Όλες οι εγγραφές με ετικέτα με: "Ikhwanweb"

Ισλαμικός Πολιτικός Πολιτισμός, Δημοκρατία, και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων

Daniel E. Τιμή

Το πολιτικό Ισλάμ στη Μέση Ανατολή

είναι Knudsen

The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

William Thomasson

Is Islam a religion of violence? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; one being a peaceful, adaptive, modernized Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, though seemingly opposed, mingle and inter-relate, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. Πράγματι, one may do this with Egypt, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, and their relationship with Islamic society as a whole in the current debate over what Islam is, this essay will offer a history of the Society of Muslim Brothers, a description of how the organization originated, functioned, and was organized, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. Certainly, by doing so, one may gain a deeper understanding of how Islamic Fundamentalists interpret Islam

International Consultation of Muslim Intellectuals on Islam & Πολιτική

Stimson Κέντρο & Ινστιτούτο Πολιτικών Μελετών

Αυτή η διήμερη συζήτηση συγκέντρωσε ειδικούς και μελετητές από το Μπαγκλαντές, Αίγυπτος, Ινδία,Ινδονησία, Κενύα, Μαλαισία, Πακιστάν, οι Φιλιππίνες, Το Σουδάν και η Σρι Λάνκα εκπροσωπούν τον ακαδημαϊκό κόσμο,μη κυβερνητικές οργανώσεις και δεξαμενές σκέψης. Μεταξύ των συμμετεχόντων ήταν αρκετοί πρώην κυβερνητικοί αξιωματούχοι και ένας εν ενεργεία νομοθέτης. Οι συμμετέχοντες επιλέχθηκαν επίσης για να αποτελούν το εξωτερικό φάσμα ιδεολογιών, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των θρησκευτικών και των κοσμικών, πολιτιστικός, πολιτικοί και οικονομικοί συντηρητικοί, φιλελεύθεροι και ριζοσπάστες.Τα παρακάτω θέματα χαρακτήρισαν τη συζήτηση:1. Δυτική και ΗΠΑ (Τι)Κατανόηση Υπάρχει μια θεμελιώδης αποτυχία της Δύσης να κατανοήσει την πλούσια ποικιλία των πνευματικών ρευμάτων και των διασταυρούμενων ρευμάτων στον μουσουλμανικό κόσμο και στην ισλαμική σκέψη. Αυτό που βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη στον μουσουλμανικό κόσμο δεν είναι μια απλή αντίθεση με τη Δύση που βασίζεται σε παράπονα (αν και υπάρχουν και παράπονα), αλλά είναι νέοι της σκέψης και του πολιτισμού και μια φιλοδοξία να αναζητήσουν ανάπτυξη και να εκσυγχρονιστούν χωρίς να χάσουν την ταυτότητά τους. Αυτό παίρνει διάφορες μορφές, και δεν μπορεί να γίνει κατανοητό με απλά λόγια. Υπάρχει ιδιαίτερη δυσαρέσκεια για τις δυτικές προσπάθειες να καθοριστούν οι παράμετροι του νόμιμου ισλαμικού λόγου. Υπάρχει η αίσθηση ότι το Ισλάμ υποφέρει από υπερβολική γενίκευση, από τους πρωταθλητές της όσο και από τους επικριτές της. Προτρέπεται σθεναρά να γίνει κατανοητή η φύση της μουσουλμανικής αναγέννησης, η Δύση θα πρέπει να μελετήσει όλα τα πνευματικά στοιχεία μέσα στις μουσουλμανικές κοινωνίες, και όχι μόνο ο δήθεν ισλαμικός λόγος.Η πολιτική των ΗΠΑ στον απόηχο της 9/11 είχε αρκετές επιπτώσεις. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. Τελικά, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Pursuit of Legal Existence and Intellectual Development in Egypt

Manar Hassan

In the wake of the devastating earthquake that trembled the congested capital of Egyptand its neighboring cities in October of 1992, the Private Voluntary Organizations – dominatedby Islamists – managed to considerably lead the relief efforts within hours, leaving theincumbent regime afflicted with its bureaucratic inefficiencies. The government’s ownlimitations in providing the type of crucial operative services at time of mayhem is a mereexample of its declining credibility among the masses. Εξάλλου, its response to this publicembarrassment was even more austere – passing a decree to ban any direct relief efforts by thePVOs therefore forcing all aid to materialize through the government only. But withgovernmental impediments still looming, the regime struggled to meet the needs of the victimsin time which led to riots and posed as a mere reminder of the incessant exasperation thatEgyptians have faced in their recent history. Ως εκ τούτου, it became apparent that Mubarak’sattempts to salvage his image in order to corroborate his grip on power had by and largealienated vital forces within Egypt’s civil society.The civil society has, therefore, been a crucial source through which oppositionists –predominantly the Muslim Brotherhood – derive the power of popular appeal. Being one of thelargest and most influential oppositionist organization, the Muslim Brotherhood cuts acrossestranged social structures such as the modern working class, the urban poor, the young, and thenew middle class, which form a support base. Some of the most prominent Brotherhoodmembers themselves pertain to the new middle class and therefore network through al-niqabatal-mihaniyyah (Professional Associations). One example is Dr. Ahmad el-Malt, who was theformer Deputy Supreme Guide to the Brotherhood and also President of the Doctors’ syndicateprior to his death

Brothers in Arms?

Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. Το Ισλάμ και η Δημιουργία της Κρατικής Εξουσίας 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.

The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.

The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Ωστόσο, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. Το Ισλάμ και η Δημιουργία της Κρατικής Εξουσίας 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Ιράκ, Syria and other Arab states.

Ο Mahmoud Ezzat σε μια περιεκτική συνέντευξη στον Ahmed Mansur του Al Jazeera

Ο Δρ. Μαχμούντ Ezzat, Secretary-General of the Muslim Brotherhood, in a comprehensive interview with Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Mansour ascertained that the Muslim Brotherhood’s elections for Chairman scheduled to be held in the upcoming period by members of the Guidance Bureau is open to everyone who wishes to submit his nomination papers as a candidate.

In his statement to the talk show Bila Hedood (Without Borders) on Al-Jazeera TV, Ezzat explained that nomination papers generally should not be used for the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidates but rather a complete list of the entire Brotherhood’s 100-member Shura Council is presented to elect the Brotherhood’s Chairman and Guidance Bureau. He denied that the Brotherhood’s General Guide to leadership of the General Shura Council does not allow him the freedom to work on his own in making his final decision. He also revealed that the Council has the authority to hold the Chairman accountable for any failure and if the need arises dismiss him at any time.

He stressed that the movement is ready to make the ultimate sacrifice in order to practice the principle of Shura (consultation) within the ranks of, pointing out that the Shura Council will elect the Chairman and a new Guidance Bureau in the upcoming year.

He commented on the Media coverage of what really happened behind the scenes at the Guidance Bureau, citing that the committee which consisted of leading figures such as Dr. Essam el-Erian and a number of the Guidance Bureau members responsible for printing the Chairman’s weekly statement objected to Mr. Mahdi Akef’s wish a trifle difference of opinion. Akef’s first term will end on January 13, 2010 however he has announced earlier; he will still make a decision whether he will remain in office for a second term as the group’s general guide.

He continued that the 81-year old Akef had informed members of the Guidance Bureau earlier that he intended to resign and will not serve for a second term. Members of the Bureau immediately responded urging him to remain in office.

In his weekly message, Mahdi Akef vaguely referred to his intentions of not running a second term and thanking the Muslim Brotherhood and members of the Guidance Bureau who shared with him the responsibility as if he intended it to be his farewell speech. On Sunday, Οκτώβριος 17 the media claimed that the Chairman of the Brotherhood had announced his resignation; however the Chairman has repeatedly denied media allegations where he came to the office the next day and met with members. He later issued a statement disclosing the truth. Media allegations on the Guidance Bureau’s unwillingness to appoint Dr. Essam el-Erian are totally false.

Ο Δρ. Mahmoud Ezzat ascertained that the movement is pleased to provide an opportunity to members to share their opinions, τονίζοντας ότι είναι μια εκδήλωση ταιριάσματος ισχύος με το υπάρχον μεγάλο μέγεθος και τον πρωταγωνιστικό του ρόλο, δηλώνοντας ότι ο Πρόεδρος της Μουσουλμανικής Αδελφότητας είναι πολύ χαρούμενος που το πράττει.

Τόνισε ότι όλα τα θέματα επιστρέφουν στο Γραφείο Καθοδήγησης για την τελική απόφαση όπου τα ψηφίσματά του είναι δεσμευτικά και ικανοποιητικά για όλους, ανεξάρτητα από τις διαφορές στις απόψεις.

“Δεν υποτιμώ αυτό που έχει ήδη συμβεί ή απλά θα έλεγα ότι δεν υπάρχει κρίση, Την ίδια στιγμή, δεν πρέπει να ξεφεύγουμε από το πλαίσιό τους, είμαστε αποφασισμένοι να εφαρμόσουμε την αρχή της Σούρα”, αυτός πρόσθεσε.

Συζητήθηκε νωρίτερα στην επόμενη συνεδρίαση του Γραφείου Προσανατολισμού ότι το Συμβούλιο Σούρα της ομάδας έχει το μόνο δικαίωμα να εκλέγει μέλη του Γραφείου Καθοδήγησης σε οποιοδήποτε μέλος, αυτός εξήγησε. Ο Δρ. Essam himself agreed that it was not suitable to appoint a new member in the Brotherhood’s Guidance Bureau since the election was near.

Ezzat stated that the episode was presented to the Shura Council on the recommendation of the guidance office amid frequent arrests and detentions waged by state security. We strive hard to involve the Shura Council to choose the next Chairman and members of the Guidance Office. It is expected the whole matter be resolved, Allah’s willing, before January 13.

It was decided at this meeting by the Chairman and members of the MB Guidance Bureau to send a letter to the Shura Council, stressing that the date for these elections will not be later than sixth months. It was assumed that the proceedings would be conducted prior to or during elections in which 5 new members were elected last year. It is the Shura Council’s decision and not the MB Guidance Bureau. συνεπώς, the general group’s Shura Council finally reached its unanimous decision of holding elections as soon as possible.

He stressed that the Muslim Brotherhood, with the enforcement of the Shura is organized by its internal regulations. Regulations which are adopted and advocated by laws of the Shura Council and are subject to change. The most recent amendment underway with one of its clauses is the duration of the term of a member of the Guidance Office provides that a member must not serve more than two consecutive terms.

Some members of the Guidance Office were accused of their adherence to stay in office for many years; Ο Δρ. Ezzat claimed that frequent arrests which did not exclude any one the Executive Bureau prompted us to modify another article in the internal Regulation that provides a member maintain his membership even if he was detained. The absence of the honorable working for the welfare of their country and the sublime mission led us to insist on them maintaining their membership. Engineer Khayrat Al-Shater will remain as second deputy chairman of the MB and Dr. Mohammed Ali Bishr a member of the MB Executive Bureau. It is expected Bishr will be released next month.

Ο Δρ. Mahmoud Ezzat completely denied rumors about internal conflicts within the opposition group with regards to leadership, stressing that the mechanisms, regulations and terms are paving the way to select the movement’s leaders. He also noted that Egypt’s geographical situation and considerable moral weight within the Muslim world justifies the need for the MB Chairman to be Egyptian.

“The Guidance Office is currently exploring the general tendency of the Brotherhood’s 100-member Shura Council with regards to nominating a suitable candidate eligible to take charge as Chairman”, he said.

“It is extremely difficult to predict who will be the next chairman, noting that 5 minutes ahead of appointing Mr. Akef as Chairman nobody knew, the ballots only decided who would be the new leader”, he said.

Ο Δρ. Mahmoud Ezzat attributed the Media’s apparent conflicting reports on their allegations towards remarks about the Brotherhood top leaders to the same inconsistencies of media reports on senior leaders that vary from newspaper to another.

Ο Δρ. Mahmoud Ezzat shed light with figures upon security raids that led to the arrest of some 2696 members of the group in 2007, 3674 σε 2008 και 5022 σε 2009. This resulted in the Shura Council’s inability to hold meetings and contest elections.

He also emphasized that the Muslim Brotherhood is extremely keen on maintaining Egypt’s national security and its’ interest in achieving peaceful reform in the society. “We are well aware that the meetings of the Guidance Office are surveilled by security although we intend only to practice democracy. In fact, we do not want to provoke the hostility and animosity of others”.

He also stressed the differences within the organization are not motivated by hatred or personal differences since the decent temperaments encouraged by the sublime teachings of Islam encourage us to tolerate difference of opinions. He added that history has proven that the Muslim Brotherhood movement has encountered much more difficult circumstances than the existing crisis.

The media has projected a negative image of the Muslim Brotherhood where they relied on SSI investigations for information. It is imperative that journalists get facts from the original sources if they are to have some sort of credibility. In fact the judiciary has invalidated all the accusations reported in state investigation, he said.

Ο Δρ. Mahmoud Ezzat was optimistic that the current political crisis will pass asserting that events will prove that the Muslim Brotherhood with all its noble manners, objectivity, and practicing of democracy will shine through with flying colours.

Published on Ikhwanweb

Το Διαδίκτυο και η ισλαμιστική πολιτική στην Ιορδανία, Μαρόκο και Αίγυπτο.

Andrew Helms

The end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first saw a dissemination of the Internet as a center of communication, information, entertainment and commerce.

The spread of the Internet reached all four corners of the globe, connecting the researcher in Antarctica with the farmer in Guatemala and the newscaster in Moscow to the Bedouin in Egypt.

Through the Internet, the flow of information and real-time news reaches across continents, and the voices of subalternity have the potential to project their previously silenced voices through blogs, websites and social networking sites.

Political organizations across the left-right continuum have targeted the Internet as the political mobilizer of the future, and governments now provide access to historical documents, party platforms, and administrative papers through their sites. Similarly, religious groups display their beliefs online through official sites, and forums allow members from across the globe to debate issues of eschatology, orthopraxy and any number of nuanced theological issues.

Fusing the two, Islamist political organizations have made their presence known through sophisticated websites detailing their political platforms, relevant news stories, and religiously oriented material discussing their theological views. This paper will specifically examine this nexus – the use of the Internet by Islamist political organizations in the Middle East in the countries of Jordan, Μαρόκο και Αίγυπτο.

Although a wide range of Islamist political organizations utilize the Internet as a forum to publicize their views and create a national or international reputation, the methods and intentions of these groups vary greatly and depend on the nature of the organization.

This paper will examine the use of the Internet by three ‘moderate’ Islamist parties: the Islamic Action Front in Jordan, the Justice and Development Party in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. As these three parties have increased their political sophistication and reputation, both at home and abroad, they have increasingly utilized the Internet for a variety of purposes.

Πρώτα, Islamist organizations have used the Internet as a contemporary extension of the public sphere, a sphere through which parties frame, communicate and institutionalize ideas to a broader public.

Secondly, the Internet provides Islamist organizations an unfiltered forum through which officials may promote and advertise their positions and views, as well as circumvent local media restrictions imposed by the state.

Τελικά, το Διαδίκτυο επιτρέπει στις ισλαμιστικές οργανώσεις να παρουσιάζουν έναν αντιηγεμονικό λόγο σε αντίθεση με το κυβερνών καθεστώς ή τη μοναρχία ή να εκτίθενται σε διεθνές ακροατήριο. Αυτό το τρίτο κίνητρο ισχύει πιο συγκεκριμένα για τους Αδελφούς Μουσουλμάνους, η οποία παρουσιάζει έναν εξελιγμένο ιστότοπο στην αγγλική γλώσσα, σχεδιασμένο σε δυτικό στυλ και προσαρμοσμένο ώστε να προσεγγίζει ένα επιλεκτικό κοινό μελετητών, politicians and journalists.

Το MB έχει διαπρέψει σε αυτό το λεγόμενο "bridgeblogging" 1 και έχει θέσει το πρότυπο για τα ισλαμικά κόμματα που προσπαθούν να επηρεάσουν τις διεθνείς αντιλήψεις για τις θέσεις και το έργο τους. Το περιεχόμενο ποικίλλει μεταξύ της αραβικής και της αγγλικής έκδοσης του ιστότοπου, και θα εξεταστεί περαιτέρω στην ενότητα για τους Αδελφούς Μουσουλμάνους.

Αυτοί οι τρεις στόχοι αλληλεπικαλύπτονται σημαντικά τόσο στις προθέσεις όσο και στα επιθυμητά τους αποτελέσματα; ωστόσο, each goal targets a different actor: the public, the media, and the regime. Following an analysis of these three areas, this paper will proceed into a case study analysis of the websites of the IAF, the PJD and the Muslim Brotherhood.