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FEMINISMI Á MILLI VERJALÆMI OG ÍSLAMISMI: PALESTÍNA MÁLIÐ

Doktor, Islam Jad

Löggjafarkosningar haldnar á Vesturbakkanum og Gaza-svæðinu í 2006 kom íslamistahreyfingunni Hamas til valda, sem síðan myndaði meirihluta palestínska löggjafarráðsins og einnig fyrstu meirihlutastjórn Hamas. Þessar kosningar leiddu til þess að fyrsti kvenkyns ráðherra Hamas var skipaður, sem varð ráðherra kvennamála. Milli mars 2006 og júní 2007, tveir ólíkir kvenkyns ráðherrar Hamas tóku við þessu embætti, en báðir áttu erfitt með að stjórna ráðuneytinu þar sem flestir starfsmenn þess voru ekki Hamas-menn heldur tilheyrðu öðrum stjórnmálaflokkum, og flestir voru meðlimir Fatah, ríkjandi hreyfing sem stjórnar flestum stofnunum palestínsku heimastjórnarinnar. Spennu tímabil baráttu kvenna Hamas í kvennamálaráðuneytinu og kvenkyns meðlima Fatah lauk í kjölfar valdatöku Hamas á Gaza ströndinni og í kjölfarið fall ríkisstjórnar þeirra á Vesturbakkanum – barátta. sem tók stundum ofboðslega stefnu. Ein ástæða sem síðar var nefnd til að útskýra þessa baráttu var munurinn á veraldlegri femínískri orðræðu og íslamskri orðræðu um málefni kvenna.. Í palestínsku samhengi tók þessi ágreiningur á sig hættulegt eðli þar sem hann var notaður til að réttlæta að viðhalda blóðugu pólitísku baráttunni., brottvísun Hamas-kvenna úr embættum sínum eða embætti, og pólitísk og landfræðileg skil sem ríktu á þeim tíma bæði á Vesturbakkanum og á hernumdu Gaza-svæðinu.
Þessi barátta vekur upp ýmsar mikilvægar spurningar: eigum við að refsa íslamistahreyfingunni sem er komin til valda, eða ættum við að íhuga ástæðurnar sem leiddu til bilunar Fateh á pólitískum vettvangi? Getur femínismi boðið upp á alhliða ramma fyrir konur, óháð félagslegum og hugmyndafræðilegum tengslum þeirra? Getur orðræða um sameiginlegan grunn kvenna hjálpað þeim að átta sig á og koma sér saman um sameiginleg markmið sín? Er föðurhyggja aðeins til staðar í hugmyndafræði íslamista, og ekki í þjóðernishyggju og ættjarðarást? Hvað er átt við með femínisma? Er bara einn femínismi, eða nokkrir femínismar? Hvað meinum við með íslam – er það hreyfingin sem er þekkt undir þessu nafni eða trúarbrögðin, heimspekina, eða réttarkerfið? Við þurfum að fara til botns í þessum málum og íhuga þau vel, og við verðum að koma okkur saman um þær svo að við getum ákveðið síðar, sem femínistar, ef gagnrýni okkar á föðurhyggju ætti að beinast að trúarbrögðum (trú), sem ætti að vera bundið við hjarta hins trúaða og fá ekki að ná stjórn á heiminum í heild, eða lögfræðinni, sem tengist mismunandi trúarskólum sem útskýra réttarkerfið sem er að finna í Kóraninum og orðum spámannsins – Sunnah.

Mat lagt á Íslamista almennum í Egyptalandi og Malasía

Handan „Hryðjuverka“ og „StateHegemony“: að meta almenna íslamista í Egyptalandi og Malasíu

Janúar STRONGMalaysia-Islamists

Alþjóðleg net íslamskra „hryðjuverka“ hafa þjónað sem vinsælasta skýringin til að lýsa fyrirbæri pólitísks íslams síðan 11 september árásir.

This paper argues that both the self-proclaimeddoctrinal Islam of the militants and Western perceptions of a homogeneousIslamist threat need to be deconstructed in order to discover the oftenambiguous manifestations of ‘official’ and ‘opposition’ Islam, of modernity andconservatism.

As a comparison of two Islamic countries, Egypt and Malaysia,which both claim a leading role in their respective regions, shows, moderateIslamic groups have had a considerable impact on processes of democratisationand the emergence of civil society during the quarter century since the ‘Islamicresurgence’.

Shared experiences like coalition building and active participationwithin the political system demonstrate the influence and importance of groupssuch as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Íslamska ungmennahreyfingin í Malasíu (ABIM) eða Íslamski flokkurinn í Malasíu (EKKI).

Þessir hópar hafa mótað hið pólitíska landslag í mun meira mæli en núverandi upptaka af „hryðjuverkaógninni“ gefur til kynna. Smám saman þróun „samræðumenningarinnar“ hefur fremur leitt í ljós nýjar aðferðir til stjórnmálaþátttöku og lýðræðis á grasrótarstigi.

Íslamskt hreyfingar í Mið-Austurlöndum: Egyptaland sem dæmisögu

ÖZLEM TÜR KAVLİ

Akef

The Islamic challenge remains a central issue within the ongoing debate on the nature of Middle East
politics. As the main opposition to government policies, the Islamic movements enjoy widespread
popularity, especially among the lower echelons of those populations —people who are
economically or politically alienated. Egypt has been a pioneer of Arab countries in many aspects of
economic, political and cultural development. It has also been the pioneer in the rise of Islamic
movements and the state’s fight with these groups. The aim of this paper is to look at Egypt as a case
study in Middle East’s Islamist movements in general.
The first part of this paper looks briefly at nineteenth century Islamic reformers who had an impact
on the development of modern Islamic movements. In the second part, the focus will be on the
formation of the Islamic movements and their cadres and main ideologies. The third part looks at
contemporary movements and their position in Egyptian society.
ISLAMIC REFORMISTS
Islamic reformism is a modern movement that came into the scene in the nineteenth century as a
reaction to European supremacy and expansion. It was during this period that Muslim religious
leaders and politicians began to realise that their state of affairs was inferior to that of Europe and
was in steady decline. Although Islam has suffered many defeats by Europeans, it was in the
nineteenth century that Muslims felt for the first time their weakness and decline and the need to
borrow from their ‘enemy’. This painful awareness made Muslim intellectuals think about the
defects and the weaknesses they were suffering from and they started to search for a remedy.1 On the
one hand, Islamic reformists embarked on studies of Europe’s pre-industrial phase in order to trace
ways of building a strong state and economy. On the other, they sought viable cultural paradigms
capable of checking the dominance of Europe. The Islamic reformist movement was an urban
movement and tried to establish strategies for the development of the Muslim world. The frustration
of the early reformists with the status quo did not entail a demonising of the West or even a rejection
of modernisation per se. In their quest for progress, Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani and Mohammad
Abduh looked upon the West both as a model and as a rival. They perceived the challenge the
Umma, the Muslim community, was facing as shaped by a need to readjust their worldview to the
realities of the approaching new age. The Muslim people were given priority as citizens, whereas
Islam as a normative system “assumed the role of a defensive weapon that had to be restored in order
to stop deterioration and check the decline”.2 Rashid Rida had more radical views about society as
being corrupt and the heads of Arab states as being the apostates of Islam and he supported the
implementation of Koranic punishments. These three reformists desired to bring back the glory of
Islam by embracing ijtihad, rejecting the superstitions of popular religion and the stagnant thinking
of the ulama. They aimed at “creating a synthesis of Islam and the modern West rather than a
purified society constructed primarily along Islamic lines”.3 It is ironic that these reformists became
the founding ideologues of the Islamic movements that demand strictly purified Islamic
communities.

The Islamic challenge remains a central issue within the ongoing debate on the nature of Middle East politics. As the main opposition to government policies, the Islamic movements enjoy widespread popularity, especially among the lower echelons of those populations —people who are economically or politically alienated.

Egypt has been a pioneer of Arab countries in many aspects of economic, political and cultural development. It has also been the pioneer in the rise of Islamic movements and the state’s fight with these groups. The aim of this paper is to look at Egypt as a case study in Middle East’s Islamist movements in general.

The first part of this paper looks briefly at nineteenth century Islamic reformers who had an impact on the development of modern Islamic movements. In the second part, the focus will be on the formation of the Islamic movements and their cadres and main ideologies. The third part looks at contemporary movements and their position in Egyptian society.

ISLAMIC REFORMISTS

Islamic reformism is a modern movement that came into the scene in the nineteenth century as a reaction to European supremacy and expansion.

It was during this period that Muslim religious leaders and politicians began to realise that their state of affairs was inferior to that of Europe and was in steady decline. Although Islam has suffered many defeats by Europeans, it was in the nineteenth century that Muslims felt for the first time their weakness and decline and the need to borrow from their ‘enemy’.

This painful awareness made Muslim intellectuals think about the defects and the weaknesses they were suffering from and they started to search for a remedy.On the one hand, Islamic reformists embarked on studies of Europe’s pre-industrial phase in order to trace ways of building a strong state and economy. On the other, they sought viable cultural paradigms capable of checking the dominance of Europe.

The Islamic reformist movement was an urban movement and tried to establish strategies for the development of the Muslim world. The frustration of the early reformists with the status quo did not entail a demonising of the West or even a rejection of modernisation per se.

In their quest for progress, Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani and Mohammad Abduh looked upon the West both as a model and as a rival. They perceived the challenge the Umma, the Muslim community, was facing as shaped by a need to readjust their worldview to the realities of the approaching new age.

The Muslim people were given priority as citizens, whereas Islam as a normative system “assumed the role of a defensive weapon that had to be restored in order to stop deterioration and check the decline”. Rashid Rida had more radical views about society as being corrupt and the heads of Arab states as being the apostates of Islam and he supported the implementation of Koranic punishments.

These three reformists desired to bring back the glory of Islam by embracing ijtihad, rejecting the superstitions of popular religion and the stagnant thinking of the ulama. They aimed at “creating a synthesis of Islam and the modern West rather than a purified society constructed primarily along Islamic lines”.

It is ironic that these reformists became the founding ideologues of the Islamic movements that demand strictly purified Islamic communities.