RSSL-Entrati Kollha Tikkettati Bi: "Islam"

L-Islam u l-Għamla tal-Poter Statali

seyyed vali reza nasr

Fil 1979 Ġenerali Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, il-ħakkiem militari tal-Pakistan, iddikjara li l-Pakistan se jsir stat Iżlamiku. Il-valuri u n-normi Iżlamiċi jservu bħala l-pedament tal-identità nazzjonali, liġi, ekonomija, u r-relazzjonijiet soċjali, u jispira kull tfassil tal-politika. Fil 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, il-prim ministru l-ġdid tal-Malasja, introduċa pjan wiesa' simili biex jankra t-tfassil tal-politika statali fil-valuri Iżlamiċi, u li jġib il-liġijiet u l-prattiċi ekonomiċi ta’ pajjiżu f’konformità mat-tagħlim tal-Islam. Għaliex dawn il-ħakkiema għażlu t-triq tal-“Iżlamizzazzjoni” għal pajjiżi tagħhom? U kif l-istati postkolonjali sekulari ta’ darba saru l-aġenti tal-Iżlamizzazzjoni u l-prospertur tal-istat Iżlamiku “veru”?
Il-Malasja u l-Pakistan ilhom mill-aħħar tas-snin sebgħin sal-bidu tas-snin tmenin segwew triq unika għall-iżvilupp li tvarja mill-esperjenzi ta’ stati oħra tat-Tielet Dinja.. F'dawn iż-żewġ pajjiżi l-identità reliġjuża ġiet integrata fl-ideoloġija tal-istat biex tinforma l-għan u l-proċess tal-iżvilupp bil-valuri Iżlamiċi.
Dan l-impenn ippreżenta wkoll stampa differenti ħafna tar-relazzjoni bejn l-Islam u l-politika fis-soċjetajiet Musulmani. Fil-Malasja u l-Pakistan, kienu istituzzjonijiet statali aktar milli attivisti Iżlamiċi (dawk li jirrakkomandaw qari politiku tal-Islam; magħrufa wkoll bħala revivalisti jew fundamentalisti) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, u b'mod aktar wiesa' kif il-kultura u r-reliġjon jaqdu l-bżonnijiet tal-poter u l-iżvilupp tal-istat. L-analiżi hawnhekk tiddependi fuq diskussjonijiet teoretiċi
fix-xjenzi soċjali tal-imġiba tal-istat u r-rwol tal-kultura u r-reliġjon fihom. Iktar importanti, hija tislet deduzzjonijiet mill-każijiet li qed jiġu eżaminati biex tagħmel konklużjonijiet usa' ta' interess għad-dixxiplini.

NISA IRANJI WARA IR-RIVOLUZZJONI IŻLAMIKA

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Għaddew aktar minn tletin sena mit-trijonf tar-Rivoluzzjoni Iżlamika fl-Iran, għadhom għad hemm a numru ta’ mistoqsijiet u ambigwitajiet dwar il-mod kif ir-Repubblika Iżlamika u l-liġijiet tagħha jittrattaw problemi kontemporanji u ċirkostanzi attwali, partikolarment fir-rigward tan-nisa u d-drittijiet tan-nisa. Dan id-dokument qasir se jitfa’ dawl fuq dawn il-kwistjonijiet u jistudja l-pożizzjoni attwali tan-nisa f’diversi sferi, meta tqabbel dan mas-sitwazzjoni qabel ir-Rivoluzzjoni Iżlamika. Intużat data affidabbli u awtentikata kull fejn hu possibbli. L-introduzzjoni tiġbor fil-qosor numru ta 'studji teoretiċi u legali li jipprovdu l- bażi għall-analiżi sussegwenti aktar prattika u huma s-sorsi minn fejn tkun inkisbet id-dejta.
L-ewwel taqsima tikkunsidra attitudnijiet tat-tmexxija tar-Repubblika Iżlamika tal-Iran lejn in-nisa u drittijiet tan-nisa, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. Il third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. The fourth section then examines questions of the family, il relationship between women and the family, and the family’s role in limiting or increasing women’s rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Women in Islam

Amira Burghul

Despite major consensus amongst a large number of philosophers and historians that the

prinċipji u tagħlim tal-Islam ikkawżaw bidla fundamentali fil-pożizzjoni tan-nisa

meta mqabbla mas-sitwazzjoni prevalenti fil-pajjiżi kemm fil-Lvant kif ukoll fil-Punent dak iż-żmien, u minkejja

il-qbil ta’ numru kbir ta’ ħassieba u leġiżlaturi li n-nisa matul iż-żmien tal-

Profeta (PBUH) ingħataw drittijiet u privileġġi legali mhux mogħtija minn liġijiet magħmula mill-bniedem sa

reċentement, kampanji ta’ propaganda mill-Punent u nies b’perspettiva Westernized

jakkużaw b’mod konsistenti lill-Islam li huwa inġust man-nisa, li jimponu restrizzjonijiet fuqhom, u

jimmarġinaw ir-rwol tagħhom fis-soċjetà.

Din is-sitwazzjoni aggravat mill-atmosfera u l-kundizzjonijiet prevalenti madwar il-

Dinja Musulmana, fejn l-injoranza u l-faqar ipproduċew fehim limitat tar-reliġjon

u r-relazzjonijiet familjari u umani li jostakolaw il-ġustizzja u stil ta’ ħajja ċivilizzat, partikolarment

bejn l-irġiel u n-nisa. Il-grupp żgħir ta’ nies li ngħataw opportunitajiet biex

jiksbu edukazzjoni u l-abbiltajiet waqgħu wkoll fin-nasba li jemmnu li l-kisba tal-ġustizzja

għan-nisa u l-kapitalizzazzjoni tal-kapaċitajiet tagħhom hija dipendenti fuq ir-rifjut tar-reliġjon u l-piety u

jadotta stil ta’ ħajja tal-Punent, bħala riżultat tal-istudji superfiċjali tagħhom tal-Islam minn naħa waħda

u l-effett tad-devjazzjonijiet tal-ħajja fuq l-oħra.

Numru żgħir ħafna biss ta’ nies minn dawn iż-żewġ gruppi rnexxielhom jaħarbu u jitkeċċew

il-mantar tagħhom ta’ injoranza u tradizzjoni. Dawn in-nies studjaw il-wirt tagħhom fil-fond kbir

u dettall, u ħares lejn ir-riżultati tal-esperjenzi tal-Punent b'moħħ miftuħ. Għandhom

jiddistingwi bejn il-qamħ u l-karfa kemm fil-passat kif ukoll fil-preżent, u ttrattaw

xjentifikament u oġġettivament mal-problemi li nqalgħu. Huma ċaħdu l-falz

akku]i li saru kontra l-I]lam b’argumenti elokwenti, u ammettew li difetti moħbija.

Reġgħu eżaminaw ukoll il-qagħdiet u d-drawwiet ta’ Dawk Infallibbli sabiex

jiddistingwi bejn dak li hu stabbilit u qaddis u dak li ġie mibdul u mgħawġa.

L-imġieba responsabbli ta' dan il-grupp stabbilixxiet direzzjonijiet ġodda u modi ġodda ta' kif wieħed jittratta

bil-kwistjoni tan-nisa fis-soċjetajiet Iżlamiċi. Jidher ċar li għadhom ma indirizzawx il-problemi kollha

u sabet soluzzjonijiet finali għall-ħafna lakuni u nuqqasijiet leġiżlattivi, imma poġġew il-

bażi għall-ħolqien ta’ mudell ġdid għan-nisa Musulmani, li huma t-tnejn b’saħħithom u

impenjati lejn il-pedamenti legali u effettivi tas-soċjetà tagħhom.

Bit-trijonf tar-Rivoluzzjoni Iżlamika fl-Iran u l-barka tal-mexxejja tagħha, li hija l-

awtorità reliġjuża ewlenija għall-parteċipazzjoni tan-nisa u politika u soċjali effettiva tagħhom

parteċipazzjoni, l-ambitu għal dibattitu qawwi dwar in-nisa fl-Iżlam ġie estiż b'mod sinifikanti.

Il-mudell tan-nisa Musulmani fl-Iran infirex għall-movimenti tar-reżistenza Iżlamika fil-Libanu,

Palestina pajjiżi Għarab oħra u anke d-dinja tal-Punent, u bħala riżultat, propaganda

kampanji kontra l-Iżlam naqsu sa ċertu punt.

Il-ħolqien ta' movimenti Iżlamiċi Salafi bħat-Taliban fl-Afganistan u simili

Movimenti Salafi fl-Arabja Sawdija u l-Afrika ta’ Fuq, u l-mod fanatiku tagħhom kif jittrattaw lin-nisa,

pprovokaw lil dawk li jħarsu nervuża li jibżgħu li qamet mill-ġdid Iżlamiku biex iniedu propaganda ġdida

kampanji li jakkużaw lill-Iżlam li jispira t-terroriżmu u li huwa lura u inġust lejn

nisa.

L-ISLAM, DEMOKRAZIJA & L-Istati Uniti:

Fondazzjoni Cordoba

Abdullah Faliq |

Intro ,


Minkejja li huwa kemm dibattitu perenni kif ukoll kumpless, Arches Quarterly jeżamina mill-ġdid minn raġunijiet teoloġiċi u prattiċi, id-dibattitu importanti dwar ir-relazzjoni u l-kompatibilità bejn l-Islam u d-Demokrazija, kif imtenni fl-aġenda ta’ tama u bidla ta’ Barack Obama. Filwaqt li ħafna jiċċelebraw l-axxendent ta’ Obama fl-Uffiċċju Ovali bħala katarsi nazzjonali għall-Istati Uniti, oħrajn jibqgħu inqas ottimisti dwar bidla fl-ideoloġija u l-approċċ fl-arena internazzjonali. Filwaqt li ħafna mit-tensjoni u n-nuqqas ta’ fiduċja bejn id-dinja Musulmana u l-Istati Uniti jistgħu jiġu attribwiti għall-approċċ tal-promozzjoni tad-demokrazija, tipikament jiffavorixxu dittatorjati u reġimi tal-pupazzi li jħallsu s-servizz bla xkiel għall-valuri demokratiċi u d-drittijiet tal-bniedem, il-konsegwenza ta ' 9/11 tassew ikkummenta aktar id-dubji permezz tal-pożizzjoni ta ’l-Amerika dwar l-Islam politiku. Ħoloq ħajt ta ’negattività kif jinstab minn worldpublicopinion.org, skond liema 67% tal-Eġizzjani jemmnu li globalment l-Amerika għandha rwol "prinċipalment negattiv".
Ir-rispons ta ’l-Amerika b’hekk kien xieraq. Billi jeleġġi lil Obama, ħafna madwar id-dinja qed jagħżlu t-tamiet tagħhom biex jiżviluppaw inqas beligeranti, iżda politika barranija aktar ġusta lejn id-dinja Musulmana. It-test għal Obama, kif niddiskutu, huwa kif l-Amerika u l-alleati tagħha jippromwovu d-demokrazija. Se jkun qed jiffaċilita jew jimponi?
Barra minn hekk, jista 'jkun importanti li jkun sensar onest f'żoni mtawla ta' kunflitti? Ir-rikors għall-għarfien espert u għarfien tal-prolifi
c studjużi, akkademiċi, ġurnalisti u politiċi imħawwar, Arches Quarterly joħroġ għar-relazzjoni bejn l-Iżlam u d-Demokrazija u r-rwol tal-Amerika - kif ukoll il-bidliet li ġab Obama, fit-tfittxija tal-bażi komuni. Anas Altikriti, il-Kap Eżekuttiv tal-Fondazzjoni Cordoba jipprovdi l-gambit tal-ftuħ għal din id-diskussjoni, fejn jirrifletti fuq it-tamiet u l-isfidi li jistrieħu fit-triq ta ’Obama. Wara Altikriti, l-eks konsulent tal-President Nixon, Dr Robert Crane joffri analiżi bir-reqqa tal-prinċipju Iżlamiku tad-dritt għal-libertà. Anwar Ibrahim, eks Deputat Prim Ministru tal-Malasja, tarrikkixxi d-diskussjoni bir-realtajiet prattiċi tal-implimentazzjoni tad-demokrazija f'soċjetajiet dominanti Musulmani, jiġifieri, fl-Indoneżja u l-Malasja.
Għandna wkoll lil Dr Shireen Hunter, ta 'l-Università ta' Georgetown, L-Istati Uniti, li jesplora pajjiżi Musulmani li għadhom lura fid-demokratizzazzjoni u l-modernizzazzjoni. Dan huwa kkumplimentat minn kittieb tat-terroriżmu, L-ispjegazzjoni ta ’Dr Nafeez Ahmed dwar il-kriżi ta’ wara l-modernità u l-
mewt tad-demokrazija. Dr Daud Abdullah (Direttur tal-Lvant Nofsani Media Monitor), Alan Hart (ex korrispondent tal-ITN u tal-BBC Panorama; awtur taż-Żjoniżmu: L-Għedewwa Veru tal-Lhud) u Asem Sondos (Editur ta ’kull ġimgħa ta’ l-Eġittu Sawt Al Omma) tikkonċentra fuq Obama u r-rwol tiegħu vis-à-vis il-promozzjoni tad-demokrazija fid-dinja Musulmana, kif ukoll ir-relazzjonijiet tal-Istati Uniti mal-Iżrael u l-Fratellanza Musulmana.
Il-Ministru tal-Affarijiet Barranin jixxandar, Maldivi, Ahmed Shaheed jispekula dwar il-futur tal-Iżlam u d-Demokrazija; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– membru tas-Sinn Féin li ġarrab erba' snin ħabs għal attivitajiet Repubblikani Irlandiżi u kampanjatur għall-Guildford 4 u Birmingham 6, jirrifletti fuq il-vjaġġ reċenti tiegħu f'Gaża fejn ra l-impatt tal-brutalità u l-inġustizzja li saru kontra l-Palestinjani; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Id-Direttur taċ-Ċentru għall-Istudju tar-Radikalizzazzjoni u l-Vjolenza Politika Kontemporanja jiddiskuti l-isfidi tar-riċerka kritika tat-terrur politiku; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, kittieb u drammaturgu, jiddiskuti prospetti ta' paċi fid-Darfur; u fl-aħħar il-ġurnalist u attivist tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem Ashur Shamis iħares b’mod kritiku lejn id-demokratizzazzjoni u l-politiċizzazzjoni tal-Musulmani llum.
Nittamaw li dan kollu jagħmel qari komprensiv u sors ta 'riflessjoni fuq kwistjonijiet li jaffettwawna lkoll f'dawl ġdid ta' tama.
Grazzi

Kultura Politika Iżlamika, Demokrazija, u Drittijiet tal-Bniedem

Daniele. Prezz

Ġie argumentat li l-Iżlam jiffaċilita l-awtoritarjaniżmu, jikkontradixxi l-valuri tas-soċjetajiet tal-Punent, u taffettwa b'mod sinifikanti riżultati politiċi importanti fin-nazzjonijiet Musulmani. Konsegwentement, studjużi, kummentaturi, u l-uffiċjali tal-gvern ta’ spiss jindikaw ‘‘fundamentaliżmu Iżlamiku’’ bħala t-theddida ideoloġika li jmiss għad-demokraziji liberali. Din il-fehma, madankollu, hija bbażata primarjament fuq l-analiżi tat-testi, Teorija politika Islamika, u studji ad hoc ta’ pajjiżi individwali, li ma jqisux fatturi oħra. Hija l-argument tiegħi li t-testi u t-tradizzjonijiet tal-Islam, bħal dawk ta’ reliġjonijiet oħra, jistgħu jintużaw biex jappoġġjaw varjetà ta’ sistemi u politiki politiċi. Studji speċifiċi għall-pajjiż u deskrittivi ma jgħinunax insibu mudelli li jgħinuna nispjegaw ir-relazzjonijiet differenti bejn l-Islam u l-politika madwar il-pajjiżi tad-dinja Musulmana.. Għalhekk, approċċ ġdid għall-istudju tal-
konnessjoni bejn l-Islam u l-politika hija mitluba.
Nissuġġerixxi, permezz ta’ evalwazzjoni rigoruża tar-relazzjoni bejn l-Islam, demokrazija, u d-drittijiet tal-bniedem fil-livell transnazzjonali, li qed titpoġġa wisq enfasi fuq il-qawwa tal-Iżlam bħala forza politika. L-ewwel nuża studji ta' każijiet komparattivi, li jiffokaw fuq fatturi relatati mal-interazzjoni bejn gruppi u reġimi Iżlamiċi, influwenzi ekonomiċi, qsim etniku, u l-iżvilupp tas-soċjetà, biex tispjega l-varjanza fl-influwenza tal-Islam fuq il-politika madwar tmien nazzjonijiet. Nargumenta li ħafna mill-poter
attribwit lill-Iżlam bħala l-mutur wara l-politiki u s-sistemi politiċi fin-nazzjonijiet Musulmani jistgħu jiġu spjegati aħjar mill-fatturi msemmija qabel. Insib ukoll, kuntrarju għat-twemmin komuni, li s-saħħa dejjem tikber tal-gruppi politiċi Iżlamiċi spiss ġiet assoċjata ma’ pluralizzazzjoni modesta tas-sistemi politiċi.
Bnejt indiċi tal-kultura politika Iżlamika, ibbażat fuq il-punt sa fejn il-liġi Iżlamika tiġi utilizzata u jekk u, jekk iva, kif,Ideat tal-Punent, istituzzjonijiet, u t-teknoloġiji huma implimentati, biex tittestja n-natura tar-relazzjoni bejn l-Islam u d-demokrazija u l-Islam u d-drittijiet tal-bniedem. Dan l-indikatur jintuża fl-analiżi statistika, li jinkludi kampjun ta’ tlieta u għoxrin pajjiż fil-biċċa l-kbira Musulmani u grupp ta’ kontroll ta’ tlieta u għoxrin pajjiż li qed jiżviluppaw mhux Musulmani. Minbarra li tqabbel
Nazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi għal nazzjonijiet li qed jiżviluppaw mhux Iżlamiċi, analiżi statistika tippermettili nikkontrolla għall-influwenza ta’ varjabbli oħra li nstabu li jaffettwaw il-livelli ta’ demokrazija u l-protezzjoni tad-drittijiet individwali. Ir-riżultat għandu jkun stampa aktar realistika u preċiża tal-influwenza tal-Islam fuq il-politika u l-politiki.

In Search of Islamic Constitutionalism

Nadirsyah hosen

While constitutionalism in the West is mostly identified with secular thought, Islamic constitutionalism, which incorporates some religious elements, has attracted growing interest in recent years. Per eżempju, the Bush administration’s response to the events of 9/11 radically transformed the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries are now rewriting their constitutions. As
Ann Elizabeth Mayer points out, Islamic constitutionalism is constitutionalism that is, in some form, based on Islamic principles, as opposed to the constitutionalism developed in countries that happen to be Muslim but which has not been informed by distinctively Islamic principles. Several Muslim scholars, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. Madankollu, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
L-ewwel, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts

Islam and Islamism in Afghanistan

Kristin Mendoza

The last half-century in particular has seen the recurrent use of religious Islam as

ideoloġija, often referred to as political Islam or Islamism, in groups espousing the

establishment of an Islamic state. Attention was drawn to Afghanistan when it became

the rallying point for Islamists in the 1980s. Madankollu, the earlier appearance of an

Islamist movement in Afghanistan in the 1960s and its subsequent development offer an

instructive, unique lesson in understanding Islam and Islamism in Afghan society.

This overview of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan is divided into three

parts: It begins by defining the differing manifestations of Islam in Afghanistan,

indicating how Islamism differs from or draws upon each manifestation in constructing

its own vision. Then, the broader context of Islamism elsewhere in the Muslim world is

discussed and analyzed. Although the theoretical basis for Islamism was constructed in

the 1960s by Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi in Pakistan and Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, this paper will

show that the Islamist movement in Afghanistan did not mirror those in either of these

countries. To this end, this paper reviews the thought of the above-mentioned

theoreticians of Islamism, and outlines historical and social conditions that colored the

implementation of their models in their respective countries. This leads back to a

discussion of the Afghan context, which makes up the final part of the paper. Huwa

necessary to review salient aspects of the traditional structure of Afghan society, and the

role Islam has historically played in Afghanistan to understand how the Islamist

experience was shaped and constrained by this structure, as well as how the Islamist

experience has altered it.
As Afghanistan is now faced with the monumental task of rebuilding a state and

legal system, Islamists are attempting to influence the reconstruction. This overview will

underscore for those observing and participating in this process the importance of

understanding the Afghan Islamist perspective, its historical underpinnings, and current

demands.


Egypt at the Tipping Point ?

David B. Ottaway
In the early 1980s, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 biex 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, electricity and gasoline were consuming one-third ($7 billion) of its budget. Cairo had sunk into a hopeless morass of gridlocked traffic and teeming humanity—12 million people squeezed into a narrow band of land bordering the Nile River, most living cheek by jowl in ramshackle tenements in the city’s ever-expanding slums.

Roots Of Nationalism In The Muslim World

Shabir Ahmed

The Muslim world has been characterised by failure, disunity, bloodshed, oppression and backwardness. At present, no Muslim country in the world can rightly claim to be a leader in any field of human activity. Tabilħaqq, the non-Muslims of the East and the West
now dictate the social, economic and political agenda for the Muslim Ummah.
Furthermore, the Muslims identify themselves as Turkish, Għarbi, African and Pakistani. If this is not enough, Muslims are further sub-divided within each country or continent. Pereżempju, in Pakistan people are classed as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balauchis and
Pathans. The Muslim Ummah was never faced with such a dilemma in the past during Islamic rule. They never suffered from disunity, widespread oppression, stagnation in science and technology and certainly not from the internal conflicts that we have witnessed this century like the Iran-Iraq war. So what has gone wrong with the Muslims this century? Why are there so many feuds between them and why are they seen to be fighting each other? What has caused their weakness and how will they ever recover from the present stagnation?
There are many factors that contributed to the present state of affairs, but the main ones are the abandoning of the Arabic language as the language of understanding Islam correctly and performing ijtihad, the absorption of foreign cultures such as the philosophies of the Greeks, Persian and the Hindus, the gradual loss of central authority over some of the provinces, and the rise of nationalism since the 19th Century.
This book focuses on the origins of nationalism in the Muslim world. Nationalism did not arise in the Muslim world naturally, nor did it came about in response to any hardships faced by the people, nor due to the frustration they felt when Europe started to dominate the world after the industrial revolution. Anzi, nationalism was implanted in the minds of the Muslims through a well thought out scheme by the European powers, after their failure to destroy the Islamic State by force. The book also presents the Islamic verdict on nationalism and practical steps that can be taken to eradicate the disease of nationalism from the Muslim Ummah so as to restore it back to its former glory.

ISLAMIC FAITH in AMERICA

JAMES A. BEVERLEY

AMERICA BEGINS A NEW MILLENNIUM AS ONE OF THE MOST RELIGIOUSLY diverse nations of all time. Nowhere else in the world do so many people—offered a choice free from government influence—identify with such a wide range of religious and spiritual communities. Nowhere else has the human search for meaning been so varied. In America today, there are communities and centers for worship representing all of the world’s religions.
The American landscape is dotted with churches, temples, synagogues, and mosques. Zen Buddhist zendos sit next to Pentecostal tabernacles. Hasidic Jews walk the streets with Hindu swamis. Most amazing of all, relatively little conflict has occurred among religions in America. This fact, combined with a high level of tolerance of each other’s beliefs and practices, has let America produce people of goodwill ready to try to resolve any tensions that might emerge. The Faith in America series celebrates America’s diverse religious heritage.
People of faith and ideals who longed for a better world have created a unique society where freedom of religious expression is a keynote of culture. The freedom that America offers to people of faith means that not only have ancient religions found a home
here, but that newer ways of expressing spirituality have also taken root. From huge churches in large cities to small spiritual communities in towns and villages, faith in America has never been stronger. The paths that different religions have taken through
American history is just one of the stories readers will find in this series. Like anything people create, religion is far from perfect. Madankollu, its contribution to the culture and its ability to help people are impressive, and these accomplishments will be found in all the books in the series. Sadanittant, awareness and tolerance of the different paths our neighbors take to the spiritual life has become an increasingly important part of citizenship in America.
Illum, more than ever, America as a whole puts its faith in freedom—the freedom to believe.

Partiti tal-Oppożizzjoni Iżlamiċi u l-Potenzjal għall-Impenn tal-UE

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Fid-dawl tal-importanza dejjem tikber tal-movimenti Iżlamiċi fid-dinja Musulmana u

il-mod kif ir-radikalizzazzjoni influwenzat avvenimenti globali mill-bidu tas-seklu, dan

huwa importanti għall-UE li tevalwa l-politiki tagħha lejn atturi fi ħdan dak li jista' jkun laxk

imsejħa d-'dinja Islamika'. Huwa partikolarment importanti li wieħed jistaqsi jekk u kif jimpenja ruħu

mad-diversi gruppi Iżlamiċi.

Dan jibqa’ kontroversjali anke fi ħdan l-UE. Xi wħud iħossu li l-Iżlamiċi jgħollu dan

jinsabu wara partiti Iżlamiċi huma sempliċement inkompatibbli mal-ideali tal-punent tad-demokrazija u

drittijiet umani, filwaqt li oħrajn jaraw l-ingaġġ bħala ħtieġa realistika minħabba t-tkabbir

importanza domestika tal-partiti Iżlamiċi u l-involviment dejjem akbar tagħhom fil-qasam internazzjonali

affarijiet. Perspettiva oħra hija li d-demokratizzazzjoni fid-dinja Musulmana tiżdied

sigurtà Ewropea. Il-validità ta’ dawn u argumenti oħra dwar jekk u kif il-

L-UE għandha timpenja ruħha tista' tiġi ttestjata biss billi tistudja l-movimenti Iżlamiċi differenti u

iċ-ċirkostanzi politiċi tagħhom, pajjiż b’pajjiż.

Id-demokratizzazzjoni hija tema ċentrali tal-azzjonijiet tal-politika barranija komuni tal-UE, kif imqiegħda

fl-Artikolu 11 tat-Trattat dwar l-Unjoni Ewropea. Ħafna mill-istati kkunsidrati f'dan

rapport mhumiex demokratiċi, jew mhux kompletament demokratiku. F'ħafna minn dawn il-pajjiżi, Iżlamiku

partiti u movimenti jikkostitwixxu oppożizzjoni sinifikanti għar-reġimi prevalenti, u

f’xi wħud jiffurmaw l-akbar blokk ta’ oppożizzjoni. Id-demokraziji Ewropej ilhom jagħmlu

jittrattaw reġimi governattivi li huma awtoritarji, iżda huwa fenomenu ġdid għall-istampa

għal riforma demokratika fi stati fejn l-aktar benefiċjarji probabbli jista' jkollhom, minn

l-opinjoni tal-UE, approċċi differenti u kultant problematiċi għad-demokrazija u tagħha

valuri relatati, bħall-minoranzi u d-drittijiet tan-nisa u l-istat tad-dritt. Dawn il-ħlasijiet huma

spiss imqiegħda kontra movimenti Iżlamiċi, għalhekk huwa importanti għal dawk li jfasslu l-politika Ewropej li

ikollhom stampa preċiża tal-politiki u l-filosofiji tal-imsieħba potenzjali.

Esperjenzi minn pajjiżi differenti għandhom it-tendenza li jissuġġerixxu li l-iżlamista aktar libertà

partijiet huma permessi, aktar ikunu moderati fl-azzjonijiet u l-ideat tagħhom. F'ħafna

każi partiti u gruppi Iżlamiċi ilhom li tbiegħdu mill-għan oriġinali tagħhom

tat-twaqqif ta’ stat Iżlamiku rregolat mil-liġi Iżlamika, u waslu biex jaċċettaw bażiku

prinċipji demokratiċi tal-kompetizzjoni elettorali għall-poter, l-eżistenza ta’ politika oħra

kompetituri, u pluraliżmu politiku.

Islam politiku fil-Lvant Nofsani

Huma Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. The report gives special emphasis to the Middle East, fi

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: democracy and political violence. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

armi kontra l-istat, u aktar rari, pajjiżi barranin. L-użu tal-vjolenza politika huwa

mifruxa fil-Lvant Nofsani, imma la hija illoġika u lanqas irrazzjonali. F'ħafna każijiet anke

Gruppi Iżlamiċi magħrufa għall-użu tagħhom tal-vjolenza ġew trasformati f’politiċi paċifiċi

partiti li kkontestaw b’suċċess l-elezzjonijiet muniċipali u nazzjonali. Madankollu, l-Iżlamista

qawmien mill-ġdid fil-Lvant Nofsani jibqa’ parzjalment mhux spjegat minkejja numru ta’ teoriji li qed ifittxu

kont għat-tkabbir tagħha u l-appell popolari. Ġeneralment, il-biċċa l-kbira tat-teoriji jsostnu li l-Iżlamiżmu huwa a

reazzjoni għal deprivazzjoni relattiva, speċjalment l-inugwaljanza soċjali u l-oppressjoni politika. Alternattiva

teoriji jfittxu t-tweġiba għall-qawmien mill-ġdid Iżlamiku fil-konfini tar-reliġjon nnifisha u l-

qawwija, potenzjal evokattiv tas-simboliżmu reliġjuż.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

tas-sezzjonijiet ifqar tas-soċjetà imma wkoll tal-klassi tan-nofs.

L-ISLAM, IŻLAMTI, U L-PRINĊIPJU ELETTORALI FIL-LVANT NOFSANI

James Piscatori

Għal idea li suppost wasal iż-żmien tagħha, ÒdemokrazijaÓ taħbi għaġeb

numru ta’ mistoqsijiet mhux imwieġba u, fid-dinja Musulmana, iġġenerat

ammont notevoli ta 'sħana. Huwa terminu kulturalment speċifiku, jirrifletti tal-Punent

esperjenzi Ewropej matul diversi sekli? Is-soċjetajiet mhux tal-Punent għandhom

l-istandards tagħhom ta' parteċipazzjoni u responsabbiltà—u tabilħaqq tagħhom

ritmi ta' żviluppÑli jikkmandaw l-attenzjoni, jekk mhux rispett? Jagħmel l-Islam,

bl-enfasi tagħha fuq l-awtorità skritturali u ċ-ċentralità tal-liġi sagra, jippermettu

għal politika flessibbli u gvern parteċipattiv?

It-tweġibiet għal dawn il-mistoqsijiet jiffurmaw parti minn narrattiva u kontronarrattiva

li huma stess huma parti integrali minn diskors ikkontestat. L-istorja akbar

jitħasseb jekk l-ÒIslamÓ jikkostitwixxix theddida għall-Punent jew le, u l-supplimentari

L-istorja tinvolvi l-kompatibbiltà tal-Islam mad-demokrazija. L-intellettwali

bagalji, biex tibdel il-metafora, bilkemm huwa newtrali. Id-diskussjoni nnifisha għandha

isiru politizzati akut, maqbuda fil-kontroversji relatati dwar l-Orjentaliżmu,

l-eċċezzjonaliżmu tal-Lvant Nofsani b'mod partikolari u tad-dinja Musulmana b'mod ġenerali,

u l-moderniżmu tal-movimenti reliġjużi ÒfundamentalistiÓ.

Rethinking International Relations Theory in Islam

Mohammad Abo-Kazleh

The legal foundation of foreign relations in Islam is based on Sharīy’ah. The original sources ofSharīy’ah are the Quran and the Prophetic traditions (Sunnah). Derived from Sharīy’ah is theFiqh or Islamic jurisprudence which covers the myriad of problems and issues that arise in thecourse of man’s life. (al-Mawdūdī, 2002) Among the main issues which the contemporaryIslamic jurisprudence attempt to deal with are foreign relations in Islam. Muslim jurists havedeveloped different opinions about the organizing principle of foreign relations in Islam. Some(hereafter referred to as traditionalists) who were influenced by the realistic tendency of Islamicstate, particularly during the periods of Conquest, believe that foreign relations in Islamoriginally depend on the attitude of non-Muslim groups or states toward Islam and Muslims.Therefore, the basis of foreign relations of Islamic state is fight, but under certain conditions. Incontrast, other jurists (hereafter referred to as pacifists or non-traditionalists) believe that theorigin of foreign relations in Islam is peace, because the Quran unambiguously states “there isno compulsion in religion.”(2: 256) Għaldaqstant, the principle of war advocated bytraditionalists is, non-traditionalists believe, not compatible with this unrelenting Quranic rule.The differences over the original principle of foreign relations in Islam are usually attributed tothe fact that exegetes of the Quran most often diverge in their approach to analyze andunderstand the related Quranic verses, and this create a dilemma in Islamic jurisprudence. Theproblem is complicated because proponents of both approaches depend on Quranic verses tojustify their claims.

German Converts to Islam and Their Ambivalent Relations with Immigrant Muslims

Esra Ozyurek

“I would never have become a Muslim if I had met Muslims before I met Islam.” I heard these words over and over again during my yearlong ethnographic research among ethnic German converts to Islam in Berlin.1 The first time, it was uttered by a self-declared German imam who had converted to Islam while trying to convert Arabs and Turks to Christianity. The second time, the speaker was a twenty-five-year-old former East German woman who came to Islam through her Bosnian boyfriend, whose family never accepted her. The third time, the comment was made by a fifty-year-old man who converted to Islam about thirty years ago after meeting Iranians who came to Europe to collect money and organize for the Iranian revolution. After that I stopped counting. Although all of the several dozen German converts I talked to (and the dozens of converts whose narratives I read on the internet) claim that they embraced Islam in a context of significant personal relationships with Muslims,2 a substantial portion of German Muslims are quite discontented with born Muslims, especially those of immigrant backgrounds. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the paradoxical feelings of love and hate for Islam and Muslims that many German Muslims experience. My aim in exploring this issue is to understand what it takes to be a (supposed) Islamophile in a political and social context that is highly Islamophobic.

Progressive Thinking in Contemporary Islam

Prof. Dr. Christian W. Troll

It seems sensible to start by shedding light on the background context and then to define the broader framework within which theprogressive thinkingin contemporary Islam which we want to discuss is embedded. The movements and trends which are shaping the contemporary Islamic world can be analyzed and assessed in the light of two conflicting forces, namely the notions of authenticity on the one hand and modernity on the other.
Such an approach perceives contemporary Islam as being torn between the authenticity in matters of life and doctrine which it derives from its past and the modernity which refers it to a present (and a future) in which Muslims no longer hold the reins of power and are therefore no longer able to control the development of thought.
Islam is centred on a scripture which it holds in faith to be the revelation of God. This scripture, the Qur’an, is believed to be eternal and immutable in form and content and thus to be valid for every place and time, to contain a truth which obtains for ever. Modernity, by contrast, is characterized by the relativity and the progressive nature of all truth. For the modernists there is nothing, spoken or written, which cannot be construed and questioned, which cannot and indeed should not be further refined by the human mind.
Islam thus sees itself positioned between the authenticity of a truth – that of the Qur’an as a – so to speak – naked, irrefutable fact – and a modernity whose knowledge in all fields is constantly being reconstructed. Is the solution to be found in modernizing Islam or in Islamizing modernity? It is the task of the Muslims to answer this question.