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the 500 most influential muslims

Ivan Esposito

Ibrahim Kalin

The publication you have in your hands is the first of what we hope will be anannual series that provides a window into the movers and shakers of the Muslimworld. We have strived to highlight people who are influential as Muslims, thatis, people whose influence is derived from their practice of Islam or from the factthat they are Muslim. We think that this gives valuable insight into the differentways that Muslims impact the world, and also shows the diversity of how peopleare living as Muslims today.Influence is a tricky concept. Its meaning derives from the Latin word influensmeaning to flow-in, pointing to an old astrological idea that unseen forces (like themoon) affect humanity. The figures on this list have the ability to affect humanitytoo. In a variety of different ways each person on this list has influence over thelives of a large number of people on the earth. The 50 most influential figuresare profiled. Their influence comes from a variety of sources; however they areunified by the fact that they each affect huge swathes of humanity.We have then broken up the 500 leaders into 15 categories—Scholarly, Political,Administrative, Lineage, Preachers, Žene, Youth, Philanthropy, Development,Science and Technology, Arts and Culture, Mediji, Radicals, International IslamicNetworks, and Issues of the Day—to help you understand the different kinds ofways Islam and Muslims impact the world today.Two composite lists show how influence works in different ways: InternationalIslamic Networks shows people who are at the head of important transnationalnetworks of Muslims, and Issues of the Day highlights individuals whoseimportance is due to current issues affecting humanity.

| Veljače 20, 2010 | komentari 0
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The Muslim Brotherhood in Pursuit of Legal Existence and Intellectual Development in Egypt

Manar Hassan


In the wake of the devastating earthquake that trembled the congested capital of Egyptand its neighboring cities in October of 1992, the Private Voluntary Organizations – dominatedby Islamists – managed to considerably lead the relief efforts within hours, leaving theincumbent regime afflicted with its bureaucratic inefficiencies. The government’s ownlimitations in providing the type of crucial operative services at time of mayhem is a mereexample of its declining credibility among the masses. Štoviše, its response to this publicembarrassment was even more austere – passing a decree to ban any direct relief efforts by thePVOs therefore forcing all aid to materialize through the government only. But withgovernmental impediments still looming, the regime struggled to meet the needs of the victimsin time which led to riots and posed as a mere reminder of the incessant exasperation thatEgyptians have faced in their recent history. Hence, it became apparent that Mubarak’sattempts to salvage his image in order to corroborate his grip on power had by and largealienated vital forces within Egypt’s civil society.The civil society has, therefore, been a crucial source through which oppositionists –predominantly the Muslim Brotherhood – derive the power of popular appeal. Being one of thelargest and most influential oppositionist organization, the Muslim Brotherhood cuts acrossestranged social structures such as the modern working class, the urban poor, the young, and thenew middle class, which form a support base. Some of the most prominent Brotherhoodmembers themselves pertain to the new middle class and therefore network through al-niqabatal-mihaniyyah (Professional Associations). One example is Dr. Ahmad el-Malt, who was theformer Deputy Supreme Guide to the Brotherhood and also President of the Doctors’ syndicateprior to his death

| Veljače 14, 2010 | komentari 0
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The Muslim Brotherhood’s Initiative as a Reform Program

Sayed Mahmoud Al-Qumni
On March 3, 2004, Mr. Mahdi Akef, the leader and guide of the Muslim Brotherhood launched the Brotherhood’s Initiative to Participate in Awaited Democratic Reform, presenting the Brotherhood as a political faction that deems itself competent to participate. The Brotherhood presented itself – naturally – in the best possible light, which is everyone’s right. And on May 8, 2004, Dr. Essam Aryan, a Brotherhood luminary well known due to his appearances on the local Egyptian satellite station, Dream TV, said this initiative is a comprehensive, complete program for soon converting the Brotherhood into a political party.
Demokracija, in its liberal sense, means rule by the people, legislating laws for themselves according to their conditions. It doesn’t just mean elections. More importantly, and to lay the foundations for elections, democracy is a pluralistic political system that guarantees citizens’ public and private freedoms, especially freedom of expression and opinion. It also guarantees their human rights, especially freedom of religion. These are absolute freedoms, without any limitation or monitoring. The democratic system allows peaceful change of power in society and is based on a separation of powers. The judicial branch, especially, must be totally independent. Democracies adopt the free market economy that is based on competition, and that encourages individual initiatives. Democracies are based on channels of dialgoue and peaceful understanding among citizens. In dealing with local and international conflicts, they avoid military options as much as possible. Along with those who believe in democracy, it confronts the mentality of terrorism and violent fundamentalist dogmatism. Democracies oppose absolutist ideas that claim to own the absolute truth, and defend relativistic and pluralistic principles. By doing so, they provide all religions the right to be active safely, except opinions that aim to confiscate freedoms or impose themselves on other parties by force or violence. So democracies are concerned with freeing religion from the monopoly of one interpretation or one sect.
In summary, democracy is a group of regulatory and legal measures for society that humankind has reached after a long history of conflict to refine authorities where religious figures cannot impose their will. Religious authorities were disengaged from the
authorities of the state, to guarantee the state’s neutrality toward all religions. This is what allows for freedom of religion and opinion, and freedom of worship for all in total freedom and equality. This prevents conflict in the name of religion, which leads to the security of the state and its citizens.

On March 3, 2004, Mr. Mahdi Akef, the leader and guide of the Muslim Brotherhood launched the Brotherhood’s Initiative to Participate in Awaited Democratic Reform, presenting the Brotherhood as a political faction that deems itself competent to participate. The Brotherhood presented itself – naturally – in the best possible light, which is everyone’s right. And on May 8, 2004, Dr. Essam Aryan, a Brotherhood luminary well known due to his appearances on the local Egyptian satellite station, Dream TV, said this initiative is a comprehensive, complete program for soon converting the Brotherhood into a political party.Democracy, in its liberal sense, means rule by the people, legislating laws for themselves according to their conditions. It doesn’t just mean elections. More importantly, and to lay the foundations for elections, democracy is a pluralistic political system that guarantees citizens’ public and private freedoms, especially freedom of expression and opinion. It also guarantees their human rights, especially freedom of religion. These are absolute freedoms, without any limitation or monitoring. The democratic system allows peaceful change of power in society and is based on a separation of powers. The judicial branch, especially, must be totally independent. Democracies adopt the free market economy that is based on competition, and that encourages individual initiatives. Democracies are based on channels of dialgoue and peaceful understanding among citizens. In dealing with local and international conflicts, they avoid military options as much as possible. Along with those who believe in democracy, it confronts the mentality of terrorism and violent fundamentalist dogmatism. Democracies oppose absolutist ideas that claim to own the absolute truth, and defend relativistic and pluralistic principles. By doing so, they provide all religions the right to be active safely, except opinions that aim to confiscate freedoms or impose themselves on other parties by force or violence. So democracies are concerned with freeing religion from the monopoly of one interpretation or one sect.In summary, democracy is a group of regulatory and legal measures for society that humankind has reached after a long history of conflict to refine authorities where religious figures cannot impose their will. Religious authorities were disengaged from theauthorities of the state, to guarantee the state’s neutrality toward all religions. This is what allows for freedom of religion and opinion, and freedom of worship for all in total freedom and equality. This prevents conflict in the name of religion, which leads to the security of the state and its citizens.

| Veljače 14, 2010 | komentari 0
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Mahmoud Ezzat u iscrpnom intervjuu s Al Jazeerinim novinarom Ahmedom Mansurom

Mahmoud Ezzat

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat, Glavni tajnik Muslimanskog bratstva, u opsežnom intervjuu s Al Jazeerinim Ahmedom Mansourom potvrdio je da su izbori Muslimanskog bratstva za predsjedavajućeg koji će se održati u narednom razdoblju od strane članova Ureda za usmjeravanje otvoreni za sve koji žele predati svoje nominacijske dokumente kao kandidata.

U izjavi za talk show Bila Hedood (Bez granica) je TV Al-Jazeera, Ezzat je objasnio da se papiri za imenovanje općenito ne bi trebali koristiti za kandidate Muslimanskog bratstva, već se predstavlja potpuni popis cijelog Vijeća šure od 100 članova Bratstva za izbor predsjedavajućeg i Ureda za usmjeravanje Bratstva.. Zanijekao je da mu Opći vodič Bratstva za vodstvo Vijeća generalne šure ne dopušta slobodu da samostalno radi na donošenju svoje konačne odluke. Također je otkrio da Vijeće ima ovlasti pozvati predsjednika na odgovornost za svaki propust i smijeniti ga u bilo kojem trenutku ako se ukaže potreba.

Naglasio je kako je pokret spreman podnijeti krajnju žrtvu kako bi prakticirao načelo Shura (konzultacija) u redovima, ističući da će Vijeće Shura izabrati predsjedavajućeg i novi Biro za usmjeravanje u nadolazećoj godini.

Komentirao je medijsko izvještavanje o tome što se stvarno dogodilo iza kulisa Ureda za usmjeravanje, navodeći da je odbor koji se sastojao od vodećih osoba poput dr. Essam el-Erian i brojni članovi Ureda za usmjeravanje odgovorni za tiskanje predsjednikove tjedne izjave prigovorili su g.. Mahdi Akef želi malu razliku u mišljenju. Akefov prvi mandat završava u siječnju 13, 2010 no najavio je ranije; on će tek donijeti odluku hoće li ostati na dužnosti i drugi mandat kao generalni vodič grupe.

Nastavio je da je 81-godišnji Akef ranije obavijestio članove Ureda za usmjeravanje da namjerava dati ostavku i da neće služiti drugi mandat. Odmah su reagirali članovi Zavoda pozivajući ga da ostane na dužnosti.

U svojoj tjednoj poruci, Mahdi Akef nejasno je govorio o svojim namjerama da ne kandidira drugi mandat i zahvalio je Muslimanskom bratstvu i članovima Ureda za usmjeravanje koji su s njim podijelili odgovornost kao da je namjeravao da to bude njegov oproštajni govor. U nedjelju, listopad 17 mediji su tvrdili da je predsjednik Bratstva najavio ostavku; međutim predsjednik je opetovano demantirao medijske navode gdje je sljedeći dan došao u ured i sastao se s članovima. Kasnije je izdao izjavu u kojoj je otkrio istinu. Medijski navodi o nespremnosti Ureda za usmjeravanje da imenuje dr. Essam el-Erian su potpuno lažni.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat je potvrdio da pokret sa zadovoljstvom pruža priliku članovima da podijele svoja mišljenja, ističući da je to manifestacija moći koja se slaže s postojećom velikom veličinom i vodećom ulogom, pokazujući da je predsjednik Muslimanskog bratstva vrlo zadovoljan što to čini.

Naglasio je da se sva pitanja vraćaju Uredu za usmjeravanje na konačnu odluku gdje su njegove odluke obvezujuće i zadovoljavajuće za sve, bez obzira na razlike u mišljenjima.

“Ne podcjenjujem ono što se već dogodilo ili bih jednostavno rekao da krize nema, u isto vrijeme, ne bismo trebali izbacivati ​​stvari iz njihovog konteksta, odlučni smo primijeniti načelo Šure”, on je dodao.

Ranije se raspravljalo na sljedećem sastanku Ureda za usmjeravanje da Vijeće Shura grupe ima isključivo pravo izabrati članstvo u Birou za usmjeravanje bilo kojeg člana, on je objasnio. Dr. Sam Essam se složio da nije prikladno imenovati novog člana u Uredu za usmjeravanje Bratstva jer su izbori blizu.

Ezzat je izjavio da je epizoda predstavljena Vijeću Shura na preporuku ureda za usmjeravanje usred čestih uhićenja i pritvaranja koja provodi državna sigurnost. Jako se trudimo uključiti Vijeće Shura u izbor sljedećeg predsjednika i članova Ureda za usmjeravanje. Očekuje se da će se cijela stvar riješiti, Allahovom voljom, prije siječnja 13.

Na ovom sastanku su predsjedavajući i članovi Upravnog odbora UO odlučili poslati pismo Vijeću Shura, ističući da datum ovih izbora neće biti kasnije od šest mjeseci. Pretpostavljalo se da će se postupak voditi prije ili tijekom izbora na kojima 5 prošle godine izabrani su novi članovi. To je odluka Vijeća Shura, a ne Biroa za smjernice MB-a. Slijedom toga, Vijeće Shura opće skupine konačno je donijelo svoju jednoglasnu odluku o održavanju izbora što je prije moguće.

Naglasio je da Muslimansko bratstvo, uz provedbu Shura je organiziran svojim internim propisima. Propisi koji su usvojeni i zagovarani zakonima Vijeća Shura i podložni su promjenama. Posljednji amandman koji je u tijeku s jednom od njegovih klauzula je trajanje mandata člana Ureda za usmjeravanje prema kojem član ne smije služiti više od dva uzastopna mandata.

Neki članovi Ureda za usmjeravanje optuženi su za svoju privrženost ostanku na dužnosti dugi niz godina; Dr. Ezzat je tvrdio da su nas česta uhićenja koja nisu isključivala nikoga Izvršni ured potaknula da izmijenimo još jedan članak u internoj Uredbi koji omogućuje da član zadrži svoje članstvo čak i ako je pritvoren. Odsustvo časnog rada za dobrobit svoje zemlje i uzvišene misije dovelo nas je do toga da inzistiramo na tome da zadrže svoje članstvo. Inženjer Khayrat Al-Shater ostat će drugi zamjenik predsjednika Upravnog odbora, a dr. Mohammed Ali Bishr član Izvršnog biroa MB-a. Očekuje se da će Bishr biti pušten sljedeći mjesec.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat u potpunosti je demantirao glasine o unutarnjim sukobima unutar oporbene skupine u pogledu vodstva, ističući da mehanizmi, propisi i uvjeti otvaraju put odabiru vođa pokreta. Također je primijetio da geografski položaj Egipta i značajna moralna težina u muslimanskom svijetu opravdavaju potrebu da predsjednik Upravnog odbora bude Egipćanin.

“Ured za usmjeravanje trenutno istražuje opću tendenciju 100-članog Vijeća šure Bratstva u pogledu imenovanja prikladnog kandidata koji ispunjava uvjete da preuzme dužnost predsjedavajućeg”, On je rekao.

“Izuzetno je teško prognozirati tko će biti sljedeći predsjednik, napominjući da 5 minuta prije imenovanja gosp. Akefa kao predsjednika nitko nije znao, glasački listići su samo odlučivali tko će biti novi vođa”, On je rekao.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat pripisao je očite proturječne medijske izvještaje o njihovim navodima o primjedbama o najvišim vođama Bratstva istim nedosljednostima medijskih izvješća o višim vođama koja se razlikuju od novina do novina.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat rasvijetlio je podatke o sigurnosnim racijama koje su dovele do uhićenja nekih 2696 članovi grupe u 2007, 3674 u 2008 i 5022 u 2009. To je rezultiralo nemogućnošću Vijeća Shura da održava sastanke i ospori izbore.

Također je naglasio da Muslimansko bratstvo izuzetno želi održati nacionalnu sigurnost Egipta i njegovu’ interes za postizanje mirnih reformi u društvu. “Dobro nam je poznato da su sastanci Ureda za usmjeravanje pod nadzorom sigurnosti, iako namjeravamo prakticirati samo demokraciju. Zapravo, ne želimo izazivati ​​neprijateljstvo i animozitet drugih”.

Također je naglasio da razlike unutar organizacije nisu motivirane mržnjom ili osobnim razlikama budući da nas pristojni temperamenti potaknuti uzvišenim učenjima islama potiču na toleriranje razlika u mišljenjima. Dodao je kako je povijest dokazala da se pokret Muslimanska braća susreo s puno težim okolnostima od postojeće krize.

Mediji su projicirali negativnu sliku Muslimanskog bratstva gdje su se za informacije oslanjali na istrage SSI-ja. Imperativ je da novinari dobiju činjenice iz izvornih izvora ako žele imati kakav-takav kredibilitet. Zapravo, pravosuđe je poništilo sve optužbe iznesene u državnoj istrazi, On je rekao.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat je bio optimističan da će sadašnja politička kriza proći, ustvrdivši da će događaji dokazati da Muslimansko bratstvo sa svim svojim plemenitim manirima, objektivnost, i prakticiranje demokracije će zasjati sjajnim bojama.

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| pro 18, 2009 | komentari 0
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Dissenting Brothers

Founded in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) has never experienced a leadership crisis as serious as that which erupted two weeks ago. As is now well-known, the problem originated with the refusal on the part of the MB’s Guidance Bureau (the organisation’s highest executive body) to accept Essam El-Erian as a member to replace Mohamed Hilal following the latter’s death four weeks ago. It was a clear act of defiance against Supreme Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef who wanted to promote El-Erian and who maintained that the MB’s internal regulations gave him that right. In response to the refusal Akef has threatened to resign and designated most of his powers to his first deputy, Mohamed Habib.
Of course, the crisis goes much deeper than the question of El-Erian’s promotion. This is not the first time the supreme guide has encountered resistance. The problem is rooted in the way the MB handles its internal disputes and in its reading of the Egyptian political scene as it touches upon the organisation’s image and activities. Although in the course of the past two decades the MB has managed to deal clearly and firmly with internal opposition, disciplining and marginalising dissenters, it has signally failed to benefit from any intellectual and ideological diversity among its ranks. As a consequence, it has forfeited an important political asset which it desperately needs in its confrontations with adversaries.
The tensions in the upper echelons of the MB hierarchy are too sharp to be swept under the carpet in the usual way. The supreme guide has set himself against the will of the conservative wing of the leadership over the promotion of El-Erian, whom he believes deserves a chance to serve on the Guidance Bureau. But regardless of what actions he takes, including the threat to resign, there are unmistakable signs that he will be unable to reign in the conservatives. Since becoming head of the movement in January 2004 Akef has worked hard to maintain smooth relations between the different ideological trends within the MB. Almost always, međutim, his efforts have come at the expense of the reformists or pragmatists, whether because of the relative weakness of their influence within the organisation compared to the conservatives or because he feared a rift that would render the organisation vulnerable to the regime’s political and security tactics.
That tensions have reached their current pitch is due to the brewing conflict over the succession to the office Akef now holds. In March Akef announced that he did not intend to nominate himself for a new term, which would begin on 13 January. His decision marked the first time in the group’s history that a supreme guide has voluntarily stepped down at the height of his career. All six of his predecessors died while still in office. Akef’s unprecedented and, apparently, unexpected decision, triggered an initially silent power struggle over who would fill his post. Interestingly, the struggle has not been between conservatives and reformists, but rather between hardliners and pragmatists inside the conservative camp.
The current situation is significant for several reasons. Rarely have internal differences bubbled over into public view. This time, međutim, the main players have been vying ferociously for media attention.
Then there is Akef’s threat, subsequently denied, that he would resign. That Akef should have been driven to such a step reflects the magnitude of the pressures and anger he has faced during his nearly six-year long tenure. Having served as the keel between diverse trends, Akef’s threat must reflect his sense of failure at checking the conservatives’ hegemony over all the organisation’s bodies and decision-making mechanisms.
That Akef has delegated many of his powers to his first deputy is also unprecedented, as well as being in violation of the group’s internal regulations. Article 6 of the MB’s charter states that the supreme guide can leave his post under three conditions — poor performance of his duties, resignation or death. Since none of these conditions obtains Akef had no right to delegate his responsibilities to his first deputy.
The crisis has thrown into relief a major problem in the MB’s constitutional structure, the lack of an institutionalised arbitrating authority capable of settling disputes between the supreme guide and the Guidance Bureau. It has also demonstrated that many of the group’s internal taboos regarding reverence for, and uncritical obedience to, its leaders have cracked.
The MB leadership will undoubtedly attempt to resolve the crisis as quickly as possible, so that it does not spread through the movement’s rank and file. For this reason, the MB’s General Shura Council will hold elections for the next supreme guide within the next couple of weeks. Even so, it is doubtful that the new leader will enjoy the same level of prestige as his predecessors and will, as a consequence, be hampered in any attempts to maintain equilibrium inside the group. Neither the MB’s Secretary- General Mahmoud Ezzat, or First Deputy to the Supreme Guide Mohamed Habib, the two leading contenders for the post, have the historical legitimacy of Akef, the last of the MB’s founding generation.
But the election of the next supreme guide is not the only problem with which the MB must contend. No less important, or problematic, is the need to elect a new Guidance Bureau. The current bureau was elected in 1995, since which time some members have been added through promotion, as was the case with Mohamed Mursi who became chairman of the political committee in 2004, and others by means of the partial elections in 2008. Comprehensive elections to the bureau should have been held a year ago, following the election of the new MB Shura Council which is responsible for selecting the members of the Guidance Bureau and the supreme guide.
The MB is entering a very delicate phase in its history. Even if MB leaders manage to smooth over the current crisis, its effects will continue to reverberate beneath the surface and, undoubtedly, erupt once again.

Khalil Al-anani

Esam

Founded in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) has never experienced a leadership crisis as serious as that which erupted two weeks ago. As is now well-known, the problem originated with the refusal on the part of the MB’s Guidance Bureau (the organisation’s highest executive body) to accept Essam El-Erian as a member to replace Mohamed Hilal following the latter’s death four weeks ago. It was a clear act of defiance against Supreme Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef who wanted to promote El-Erian and who maintained that the MB’s internal regulations gave him that right. In response to the refusal Akef has threatened to resign and designated most of his powers to his first deputy, Mohamed Habib.

Of course, the crisis goes much deeper than the question of El-Erian’s promotion. This is not the first time the supreme guide has encountered resistance. The problem is rooted in the way the MB handles its internal disputes and in its reading of the Egyptian political scene as it touches upon the organisation’s image and activities. Although in the course of the past two decades the MB has managed to deal clearly and firmly with internal opposition, disciplining and marginalising dissenters, it has signally failed to benefit from any intellectual and ideological diversity among its ranks. As a consequence, it has forfeited an important political asset which it desperately needs in its confrontations with adversaries.

The tensions in the upper echelons of the MB hierarchy are too sharp to be swept under the carpet in the usual way. The supreme guide has set himself against the will of the conservative wing of the leadership over the promotion of El-Erian, whom he believes deserves a chance to serve on the Guidance Bureau. But regardless of what actions he takes, including the threat to resign, there are unmistakable signs that he will be unable to reign in the conservatives. Since becoming head of the movement in January 2004 Akef has worked hard to maintain smooth relations between the different ideological trends within the MB. Almost always, međutim, his efforts have come at the expense of the reformists or pragmatists, whether because of the relative weakness of their influence within the organisation compared to the conservatives or because he feared a rift that would render the organisation vulnerable to the regime’s political and security tactics.

That tensions have reached their current pitch is due to the brewing conflict over the succession to the office Akef now holds. In March Akef announced that he did not intend to nominate himself for a new term, which would begin on 13 January. His decision marked the first time in the group’s history that a supreme guide has voluntarily stepped down at the height of his career. All six of his predecessors died while still in office. Akef’s unprecedented and, apparently, unexpected decision, triggered an initially silent power struggle over who would fill his post. Interestingly, the struggle has not been between conservatives and reformists, but rather between hardliners and pragmatists inside the conservative camp.

The current situation is significant for several reasons. Rarely have internal differences bubbled over into public view. This time, međutim, the main players have been vying ferociously for media attention.

Then there is Akef’s threat, subsequently denied, that he would resign. That Akef should have been driven to such a step reflects the magnitude of the pressures and anger he has faced during his nearly six-year long tenure. Having served as the keel between diverse trends, Akef’s threat must reflect his sense of failure at checking the conservatives’ hegemony over all the organisation’s bodies and decision-making mechanisms.

That Akef has delegated many of his powers to his first deputy is also unprecedented, as well as being in violation of the group’s internal regulations. Article 6 of the MB’s charter states that the supreme guide can leave his post under three conditions — poor performance of his duties, resignation or death. Since none of these conditions obtains Akef had no right to delegate his responsibilities to his first deputy.

The crisis has thrown into relief a major problem in the MB’s constitutional structure, the lack of an institutionalised arbitrating authority capable of settling disputes between the supreme guide and the Guidance Bureau. It has also demonstrated that many of the group’s internal taboos regarding reverence for, and uncritical obedience to, its leaders have cracked.

The MB leadership will undoubtedly attempt to resolve the crisis as quickly as possible, so that it does not spread through the movement’s rank and file. For this reason, the MB’s General Shura Council will hold elections for the next supreme guide within the next couple of weeks. Even so, it is doubtful that the new leader will enjoy the same level of prestige as his predecessors and will, as a consequence, be hampered in any attempts to maintain equilibrium inside the group. Neither the MB’s Secretary- General Mahmoud Ezzat, or First Deputy to the Supreme Guide Mohamed Habib, the two leading contenders for the post, have the historical legitimacy of Akef, the last of the MB’s founding generation.

But the election of the next supreme guide is not the only problem with which the MB must contend. No less important, or problematic, is the need to elect a new Guidance Bureau. The current bureau was elected in 1995, since which time some members have been added through promotion, as was the case with Mohamed Mursi who became chairman of the political committee in 2004, and others by means of the partial elections in 2008. Comprehensive elections to the bureau should have been held a year ago, following the election of the new MB Shura Council which is responsible for selecting the members of the Guidance Bureau and the supreme guide.

The MB is entering a very delicate phase in its history. Even if MB leaders manage to smooth over the current crisis, its effects will continue to reverberate beneath the surface and, undoubtedly, erupt once again.

Published On Al-ahram Weekly

| pro 18, 2009 | komentari 0
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