu ya utambulisho wa kweli wa Uislamu wa kisasa. Ukuu wa Uislamu hufanya iwe vigumu kuuchambua, lakini mtu anaweza kuzingatia eneo fulani la Kiislamu na kujifunza mengi kuhusu Uislamu kwa ujumla wake. Kwa kweli, mtu anaweza kufanya hivi na Misri, hasa uhusiano kati ya jamii ya Wafundamentalisti inayojulikana kama Muslim Brotherhood na serikali ya Misri na idadi ya watu. Nyuso mbili zinazopingana za Uislamu zinawasilishwa nchini Misri kwa sehemu inayoweza kudhibitiwa, kutoa mfano mdogo wa mapambano ya jumla ya mataifa mengi ya Uislamu wa leo. Katika juhudi za kuonesha mfano wa nafasi ya Wasimamizi wa Kiislamu, na uhusiano wao na jamii ya Kiislamu kwa ujumla katika mjadala wa sasa kuhusu Uislamu ni nini, insha hii itatoa historia ya Jumuiya ya Ndugu Waislam, maelezo ya jinsi shirika lilivyoanzishwa, ilifanya kazi, na ilipangwa, na muhtasari wa shughuli za Ndugu na mvuto juu ya utamaduni wa Misri. Hakika, kwa kufanya hivyo, mtu anaweza kupata ufahamu wa kina wa jinsi Wafuasi wa imani za Kiislamu wanavyoufasiri Uislamu
Evolution Siasa ya Muslim Brotherhood nchini Misri
Stephen Bennett
“Mwenyezi Mungu ndiye lengo letu. Mtume ndiye kiongozi wetu. Qur’an ni sheria yetu. Jihad ni njia yetu. Kufa katika njia ya Mwenyezi Mungu ndilo tumaini letu kuu.”
Tangu siku zake za mwanzo nchini Misri chama cha Muslim Brotherhood kimezua utata mwingi, kama wengine wanavyosema kuwa shirika hilo linatetea vurugu kwa jina la Uislamu. Kwa mujibu wa Dk. Mamoun Fandy wa James A. Taasisi ya Sera ya Umma ya Baker III, "jihadi na uanzishaji wa mitazamo ya ulimwengu wa nyumba ya Kiislamu na nyumba ya vita ni fikra zilizojitokeza kutoka katika maandishi na mafundisho ya Ikhwanul Muslimin” (Livesy, 2005). Ushahidi wa msingi wa hoja hii ni mwanachama mashuhuri wa Udugu, Sayeed Qutb, ambaye anasifiwa kwa kuendeleza mrekebishaji na tafsiri yenye utata ya jihadi ambayo ilitoa uhalali wa kidini kwa vurugu zinazofanywa na mashirika mbali mbali ya Udugu kama al-jihad, al-Takfir wa al-Hijra, Hamas, na al-Qaeda.
Hata hivyo huo bado ni msimamo unaojadiliwa, kwa sababu licha ya kuwa mzazi wa kiitikadi wa mashirika haya yenye jeuri, Muslim Brotherhood yenyewe daima imekuwa na msimamo rasmi dhidi ya ghasia na badala yake imekuza hatua za Kiislamu za kiraia na kijamii katika ngazi za chini.. Katika kipindi cha miaka ishirini ya uhai wake, chama cha Muslim Brotherhood kilipata hadhi ya kuwa kikundi chenye ushawishi mkubwa kuliko vikundi vyote vikuu vya Mashariki ya Kati kupitia harakati zake maarufu.. It also spread from Egypt into other nations throughout the region and served as the catalyst for many of the successful popular liberation movements against Western colonialism in the Middle East.
While it has retained most of its founding principles from its inception, the Muslim Brotherhood has made a dramatic transformation in some crucial aspects of its political ideology. Formerly denounced by many as a terrorist organization, as of late the Muslim Brotherhood has been labeled by most current scholars of the Middle East as politically “moderate”, “politically centrist”, and “accommodationist” to Egypt’s political and governmental structures (Abed-Kotob, 1995, p. 321-322). Sana Abed-Kotob pia anatuambia kwamba kati ya vikundi vya upinzani vya Kiislam vilivyopo hivi sasa "wale wenye 'itikadi kali' zaidi au wapiganaji wa vikundi hivi wanasisitiza juu ya mabadiliko ya mapinduzi ambayo yanapaswa kuwekwa kwa raia na mfumo wa kisiasa., ambapo... kundi jipya la Ikhwanul Muslimin ya Misri, wito wa mabadiliko ya taratibu ambayo yanapasa kufanywa kutoka ndani ya mfumo wa kisiasa na kwa kuandikishwa kwa umati wa Kiislamu”
Kugawanya pazia
shadi hamid
America’s post-September 11 project to promote democracy in the Middle East has proven a spectacular failure. Leo,Arab autocrats are as emboldened as ever. Misri, Jordan, Tunisia, and others are backsliding on reform. Opposition forces are being crushed. Three of the most democratic polities in the region, Lebanon, Iraq, na maeneo ya Palestina,are being torn apart by violence and sectarian conflict.Not long ago, it seemed an entirely different outcome was in the offing. Asrecently as late 2005, observers were hailing the “Arab spring,” an “autumn forautocrats,” and other seasonal formulations. They had cause for such optimism.On January 31, 2005, the world stood in collective awe as Iraqis braved terroristthreats to cast their ballots for the first time. That February, Egyptian PresidentHosni Mubarak announced multi-candidate presidential elections, another first.And that same month, after former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri wasshadi hamid is director of research at the Project on Middle East Democracyand an associate of the Truman National Security Project.Parting the Veil Now is no time to give up supporting democracy in the Muslim world.But to do so, the United States must embrace Islamist moderates.shadi hamiddemocracyjournal.org 39killed, Lebanon erupted in grief and then anger as nearly one million Lebanesetook to the streets of their war-torn capital, demanding self-determination. Notlong afterward, 50,000 Bahrainis—one-eighth of the country’s population—ralliedfor constitutional reform. The opposition was finally coming alive.But when the Arab spring really did come, the American response provide dample evidence that while Arabs were ready for democracy, the United States most certainly was not. Looking back, the failure of the Bush Administration’s efforts should not have been so surprising. Since the early 1990s, Marekani. policymakershave had two dueling and ultimately incompatible objectives in the Middle East: promoting Arab democracy on one hand, and curbing the power and appealof Islamist groups on the other. In his second inaugural address, President George W. Bush declared that in supporting Arab democracy, our “vital interests and our deepest beliefs” were now one. The reality was more complicated.When Islamist groups throughout the region began making impressive gains at the ballot box, particularly in Egypt and in the Palestinian territories, the Bush Administration stumbled. With Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza high on the agendaand a deteriorating situation in Iraq, American priorities began to shift. Friendly dictators once again became an invaluable resource for an administration that found itself increasingly embattled both at home and abroad.The reason for this divergence in policy revolves around a critical question:What should the United States do when Islamists come to power through free elections? In a region where Islamist parties represent the only viable oppositionto secular dictatorships, this is the crux of the matter. In the MiddleEastern context, the question of democracy and the question of political Islamare inseparable. Without a well-defined policy of engagement toward politicalIslam, the United States will fall victim to the same pitfalls of the past. In many ways, it already has.
Jinsi ya Kukuza Haki za Binadamu huko Misri
Haki za Binadamu ya kwanza
The United States’ relationship with Egypt is central toseveral policy challenges facing the new administration inthe Middle East. As the most populous Arab state, Egyptis a major regional power. Since signing a peace treatywith Israel in 1979, it has played a key role in negotiationsfor an Israeli-Palestinian and a broader Israeli-Arab peaceagreement. Egypt helped to mediate a tense ceasefirebetween Israel and Hamas that broke down with theoutbreak of conflict in the Gaza Strip at the end ofDecember 2008, and continues to serve as anintermediary between the warring parties in the Gazaconflict. Egypt is again at the center of renewed peacemaking efforts in the region launched by the Obamaadministration with the appointment of former SenatorGeorge Mitchell as Special Envoy in January 2009.In a part of the world where so many vital U.S. interestsare at stake, Egypt is a key partner for any U.S.administration. The Egyptian government can greatlyassist the United States in legitimizing and supporting thenew government in Iraq, kwa mfano, na, as the owner ofthe Suez Canal and as an oil producer, Egypt is vital tothe security of energy supplies from the region.Egypt is also a testing ground for U.S. human rightspromotion in the region, and was frequently the target ofexhortations to move forward with political reform anddemocratization during the Bush administration.Successive administrations have been encouraging theEgyptian government to reform for decades, but after the9/11 attacks, with the prominent involvement of Egyptianslike Mohamed Atta and Ayman al-Zawahiri, calls forreform took on greater centrality—and a new urgency—inU.S. policy. Human rights and democracy were no longerjust desirable; they became national security concernsand the subject of a new “Freedom Agenda.
Demokrasia na Siasa za Kiislamu:
YOKOTA Takayuki
The aim of this article is to explore the often contradictory correlation between democratizationand Islamic politics in Egypt, focusing on a new Islamic political party, the Wasat Party (Ḥizbal-Wasaṭ).Theoretically, democratization and Islamic politics are not incompatible if Islamic politicalorganizations can and do operate within a legal and democratic framework. Kwa upande mwingine,this requires democratic tolerance by governments for Islamic politics, as long as they continueto act within a legal framework. In the Middle East, hata hivyo, Islamic political parties are oftensuspected of having undemocratic agendas, and governments have often used this suspicion as ajustification to curb democratization. This is also the case with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood(Jam‘īya al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn) under the Ḥusnī Mubārak regime. Although the Brotherhood is amainstream Islamic movement in Egypt, operating publicly and enjoying considerable popularity,successive governments have never changed its illegal status for more than half a century. Someof the Brotherhood members decided to form the Wasat Party as its legal political organ in order tobreak this stalemate.There have been some studies on the Wasat Party. Stacher [2002] analyzes the “Platformof the Egyptian Wasat Party” [Ḥizb al-Wasaṭ al-Miṣrī 1998] and explains the basic principlesof the Wasat Party as follows: demokrasia, sharī‘a (Islamic law), rights of women, and Muslim-Christian relations. Baker [2003] regards the Wasat Party as one of the new Islamist groups thathave appeared in contemporary Egypt, and analyzes its ideology accordingly. Wickham [2004]discusses the moderation of Islamic movements in Egypt and the attempt to form the WasatParty from the perspective of comparative politics. Norton [2005] examines the ideology andactivities of the Wasat Party in connection with the Brotherhood’s political activities. As theseearlier studies are mainly concerned with the Wasat Party during the 1990s and the early 2000s,I will examine the ideology and activities of the Wasat Party till the rise of the democratizationmovement in Egypt in around 2005. I will do so on the basis of the Wasat Party’s documents, suchas the “Platform of the New Wasat Party” [Ḥizb al-Wasaṭ al-Jadīd 2004]1), and my interviews withits members.