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Islamische Politische Kultur, Demokratie, und Menschenrechte

Daniel E. Preis

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Folglich, scholars, commentators, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, jedoch, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions, can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages, and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, if so, how,Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

Political Islam in the Middle East

Sind Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. The report gives special emphasis to the Middle East, in

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: democracy and political violence. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Nonetheless, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

Die Muslimbruderschaft in Ägypten

William Thomasson

Ist der Islam eine Religion der Gewalt? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; nämlich ein friedliches, adaptiv, modernisierten Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, obwohl scheinbar gegensätzlichen, mischen und inter-Beziehung, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. Tatsächlich, Man kann dies mit Ägypten zu tun, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, und ihre Beziehungen mit der islamischen Gesellschaft als Ganzes in der aktuellen Debatte über das, was der Islam ist, diesem Aufsatz wird eine Historie der Gesellschaft der Muslimbrüder, eine Beschreibung, wie die Organisation entstanden, funktioniert, und organisiert wurde, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. Certainly, by doing so, kann man ein tieferes Verständnis darüber, wie islamische Fundamentalisten interpretieren Islam


Internationale Konsultation muslimischer Intellektueller über den Islam & Politik

Stimson Center & Institute of Policy Studies

Dieser zweitägige Diskussion brachte Experten und Wissenschaftler aus Bangladesch, Ägypten, Indien,Indonesien, Kenia, Malaysia, Pakistan, auf den Philippinen, Sudan und Sri Lanka vertreten Hochschulen,Nichtregierungsorganisationen und Think-Tanks. Unter den Teilnehmern waren eine Reihe von ehemaligen Regierungsbeamten und einem sitzenden Gesetzgeber. The participants were also chosen to comprise abroad spectrum of ideologies, including the religious and the secular, cultural, political andeconomic conservatives, liberals and radicals.The following themes characterized the discussion:1. Western and US (Mis)Understanding There is a fundamental failure by the West to understand the rich variety of intellectual currents andcross-currents in the Muslim world and in Islamic thought. What is underway in the Muslim worldis not a simple opposition to the West based on grievance (though grievances there also are), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. Schließlich, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

Die Muslimbruderschaft in Pursuit of rechtliche Existenz und geistigen Entwicklung in Ägypten

Manar Hassan


In the wake of the devastating earthquake that trembled the congested capital of Egyptand its neighboring cities in October of 1992, the Private Voluntary Organizations – dominatedby Islamists – managed to considerably lead the relief efforts within hours, leaving theincumbent regime afflicted with its bureaucratic inefficiencies. The government’s ownlimitations in providing the type of crucial operative services at time of mayhem is a mereexample of its declining credibility among the masses. Außerdem, its response to this publicembarrassment was even more austere – passing a decree to ban any direct relief efforts by thePVOs therefore forcing all aid to materialize through the government only. But withgovernmental impediments still looming, the regime struggled to meet the needs of the victimsin time which led to riots and posed as a mere reminder of the incessant exasperation thatEgyptians have faced in their recent history. Hence, it became apparent that Mubarak’sattempts to salvage his image in order to corroborate his grip on power had by and largealienated vital forces within Egypt’s civil society.The civil society has, therefore, been a crucial source through which oppositionists –predominantly the Muslim Brotherhood – derive the power of popular appeal. Being one of thelargest and most influential oppositionist organization, the Muslim Brotherhood cuts acrossestranged social structures such as the modern working class, the urban poor, the young, and thenew middle class, which form a support base. Some of the most prominent Brotherhoodmembers themselves pertain to the new middle class and therefore network through al-niqabatal-mihaniyyah (Professional Associations). One example is Dr. Ahmad el-Malt, who was theformer Deputy Supreme Guide to the Brotherhood and also President of the Doctors’ syndicateprior to his death

Brothers in Arms?

Joshua Stacher
Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. In 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.
The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.
The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Aber, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. In 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Irak, Syria and other Arab states.

Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. In 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.

The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.

The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Aber, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. In 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Irak, Syria and other Arab states.

Mahmoud Ezzat in ein umfassendes Interview mit Al Jazeera Ahmed Mansur

Mahmoud Ezzat

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat, Generalsekretär der Muslimbruderschaft, in a comprehensive interview with Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Mansour ascertained that the Muslim Brotherhood’s elections for Chairman scheduled to be held in the upcoming period by members of the Guidance Bureau is open to everyone who wishes to submit his nomination papers as a candidate.

In seinem Vortrag Anweisung, um die Show war Hedood (Without Borders) auf Al-Jazeera TV, Ezzat explained that nomination papers generally should not be used for the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidates but rather a complete list of the entire Brotherhood’s 100-member Shura Council is presented to elect the Brotherhood’s Chairman and Guidance Bureau. Er bestritt, dass die Bruderschaft Allgemeine Anleitung des Shura-Rat Allgemeine Führung erlaubt ihm nicht die Freiheit, auf eigene Faust in seine endgültige Entscheidung macht Arbeit. Er zeigte auch, dass der Rat die Befugnis, den Präsidenten rechenschaftspflichtig für Ausfälle zu halten und bei Bedarf zu entlassen ihn zu jeder Zeit.

Er betonte, dass die Bewegung bereit, das ultimative Opfer zu bringen ist, um das Prinzip der Shura Praxis (Konsultation) in den Reihen der, Hinweis darauf, dass die Shura-Rat wird der Vorsitzende gewählt und eine neue Ausrichtung Präsidium im kommenden Jahr.

Er kommentiert die Berichterstattung in den Medien von dem, was wirklich passiert hinter den Kulissen bei der Ausrichtung Bureau, zitiert, dass der Ausschuss die von führenden Persönlichkeiten wie Dr. bestand. Essam El-Erian und eine Reihe der Mitglieder des Präsidiums Guidance für das Drucken des Chairman's Statement in der Woche Einspruch gegen Herrn. Mahdi Akef Wunsch eine Kleinigkeit Meinungsverschiedenheit. Akef erste Amtszeit wird auf Ende Januar 13, 2010 Allerdings hat er vorher angekündigt; er wird noch eine Entscheidung treffen, ob er im Amt für eine zweite Amtszeit als Gruppe allgemeine Anleitung bleiben.

Er fuhr fort, dass die 81-jährige Akef Mitglieder des Präsidiums Guidance zuvor mitgeteilt, dass er zum Rücktritt gedacht und wird nicht für eine zweite Amtszeit. Mitglieder des Präsidiums sofort reagiert und drängte ihn, im Amt bleiben.

In seiner wöchentlichen Meldung, Mahdi Akef vage bezeichnete seine Absichten nicht läuft eine zweite Amtszeit und dankte der Muslimbruderschaft und der Mitglieder des Präsidiums Guidance, die mit ihm gemeinsam die Verantwortung, als ob er sie an seine Abschiedsrede sein soll. Am Sonntag, Oktober 17 den Medien behauptet, dass der Vorsitzende der Bruderschaft hatte seinen Rücktritt angekündigt; aber der Vorsitzende hat wiederholt Vorwürfe Medien, wo er ins Büro kam am nächsten Tag und traf sich mit Mitgliedern vorenthalten. Er gab später eine Erklärung, die Offenlegung der Wahrheit. Media Behauptungen über die Ausrichtung des Präsidiums Unwilligkeit, Dr ernennen. Essam El-Erian sind völlig falsch.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat festgestellt, dass die Bewegung ist sehr erfreut, eine Gelegenheit zu bieten, um ihre Mitglieder Meinungen austauschen können, betont, es ist eine Manifestation der Macht mit ihren bestehenden passender Größe und führende Rolle, darauf hinweist, dass Vorsitzender der Muslimbruderschaft sehr erfreut, dies zu tun ist.

Er betonte, dass alle Fragen zurück auf die Ausrichtung der Office kommen für die endgültige Entscheidung, wo ihre Beschlüsse sind verbindlich und zufrieden stellend für alle, ungeachtet der Unterschiede in der Stellungnahme.

“Ich unterschätze nicht, was bereits passiert oder ich würde einfach sagen, es gibt keine Krise, gleichzeitig, Wir sollten nicht Schlag Dinge aus ihrem Kontext, Wir sind entschlossen, das Prinzip der Shura gelten”, fügte er hinzu.

Es war früher bei der nächsten Sitzung des Präsidiums diskutiert, dass die Ausrichtung des Konzerns Shura-Rat das alleinige Recht, die Mitgliedschaft im Präsidium Guidance für jedes Mitglied zu wählen hat, , erklärte er. Dr. Essam sich einig, dass sie nicht geeignet war, ein neues Mitglied in der Bruderschaft Guidance Präsidium ernennt seit der Wahl wurde in der Nähe.

Ezzat erklärt, dass die Episode auf dem Shura-Rat auf Empfehlung der Leitlinien Büro wurde unter häufigen Verhaftungen und Inhaftierungen geführt von der Sicherheit des Staates vorgelegt. Wir bemühen uns schwer, die Shura-Rat einbeziehen, um den nächsten Präsidenten und Mitglieder der Guidance Amt wählen. Es wird erwartet, die ganze Sache geklärt werden, Allah's bereit, vor Januar 13.

Es war in dieser Sitzung durch den Vorsitzenden und die Mitglieder des MB Guidance Präsidium beschließt, ein Schreiben an die Shura-Rat schicken, betont, dass der Termin für diese Wahlen werden spätestens sechs Monate. Es wurde angenommen, dass das Verfahren vor oder während der Wahlen durchgeführt werden, in denen 5 neue Mitglieder gewählt wurden letztes Jahr. Es ist die Shura-Rat die Entscheidung und nicht die MB Guidance Bureau. Folglich, die allgemeine Gruppe Shura-Rat schließlich erreichte ihren einstimmigen Beschluss die Abhaltung von Wahlen so bald wie möglich.

Er betonte, dass die Muslimbrüder, mit der Durchsetzung der Shura wird durch seine internen Regeln organisiert. Verordnungen angenommen und befürwortet werden durch Gesetze der Shura Rat und Änderungen vorbehalten. Die jüngste Änderung im Gange mit einer ihrer Klauseln ist die Dauer der Amtszeit eines Mitglieds der Guidance Amt sieht vor, dass ein Mitglied darf nicht mehr als zwei aufeinander folgende Amtszeiten.

Einige Mitglieder der Guidance Office wurden ihrer Einhaltung vorgeworfen, im Amt zu bleiben für viele Jahre; Dr. Ezzat behauptete, dass häufige Verhaftungen nicht ausschließen Hat man das Executive Bureau uns dazu veranlasst, einen anderen Artikel in der internen Verordnung sieht vor, dass ein Mitglied seine Mitgliedschaft beibehalten, auch wenn er inhaftiert war än. Die Abwesenheit des Herrn arbeiten für das Wohl des Vaterlandes und der erhabenen Mission führte uns auf sie darauf bestehen, die Aufrechterhaltung ihrer Mitgliedschaft. Engineer Khayrat Al-shater wird als zweiter stellvertretender Vorsitzender des MB und Dr. bleiben. Mohammed Ali Bishr Mitglied des Executive Bureau MB. Es wird erwartet, Bishr wird nächsten Monat veröffentlicht werden.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat völlig versagt Gerüchte über interne Konflikte innerhalb der oppositionellen Gruppe in Bezug auf Führung, betont, dass die Mechanismen, Regelungen und Bedingungen sind die Weichen für die Bewegung Staats-und Regierungschefs wählen. Er stellte ferner fest, dass Ägypten die geographische Lage und erhebliche moralisches Gewicht innerhalb der muslimischen Welt die Notwendigkeit für die MB Vorsitzender zu sein ägyptischen rechtfertigt.

“Die Guidance Amt prüft derzeit die allgemeine Tendenz der 100-köpfigen Schura-Rat der Bruderschaft im Hinblick auf einen geeigneten Kandidaten nominieren förderfähigen Kosten zu tragen als Vorsitzender”, sagte er.

“Es ist extrem schwer vorherzusagen, wer der nächste Präsident werden, Feststellung, dass 5 Minuten vor der Ernennung von Herrn. Akef als Vorsitzender wusste niemand,, der Stimmzettel nur entschieden, wer würde das neue Anführer sein”, sagte er.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat schrieben die Medien scheinbare widersprüchliche Berichte über die Anschuldigungen gegen Bemerkungen über die Bruderschaft Top-Führungskräfte die gleichen Widersprüche der medialen Berichterstattung über Spitzenpolitiker, die von der Zeitung.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat beleuchten mit Zahlen auf Razzien, die zur Festnahme einiger LED 2696 Mitglieder der Gruppe in 2007, 3674 in 2008 und 5022 in 2009. Dies führte in der Shura-Rat in der Lage ist zu den Sitzungen und Wahlen abzuhalten.

Er betonte auch, dass die Muslimbruderschaft extrem scharf auf die Aufrechterhaltung der nationalen Sicherheit in Ägypten und wird seine’ Interesse an der Erreichung friedlicher Reformen in der Gesellschaft. “Wir sind uns bewusst, dass die Sitzungen des Amtes durch die Ausrichtung der Sicherheit überwacht, obwohl wir nur zu Demokratie ausüben wollen. Tatsächlich, Wir wollen nicht die Feindschaft und Feindseligkeit der anderen auslösen”.

Er betonte auch die Unterschiede innerhalb der Organisation nicht durch Hass oder persönlichen Differenzen, da die menschenwürdige Temperamente durch die erhabenen Lehren des Islam ermutigt, motiviert uns dazu ermutigen Unterschied der Meinungen toleriere. Er fügte hinzu, dass die Geschichte hat bewiesen, dass die Muslimbruderschaft Bewegung hat viel schwieriger Umstände als die bestehende Krise begegnet.

Die Medien haben ein negatives Bild von der Muslimbruderschaft, wo sie am SSI Untersuchungen stützte Informationen projiziert. Es ist zwingend notwendig, dass Journalisten Tatsachen erhalten von der Original-Quellen, wenn sie irgendeine Art von Glaubwürdigkeit haben, sind. In der Tat der Justiz für ungültig erklärt hat alle Vorwürfe berichtet in staatlichen Untersuchung, sagte er.

Dr. Mahmoud Ezzat sei optimistisch, dass die derzeitige politische Krise wird vorübergehen zu behaupten, dass die Ereignisse beweisen wird, dass die Muslimbrüder mit all seinen edlen Sitten, Objektivität, und Üben der Demokratie durchscheinen mit Bravour.

Published on Ikhwanweb

Das Internet und islamistische Politik in Jordanien, Marokko und Ägypten.

The end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first saw a
dissemination of the Internet as a center of communication, information, entertainment and
commerce. The spread of the Internet reached all four corners of the globe, connecting the
researcher in Antarctica with the farmer in Guatemala and the newscaster in Moscow to the
Bedouin in Egypt. Through the Internet, the flow of information and real-time news reaches
across continents, and the voices of subalternity have the potential to project their previously
silenced voices through blogs, websites and social networking sites. Political organizations
across the left-right continuum have targeted the Internet as the political mobilizer of the future,
and governments now provide access to historical documents, party platforms, und
administrative papers through their sites. Ähnlich, religious groups display their beliefs online
through official sites, and forums allow members from across the globe to debate issues of
eschatology, orthopraxy and any number of nuanced theological issues. Fusing the two, Islamist
political organizations have made their presence known through sophisticated websites detailing
their political platforms, relevant news stories, and religiously oriented material discussing their
theological views. This paper will specifically examine this nexus – the use of the Internet by
Islamist political organizations in the Middle East in the countries of Jordan, Morocco and
Ägypten.
Although a wide range of Islamist political organizations utilize the Internet as a forum to
publicize their views and create a national or international reputation, the methods and intentions
of these groups vary greatly and depend on the nature of the organization. This paper will
examine the use of the Internet by three ‘moderate’ Islamist parties: the Islamic Action Front in
2
Jordan, the Justice and Development Party in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt.
As these three parties have increased their political sophistication and reputation, both at home
and abroad, they have increasingly utilized the Internet for a variety of purposes. First, Islamist
organizations have used the Internet as a contemporary extension of the public sphere, a sphere
through which parties frame, communicate and institutionalize ideas to a broader public.
Secondly, the Internet provides Islamist organizations an unfiltered forum through which
officials may promote and advertise their positions and views, as well as circumvent local media
restrictions imposed by the state. Schließlich, the Internet allows Islamist organizations to present a
counterhegemonic discourse in opposition to the ruling regime or monarchy or on display to an
international audience. This third motivation applies most specifically to the Muslim
Brüderlichkeit, which presents a sophisticated English language website designed in a Western
style and tailored to reach a selective audience of scholars, politicians and journalists. The MB
has excelled in this so-called “bridgeblogging” 1 and has set the standard for Islamist parties
attempting to influence international perceptions of their positions and work. The content varies
between the Arabic and English versions of the site, and will be examined further in the section
on the Muslim Brotherhood. These three goals overlap significantly in both their intentions and
desired outcomes; jedoch, each goal targets a different actor: the public, the media, and the
Regime. Following an analysis of these three areas, this paper will proceed into a case study
analysis of the websites of the IAF, the PJD and the Muslim Brotherhood.
1

Andrew Helms

Ikhwanweb

The end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first saw a dissemination of the Internet as a center of communication, information, entertainment and commerce.

The spread of the Internet reached all four corners of the globe, connecting the researcher in Antarctica with the farmer in Guatemala and the newscaster in Moscow to the Bedouin in Egypt.

Through the Internet, the flow of information and real-time news reaches across continents, and the voices of subalternity have the potential to project their previously silenced voices through blogs, websites and social networking sites.

Political organizations across the left-right continuum have targeted the Internet as the political mobilizer of the future, and governments now provide access to historical documents, party platforms, and administrative papers through their sites. Ähnlich, religious groups display their beliefs online through official sites, and forums allow members from across the globe to debate issues of eschatology, orthopraxy and any number of nuanced theological issues.

Fusing the two, Islamist political organizations have made their presence known through sophisticated websites detailing their political platforms, relevant news stories, and religiously oriented material discussing their theological views. This paper will specifically examine this nexus – the use of the Internet by Islamist political organizations in the Middle East in the countries of Jordan, Marokko und Ägypten.

Although a wide range of Islamist political organizations utilize the Internet as a forum to publicize their views and create a national or international reputation, the methods and intentions of these groups vary greatly and depend on the nature of the organization.

This paper will examine the use of the Internet by three ‘moderate’ Islamist parties: the Islamic Action Front in Jordan, the Justice and Development Party in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. As these three parties have increased their political sophistication and reputation, both at home and abroad, they have increasingly utilized the Internet for a variety of purposes.

First, Islamist organizations have used the Internet as a contemporary extension of the public sphere, a sphere through which parties frame, communicate and institutionalize ideas to a broader public.

Secondly, the Internet provides Islamist organizations an unfiltered forum through which officials may promote and advertise their positions and views, as well as circumvent local media restrictions imposed by the state.

Schließlich, the Internet allows Islamist organizations to present a counterhegemonic discourse in opposition to the ruling regime or monarchy or on display to an international audience. This third motivation applies most specifically to the Muslim Brotherhood, which presents a sophisticated English language website designed in a Western style and tailored to reach a selective audience of scholars, politicians and journalists.

The MB has excelled in this so-called “bridgeblogging” 1 and has set the standard for Islamist parties attempting to influence international perceptions of their positions and work. The content varies between the Arabic and English versions of the site, and will be examined further in the section on the Muslim Brotherhood.

These three goals overlap significantly in both their intentions and desired outcomes; jedoch, each goal targets a different actor: the public, the media, and the regime. Following an analysis of these three areas, this paper will proceed into a case study analysis of the websites of the IAF, the PJD and the Muslim Brotherhood.