RSSAlle Einträge Tagged With: "Islam"

Islam und dem Making of State Power

Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr

In 1979 General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, die militärischen Herrscher von Pakistan, erklärt, dass Pakistan würde ein islamischer Staat werden. Islamische Werte und Normen würde als Grundlage der nationalen Identität dienen, Gesetz, Wirtschaft, und soziale Beziehungen, und würde inspirieren alle politischen Entscheidungen. In 1980 Mahathir Mohammed, der neue Premierminister von Malaysia, einen ähnlich breit angelegten Plan Ankerstaatspolitik eingeführt in islamischen Werten zu machen, und in seinem Land Gesetze bringen und wirtschaftliche Praktiken im Einklang mit den Lehren des Islam. Warum haben Sie diese Herrscher den Weg der „Islamisierung“ für ihre Länder? Und wie hat einmalige säkulare postkolonialer Staaten die Mittel der Islamisierung und der Vorbote des „wahren“ islamischen Staat geworden?
Malaysia und Pakistan haben seit Ende der 1970er Jahre Anfang der 1980er Jahre einen einzigartigen Weg zur Entwicklung gefolgt, dass divergiert von den Erfahrungen anderer Staaten der Dritten Welt. In diesen beiden Ländern wurde die religiöse Identität in Staatsideologie integriert das Ziel und den Prozess der Entwicklung mit islamischen Werten zu informieren.
Das Unternehmen hat auch ein ganz anderes Bild von der Beziehung zwischen Islam und Politik in muslimischen Gesellschaften vorgestellt. In Malaysia und Pakistan, es ist eher die staatlichen Institutionen gewesen, als Islamisten (diejenigen, die eine politische Lesart des Islam befürworten; auch als Erneuerer oder Fundamentalisten bekannt) das haben die Hüter des Islam und die Verteidiger seiner Interessen gewesen. Dies lässt darauf schließen ein
sehr unterschiedliche Dynamik der Ebben in und islamisch-Politik einfließen Geringsten zeigt auf die Bedeutung des Staates in den Wechselfällen dieses Phänomens.
Was von säkularen Staaten zu machen, die islamischen drehen? Was bedeutet eine solche Transformation Mittel für den Staat als auch für die islamische Politik?
Dieses Buch setzt sich mit diesen Fragen. Dies ist kein umfassendes Bild von Malaysias oder Pakistans Politik, noch deckt es alle Aspekte des Islam der Rolle in ihrer Gesellschaft und Politik, obwohl die analytische Erzählung wohnt wesentlich zu diesen Themen. Dieses Buch ist eher eine soziale wissenschaftliche Untersuchung des Phänomens der säkularen Staaten postkolonialer Agenten der Islamisierung immer, und im weiteren Sinne, wie Kultur und Religion dienen, die Bedürfnisse der Staatsgewalt und Entwicklung. Die Analyse stützt sich hier auf theoretische Diskussionen
in den Sozialwissenschaften der staatlichen Verhalten und die Rolle der Kultur und der Religion darin. Wichtiger, es zieht Schlüsse aus den vorliegenden Rechtssachen zu weiteren Schlussfolgerungen von Interesse für die Disziplinen zu machen.

Iranerinnen Nach der Islamischen Revolution

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Mehr als dreißig Jahre sind seit dem Sieg der Islamischen Revolution im Iran übergeben, doch es bleibt ein Anzahl der Fragen und Unklarheiten über den Weg der Islamischen Republik und ihre Gesetze befassen sich mit Probleme der Gegenwart und den gegenwärtigen Umständen, insbesondere im Hinblick auf Frauen und Frauenrechte. Dieses kurze Papier wird zu diesen Themen beleuchten und die aktuelle Position von Frauen in verschiedenen Bereichen studieren, Vergleicht man diese vor der Situation der Islamischen Revolution. Zuverlässig und authentifizierte Daten verwendet worden ist woimmer möglich. Die Einführung fasst eine Reihe von theoretischen und rechtlichen Studien, die die zur Verfügung stellen Grundlage für die anschließende Analyse und praktischer sind die Quellen, aus denen die Daten gewonnen wurden.
Der erste Abschnitt betrachtet Haltung der Führung der Islamischen Republik Iran gegenüber Frauen und Frauenrechte, und nimmt dann einen umfassenden Einblick in die Gesetze verkündet seit der Islamischen Revolution in Bezug auf Frauen und ihre Stellung in der Gesellschaft. Der zweite Abschnitt der Ansicht, Frauen kulturelle und Bildungs ​​Entwicklungen seit der Revolution und vergleicht diese mit der vorrevolutionären Situation. Der dritte Abschnitt befasst politischen bei Frauen, soziale und wirtschaftliche Teilhabe und hält sowohl quantitative und qualitative Aspekte ihrer Beschäftigung. Der vierte Abschnitt untersucht dann Fragen der Familie, das Beziehung zwischen Frau und der Familie, und die Rolle der Familie bei der Begrenzung oder die Erhöhung der Frauenrechte in die Islamische Republik Iran.

Frauen im Islam

Amira Burghul

Trotz großem Konsens unter einer großen Anzahl von Philosophen und Historiker, dass die

Prinzipien und Lehren des Islam verursachten in der Stellung der Frau einen grundlegenden Wandel

in Ländern, in Ost und West zum Zeitpunkt der vorherrschenden Situation im Vergleich, und trotz

die Vereinbarung einer großen Anzahl von Denkern und Gesetzgeber, dass Frauen während der Zeit der

Prophet (saw) wurden eingeräumten Rechte und rechtliche Privilegien nicht vom Menschen gemachten Gesetzen gewährt bis

vor kurzem, Propagandakampagnen von Westlern und Menschen mit einer verwestlichten Perspektive

konsequent beschuldigt Islam von den Frauen ungerecht, von über Beschränkungen für sie, und

marginalisiert ihre Rolle in der Gesellschaft.

Diese Situation wurde durch die Atmosphäre verschlimmert und Bedingungen vorherrschend über die

muslimische Welt, wo Unwissenheit und Armut haben ein begrenztes Verständnis von Religion produziert

und Familie und der menschlichen Beziehungen, die Gerechtigkeit und eine zivilisierte Art und Weise des Lebens okkludieren, insbesondere

zwischen Männern und Frauen. Die kleine Gruppe von Menschen, die Chancen eingeräumt wurden

eine Ausbildung erwerben und Fähigkeiten haben auch in die Falle der Annahme besteht, dass das Erreichen der Gerechtigkeit gefallen

für Frauen und auf ihre Fähigkeiten Kapital ist abhängig von Ablehnung der Religion und Frömmigkeit und

eine westliche Lebensweise Annahme, als Folge ihrer oberflächlichen Studien des Islam auf der einer Seite

und die Wirkung des Lebens ist Umleitungen auf der anderen.

Nur eine sehr kleine Anzahl von Menschen aus diesen beiden Gruppen hat zu fliehen und abgeworfen

ihre Mäntel aus Unwissenheit und Tradition. Diese Menschen haben ihr Erbe in großer Tiefe untersucht

und Detail, und haben bei den Ergebnissen der westlichen Erfahrungen mit einem offenen Geist sah. Sie haben

zwischen dem Weizen unterschieden und die Spreu sowohl in der Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart, und behandelt haben

wissenschaftlich und objektiv mit den Problemen, die entstanden sind,. Sie haben die falsche widerlegt

Gebühren, die gegen den Islam mit beredten Argumente, und haben verdeckte Mängel zugelassen.

Sie haben auch überprüften die Sprüche und Gebräuche der unfehlbare, um

unterscheiden zwischen dem, was hergestellt wird und heilig und was verändert wurde und verzerrt.

Das verantwortliche Verhalten dieser Gruppe hat neue Richtungen etabliert und neue Wege für den Umgang

mit der Frage der Frauen in islamischen Gesellschaften. Sie haben noch eindeutig nicht alle Probleme in Angriff genommen

und endgültige Lösungen für die vielen Gesetzeslücken und Mängel gefunden, aber sie haben fest die

für die Entstehung eines neuen Modells für muslimische Frauen gemahlen, die beide stark und

verpflichtet, die rechtlichen und wirksame Grundlagen ihrer Gesellschaft.

Mit dem Sieg der Islamischen Revolution im Iran und der Segen ihrer Führer, welches das

wichtigste religiöse Autorität für die Beteiligung von Frauen und deren wirksame politische und soziale

Beteiligung, der Spielraum für starke Debatte über Frauen im Islam wurde deutlich erweitert.

Das Modell der muslimischen Frauen in Iran hat Ausbreitung der islamischen Widerstandsbewegungen im Libanon,

Palästina andere arabische Länder und auch die westliche Welt, und als Ergebnis, Propaganda

Kampagnen gegen den Islam haben in gewissem Maße nachgelassen.

Die Entstehung von Salafi islamischen Bewegungen wie die Taliban in Afghanistan und ähnlichen

Salafi Bewegungen in Saudi-Arabien und Nordafrika, und ihre fanatische Art und Weise Frauen zur Behandlung von,

Nerven Zuschauer haben provozierte ein islamisches Wiederaufleben in der Einführung neue Propaganda aus Angst

Kampagnen Islam inspirierender Terrorismus beschuldigt und ist rückwärts und ungerecht gegen

Frauen.

ISLAM, DEMOCRACY & THE USA:

Cordoba Foundation

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


In spite of it being both a perennial and a complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practical grounds, the important debate about the relationship and compatibility between Islam and Democracy, as echoed in Barack Obama’s agenda of hope and change. Whilst many celebrate Obama’s ascendancy to the Oval Office as a national catharsis for the US, others remain less optimistic of a shift in ideology and approach in the international arena. While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA can be attributed to the approach of promoting democracy, typically favoring dictatorships and puppet regimes that pay lip-service to democratic values and human rights, the aftershock of 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivings further through America’s position on political Islam. It has created a wall of negativity as found by worldpublicopinion.org, according to which 67% of Egyptians believe that globally America is playing a “mainly negative” role.
America’s response has thus been apt. By electing Obama, many around the world are pinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent, but fairer foreign policy towards the Muslim world. Th e test for Obama, as we discuss, is how America and her allies promote democracy. Will it be facilitating or imposing?
Außerdem, can it importantly be an honest broker in prolonged zones of confl icts? Enlisting the expertise and insight of prolifi
c scholars, academics, seasoned journalists and politicians, Arches Quarterly brings to light the relationship between Islam and Democracy and the role of America – as well as the changes brought about by Obama, in seeking the common ground. Anas Altikriti, the CEO of Th e Cordoba Foundation provides the opening gambit to this discussion, where he refl ects on the hopes and challenges that rests on Obama’s path. Following Altikriti, the former advisor to President Nixon, Dr Robert Crane off ers a thorough analysis of the Islamic principle of the right to freedom. Anwar Ibrahim, former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, enriches the discussion with the practical realities of implementing democracy in Muslim dominant societies, nämlich, in Indonesia and Malaysia.
We also have Dr Shireen Hunter, of Georgetown University, US-, who explores Muslim countries lagging in democratisation and modernisation. Th is is complemented by terrorism writer, Dr Nafeez Ahmed’s explanation of the crisis of post-modernity and the
demise of democracy. Dr Daud Abdullah (Director of Middle East Media Monitor), Alan Hart (former ITN and BBC Panorama correspondent; author of Zionism: Th e Real Enemy of the Jews) and Asem Sondos (Editor of Egypt’s Sawt Al Omma weekly) concentrate on Obama and his role vis-à-vis democracy-promotion in the Muslim world, as well as US relations with Israel and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Minister of Foreign Aff airs, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed speculates on the future of Islam and Democracy; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
a Sinn Féin member who endured four years in prison for Irish Republican activities and a campaigner for the Guildford 4 and Birmingham 6, refl ects on his recent trip to Gaza where he witnessed the impact of the brutality and injustice meted out against Palestinians; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Director of the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Contemporary Political Violence discusses the challenges of critically researching political terror; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, writer and playwright, discusses prospects of peace in Darfur; and fi nally journalist and human rights activist Ashur Shamis looks critically at the democratisation and politicisation of Muslims today.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

Islamische Politische Kultur, Demokratie, und Menschenrechte

Daniel E. Preis

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Folglich, scholars, commentators, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, jedoch, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions, can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages, and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, if so, how,Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

In Search of Islamic Constitutionalism

Nadirsyah Hosen

While constitutionalism in the West is mostly identified with secular thought, Islamic constitutionalism, which incorporates some religious elements, has attracted growing interest in recent years. Zum Beispiel, the Bush administration’s response to the events of 9/11 radically transformed the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries are now rewriting their constitutions. As
Ann Elizabeth Mayer points out, Islamic constitutionalism is constitutionalism that is, in some form, based on Islamic principles, as opposed to the constitutionalism developed in countries that happen to be Muslim but which has not been informed by distinctively Islamic principles. Several Muslim scholars, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. Aber, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
First, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts

Islam and Islamism in Afghanistan

Christine Mendoza

The last half-century in particular has seen the recurrent use of religious Islam as

Ideologie, often referred to as political Islam or Islamism, in groups espousing the

establishment of an Islamic state. Attention was drawn to Afghanistan when it became

the rallying point for Islamists in the 1980s. Aber, the earlier appearance of an

Islamist movement in Afghanistan in the 1960s and its subsequent development offer an

instructive, unique lesson in understanding Islam and Islamism in Afghan society.

This overview of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan is divided into three

parts: It begins by defining the differing manifestations of Islam in Afghanistan,

indicating how Islamism differs from or draws upon each manifestation in constructing

its own vision. Then, the broader context of Islamism elsewhere in the Muslim world is

discussed and analyzed. Although the theoretical basis for Islamism was constructed in

the 1960s by Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi in Pakistan and Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, this paper will

show that the Islamist movement in Afghanistan did not mirror those in either of these

countries. To this end, this paper reviews the thought of the above-mentioned

theoreticians of Islamism, and outlines historical and social conditions that colored the

implementation of their models in their respective countries. This leads back to a

discussion of the Afghan context, which makes up the final part of the paper. It is

necessary to review salient aspects of the traditional structure of Afghan society, and the

role Islam has historically played in Afghanistan to understand how the Islamist

experience was shaped and constrained by this structure, as well as how the Islamist

experience has altered it.
As Afghanistan is now faced with the monumental task of rebuilding a state and

legal system, Islamists are attempting to influence the reconstruction. This overview will

underscore for those observing and participating in this process the importance of

understanding the Afghan Islamist perspective, its historical underpinnings, and current

demands.


Ägypten am Tipping Point ?

David B. Ottaway
In the early 1980s, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 zu 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, electricity and gasoline were consuming one-third ($7 billion) of its budget. Cairo had sunk into a hopeless morass of gridlocked traffic and teeming humanity—12 million people squeezed into a narrow band of land bordering the Nile River, most living cheek by jowl in ramshackle tenements in the city’s ever-expanding slums.

Roots Of Nationalism In The Muslim World

Shabir Ahmed

The Muslim world has been characterised by failure, disunity, bloodshed, oppression and backwardness. At present, no Muslim country in the world can rightly claim to be a leader in any field of human activity. Tatsächlich, the non-Muslims of the East and the West
now dictate the social, economic and political agenda for the Muslim Ummah.
Furthermore, the Muslims identify themselves as Turkish, Araber, African and Pakistani. If this is not enough, Muslims are further sub-divided within each country or continent. Beispielsweise, in Pakistan people are classed as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balauchis and
Pathans. The Muslim Ummah was never faced with such a dilemma in the past during Islamic rule. They never suffered from disunity, widespread oppression, stagnation in science and technology and certainly not from the internal conflicts that we have witnessed this century like the Iran-Iraq war. So what has gone wrong with the Muslims this century? Why are there so many feuds between them and why are they seen to be fighting each other? What has caused their weakness and how will they ever recover from the present stagnation?
There are many factors that contributed to the present state of affairs, but the main ones are the abandoning of the Arabic language as the language of understanding Islam correctly and performing ijtihad, the absorption of foreign cultures such as the philosophies of the Greeks, Persian and the Hindus, the gradual loss of central authority over some of the provinces, and the rise of nationalism since the 19th Century.
This book focuses on the origins of nationalism in the Muslim world. Nationalism did not arise in the Muslim world naturally, nor did it came about in response to any hardships faced by the people, nor due to the frustration they felt when Europe started to dominate the world after the industrial revolution. Vielmehr, nationalism was implanted in the minds of the Muslims through a well thought out scheme by the European powers, after their failure to destroy the Islamic State by force. The book also presents the Islamic verdict on nationalism and practical steps that can be taken to eradicate the disease of nationalism from the Muslim Ummah so as to restore it back to its former glory.

ISLAMIC FAITH in AMERICA

JAMES A. BEVERLEY

AMERICA BEGINS A NEW MILLENNIUM AS ONE OF THE MOST RELIGIOUSLY diverse nations of all time. Nowhere else in the world do so many people—offered a choice free from government influence—identify with such a wide range of religious and spiritual communities. Nowhere else has the human search for meaning been so varied. In America today, there are communities and centers for worship representing all of the world’s religions.
The American landscape is dotted with churches, temples, synagogues, and mosques. Zen Buddhist zendos sit next to Pentecostal tabernacles. Hasidic Jews walk the streets with Hindu swamis. Most amazing of all, relatively little conflict has occurred among religions in America. This fact, combined with a high level of tolerance of each other’s beliefs and practices, has let America produce people of goodwill ready to try to resolve any tensions that might emerge. The Faith in America series celebrates America’s diverse religious heritage.
People of faith and ideals who longed for a better world have created a unique society where freedom of religious expression is a keynote of culture. The freedom that America offers to people of faith means that not only have ancient religions found a home
here, but that newer ways of expressing spirituality have also taken root. From huge churches in large cities to small spiritual communities in towns and villages, faith in America has never been stronger. The paths that different religions have taken through
American history is just one of the stories readers will find in this series. Like anything people create, religion is far from perfect. Aber, its contribution to the culture and its ability to help people are impressive, and these accomplishments will be found in all the books in the series. Meanwhile, awareness and tolerance of the different paths our neighbors take to the spiritual life has become an increasingly important part of citizenship in America.
Today, mehr als je zuvor, America as a whole puts its faith in freedom—the freedom to believe.

Islamist Opposition Parties and the Potential for EU Engagement

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

In light of the increasing importance of Islamist movements in the Muslim world and

the way that radicalisation has influenced global events since the turn of the century, it

is important for the EU to evaluate its policies towards actors within what can be loosely

termed the ‘Islamic world’. It is particularly important to ask whether and how to engage

with the various Islamist groups.

This remains controversial even within the EU. Some feel that the Islamic values that

lie behind Islamist parties are simply incompatible with western ideals of democracy and

Menschenrechte, while others see engagement as a realistic necessity due to the growing

domestic importance of Islamist parties and their increasing involvement in international

affairs. Another perspective is that democratisation in the Muslim world would increase

European security. The validity of these and other arguments over whether and how the

EU should engage can only be tested by studying the different Islamist movements and

their political circumstances, country by country.

Democratisation is a central theme of the EU’s common foreign policy actions, as laid

out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union. Many of the states considered in this

report are not democratic, or not fully democratic. In most of these countries, Islamist

parties and movements constitute a significant opposition to the prevailing regimes, und

in some they form the largest opposition bloc. European democracies have long had to

deal with governing regimes that are authoritarian, but it is a new phenomenon to press

for democratic reform in states where the most likely beneficiaries might have, from the

EU’s point of view, different and sometimes problematic approaches to democracy and its

related values, such as minority and women’s rights and the rule of law. These charges are

often laid against Islamist movements, so it is important for European policy-makers to

have an accurate picture of the policies and philosophies of potential partners.

Experiences from different countries tends to suggest that the more freedom Islamist

parties are allowed, the more moderate they are in their actions and ideas. In many

cases Islamist parties and groups have long since shifted away from their original aim

of establishing an Islamic state governed by Islamic law, and have come to accept basic

democratic principles of electoral competition for power, the existence of other political

competitors, and political pluralism.

Political Islam in the Middle East

Sind Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. The report gives special emphasis to the Middle East, in

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: democracy and political violence. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Nonetheless, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

ISLAM, ISLAMISTS, AND THE ELECTORAL PRINCIPLE I N THE MIDDLE EAST

James Piscatori

For an idea whose time has supposedly come, ÒdemocracyÓ masks an astonishing

number of unanswered questions and, in the Muslim world, has generated

a remarkable amount of heat. Is it a culturally specific term, reflecting Western

European experiences over several centuries? Do non-Western societies possess

their own standards of participation and accountabilityÑand indeed their own

rhythms of developmentÑwhich command attention, if not respect? Does Islam,

with its emphasis on scriptural authority and the centrality of sacred law, allow

for flexible politics and participatory government?

The answers to these questions form part of a narrative and counter-narrative

that themselves are an integral part of a contested discourse. The larger story

concerns whether or not ÒIslamÓ constitutes a threat to the West, and the supplementary

story involves IslamÕs compatibility with democracy. The intellectual

baggage, to change the metaphor, is scarcely neutral. The discussion itself has

become acutely politicised, caught in the related controversies over Orientalism,

the exceptionalism of the Middle East in particular and the Muslim world in general,

and the modernism of religious ÒfundamentalistÓ movements.

Rethinking Internationale Beziehungen Theorie im Islam

Mohammad Abo-Kazleh

Die rechtliche Grundlage für die auswärtigen Beziehungen im Islam basiert auf Sharīy'ah. Die ursprünglichen Quellen ofSharīy'ah den Koran und die prophetischen Traditionen (Sunnah). Abgeleitet von Sharīy'ah ist theFiqh oder islamische Jurisprudenz, die die Vielzahl von Problemen und Fragen abdeckt, die in thecourse des Lebens des Menschen entstehen. (al-Mawdudi, 2002) Zu den wichtigsten Themen, die der contemporaryIslamic Rechtsprechung Versuch zu behandeln sind auswärtige Beziehungen im Islam. Muslimische Juristen havedeveloped unterschiedliche Meinungen über das Organisationsprinzip der auswärtigen Beziehungen im Islam. Etwas(im Folgenden als Traditionalisten bezeichnet) die durch die realistische Tendenz Islamicstate beeinflusst, insbesondere während der Perioden der Conquest, glaube, dass die auswärtigen Beziehungen in Islamoriginally hängen von der Einstellung von nicht-muslimischen Gruppen oder Staaten gegenüber dem Islam und Muslims.Therefore, die Grundlage für die auswärtigen Beziehungen der islamischen Staat kämpfen, aber unter bestimmten Bedingungen. Im Gegensatz, andere Juristen (nachstehend als Pazifisten oder nicht-Traditionalisten) glauben, dass theorigin der auswärtigen Beziehungen im Islam ist Frieden, weil der Koran heißt es eindeutig: „Es in der Religion ISNO Zwang.“(2: 256) Entsprechend, das Prinzip des Krieges befürwortete bytraditionalists ist, Nicht-Traditionalisten glauben, nicht kompatibel mit diesem gegenüber dem ursprünglichen Prinzip der auswärtigen Beziehungen im Islam rule.The Unterschiede Quranic unerbittlich sind in der Regel darauf zurückzuführen, dass TO THE Exegeten der am häufigsten diverge Koran in ihrem Ansatz andunderstand die damit verbundenen Qur'anverse analysieren, und dies schafft ein Dilemma in der islamischen Jurisprudenz. Theproblem ist kompliziert, weil die Befürworter beiden Ansätze hängen von Qur'anverse tojustify ihren Forderungen.

German Converts to Islam and Their Ambivalent Relations with Immigrant Muslims

Esra Özyürek

“I would never have become a Muslim if I had met Muslims before I met Islam.” I heard these words over and over again during my yearlong ethnographic research among ethnic German converts to Islam in Berlin.1 The first time, it was uttered by a self-declared German imam who had converted to Islam while trying to convert Arabs and Turks to Christianity. The second time, the speaker was a twenty-five-year-old former East German woman who came to Islam through her Bosnian boyfriend, whose family never accepted her. The third time, the comment was made by a fifty-year-old man who converted to Islam about thirty years ago after meeting Iranians who came to Europe to collect money and organize for the Iranian revolution. After that I stopped counting. Although all of the several dozen German converts I talked to (and the dozens of converts whose narratives I read on the internet) claim that they embraced Islam in a context of significant personal relationships with Muslims,2 a substantial portion of German Muslims are quite discontented with born Muslims, especially those of immigrant backgrounds. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the paradoxical feelings of love and hate for Islam and Muslims that many German Muslims experience. My aim in exploring this issue is to understand what it takes to be a (supposed) Islamophile in a political and social context that is highly Islamophobic.

Progressive Thinking in Contemporary Islam

Prof. Dr. Christian W. Troll

It seems sensible to start by shedding light on the background context and then to define the broader framework within which theprogressive thinkingin contemporary Islam which we want to discuss is embedded. The movements and trends which are shaping the contemporary Islamic world can be analyzed and assessed in the light of two conflicting forces, namely the notions of authenticity on the one hand and modernity on the other.
Such an approach perceives contemporary Islam as being torn between the authenticity in matters of life and doctrine which it derives from its past and the modernity which refers it to a present (and a future) in which Muslims no longer hold the reins of power and are therefore no longer able to control the development of thought.
Islam is centred on a scripture which it holds in faith to be the revelation of God. This scripture, the Qur’an, is believed to be eternal and immutable in form and content and thus to be valid for every place and time, to contain a truth which obtains for ever. Modernity, by contrast, is characterized by the relativity and the progressive nature of all truth. For the modernists there is nothing, spoken or written, which cannot be construed and questioned, which cannot and indeed should not be further refined by the human mind.
Islam thus sees itself positioned between the authenticity of a truth – that of the Qur’an as a – so to speak – naked, irrefutable fact – and a modernity whose knowledge in all fields is constantly being reconstructed. Is the solution to be found in modernizing Islam or in Islamizing modernity? It is the task of the Muslims to answer this question.