سب کے ساتھ ٹیگ کردہ تحاریر درآمد کریں: "Ikhwan"

اسلامیت revisited

اعلی AZZAM

اسلامی سیاسی ثقافت, جمہوریت, اور انسانی حقوق

ڈینیل ای. قیمت

اسلامی سیاسی سوچا تھا کہ میں جمہوریت

Azzam ایس. Tamimi

اسلامی سیاسی ثقافت, جمہوریت, اور انسانی حقوق

ڈینیل ای. قیمت

اسلامی حزب اختلاف کی جماعتوں اور یورپی یونین کے مشغولیت کے لئے متوقع

ٹوبی آرچر

Heidi Huuhtanen

عرب کیسر کی سایہ میں: سید قطب اور جدید اسلامی بنیاد پرستی کی بنیاد پرستی

ریسرچ

مشرق وسطی میں سیاسی اسلام

ہو Knudsen

اسلامی جماعتوں کا : وہ جمہوری کیوں نہیں ہوسکتے ہیں

ہم بسام

مصر میں اخوان المسلمون

ولیم Thomasson

Is Islam a religion of violence? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; one being a peaceful, adaptive, modernized Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, though seemingly opposed, mingle and inter-relate, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. بے شک, one may do this with Egypt, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, and their relationship with Islamic society as a whole in the current debate over what Islam is, this essay will offer a history of the Society of Muslim Brothers, a description of how the organization originated, functioned, and was organized, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. یقینا, by doing so, one may gain a deeper understanding of how Islamic Fundamentalists interpret Islam

مصر میں اخوان المسلمون کے سیاسی ارتقاء

اسٹیفن بینےٹ

“Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur’an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.”

Since its early days in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood has created much controversy, as some argue that the organization advocates violence in the name of Islam. ڈاکٹر کے مطابق. Mamoun Fandy of the James A. Baker III Institute of Public Policy, “jihadism and the activation of the views of the world of the house of Islam and the house of war are the ideas that emerged from the writings and the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood” (Livesy, 2005). The primary evidence for this argument is notable member of the Brotherhood, Sayeed Qutb, who is credited with developing the revisionist and controversial interpretation of jihad that provided religious justifications for violence committed by offshoot organizations of the Brotherhood like al-jihad, al-Takfir wa al-Hijra, حماس, اور al-Qaeda.

Yet that is still a debatable position, because despite being the ideological parent of these violent organizations, the Muslim Brotherhood itself has always maintained an official stance against violence and instead has promoted Islamic civil and social action at the grassroots level. Within the first twenty years of its existence the Muslim Brotherhood gained status as the most influential of all major groups in the Middle East through its popular activism. It also spread from Egypt into other nations throughout the region and served as the catalyst for many of the successful popular liberation movements against Western colonialism in the Middle East.

While it has retained most of its founding principles from its inception, the Muslim Brotherhood has made a dramatic transformation in some crucial aspects of its political ideology. Formerly denounced by many as a terrorist organization, as of late the Muslim Brotherhood has been labeled by most current scholars of the Middle East as politically “moderate”, “politically centrist”, and “accommodationist” to Egypt’s political and governmental structures (Abed-Kotob, 1995, پی. 321-322). Sana Abed-Kotob also tells us that of the current Islamist opposition groups that exist today “the more ‘radical’ or militant of these groups insist upon revolutionary change that is to be imposed on the masses and political system, whereas… the new Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, call for gradual change that is to be undertaken from within the political system and with the enlistment of the Muslim masses”

حل امریکہ کی اسلامی مشکوک

International Consultation of Muslim Intellectuals on Islam & سیاست

Stimson سینٹر & پالیسی سٹڈیز کے ادارے

This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, مصر, India,انڈونیشیا, Kenya, ملائیشیا, پاکستان, the Philippines, Sudan and Sri Lanka representing academia,non-governmental organizations and think tanks. Among the participants were a number of former government officials and one sitting legislator. The participants were also chosen to comprise abroad spectrum of ideologies, including the religious and the secular, ثقافتی, political andeconomic conservatives, liberals and radicals.The following themes characterized the discussion:1. Western and US (Mis)Understanding There is a fundamental failure by the West to understand the rich variety of intellectual currents andcross-currents in the Muslim world and in Islamic thought. What is underway in the Muslim worldis not a simple opposition to the West based on grievance (though grievances there also are), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. آخر میں, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

عرب دنیا میں سیاسی Transitions

دینا Shehata

اس سال 2007 عرب دنیا میں سیاسی لبرلائزیشن کے ایک مختصر وقفے کے اختتام کو نشان زد کیا گیا جو عراق پر قبضے کے فوراً بعد شروع ہوا اور جس کا نتیجہ بنیادی طور پر عرب حکومتوں پر اصلاحات اور جمہوریت کے لیے بیرونی دباؤ کے نتیجے میں ہوا۔. کے دوران بیرونی دباؤ 2003-2006 period created a political opening which activists across the region used to press for longstanding demands for political and constitutional reform.Faced with a combination of growing external and internal pressures to reform, Arab regimes were forced to make some concessions to their challengers.In Egypt, upon the request of the President, Parliament passed a constitutional amendment to allowfor direct competitive presidential elections. In September2005, Egypt witnessed its first competitive presidential election ever and as expected Mubarak was elected for a fifth term with 87%of the vote. اس کے علاوہ,during the November 2005 پارلیمانی انتخابات,which were freer than previous elections, اخوان المسلمون, the largest opposition movement in Egypt, won 88 نشستیں. This was the largest number of seats won by an opposition group in Egypt since the 1952 revolution.Similarly, in the January 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, Hamas won a majority of the seats.Hamas was thereby able to establish control over the Palestinian Legislative Council which had been dominated by Fatah since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1996. In Lebanon, in the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri on 14th February2005, a coalition of pro-Hariri political forces was ablet hrough broad-based mass mobilization and external support to force Syrian troops to pull out from Lebanon and the pro-Syrian Government to resign. Elections were held, and the 14th February coalition was able to win a plurality of the votes and to form a new government.In Morocco, شاہ محمد ششم نے سچائی اور مصالحتی کمیٹی کے قیام کی نگرانی کی جس نے ان لوگوں کی شکایات کو دور کرنے کی کوشش کی جن کے ساتھ ان کے والد کے دور میں زیادتی ہوئی تھی۔ خلیج تعاون کونسل کے ممالک (جی سی سی) کے دوران کچھ اہم اصلاحات بھی کی گئیں۔ 2003-2006 مدت. میں 2003 قطر نے اپنی تاریخ میں پہلی بار تحریری آئین جاری کیا۔. 2005 میں، سعودی عرب نے پانچ دہائیوں میں پہلی بار بلدیاتی انتخابات کا انعقاد کیا۔. اور میں 2006, بحرین میں پارلیمانی انتخابات ہوئے جن میں شیعہ سوسائٹی الوفقون نے 40 فیصد نشستیں حاصل کیں۔. بعد میں, بحرین میں پہلے شیعہ نائب وزیراعظم کا تقرر ہوا۔, جسے 'عرب بہار' کے نام سے جانا جاتا ہے۔,’ led some optimists to believe that the Arabworld was on the brink of a democratic transformation similar to those experienced in Latin American and Eastern and Central Europe during the 1980s and1990s. تاہم, میں 2007, as political liberalization gave way to heightened polarization and to renewed repression,these hopes were dispelled. The failure ofthe openings of the 2003-2006 period to create a sustained momentum towards democratization can beat tributed to a number of factors. The deteriorating security situation in Iraq and the failure of the United States to create a stable and democratic regime dampened support for democracy promotion efforts within the American administration and reinforced the views ofthose who held that security and stability must come before democracy. اس کے علاوہ, the electoral successes of Islamists in Egypt and in Palestine further dampened Western support for democracy promotion efforts in the region since the principals of thesemovements were perceived to be at odds with the interestsof theWest.

مصر کی اخوان المسلمون کے نظریاتی میں موجودہ رجحانات

ڈاکٹر. اسرائیل Altman Elad

The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last twoyears has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up fordissent. ہمارے ساتھ. اور یورپی حمایت, local opposition groups have been able to takeinitiative, ان کے اسباب کو آگے بڑھائیں اور ریاست سے مراعات حاصل کریں۔. The EgyptianMuslim Brotherhood movement (ایم بی), which has been officially outlawed as a politicalorganization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities and new risks.Western governments, ریاستہائے متحدہ کی حکومت سمیت, are consideringthe MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advancedemocracy in their countries, اور شاید اسلامی دہشت گردی کے خاتمے میں بھی. Couldthe Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice andDevelopment Party (AKP) اور انڈونیشیا کی خوشحال جسٹس پارٹی (پی کے ایس), twoIslamist parties that, کچھ تجزیہ کاروں کے مطابق, are successfully adapting to the rules ofliberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with,بالترتیب, یورپ اور ایک "کافر" ایشیا?یہ مضمون اس بات کا جائزہ لیتا ہے کہ ایم بی نے نئی حقیقت پر کیا ردعمل ظاہر کیا ہے۔, how it has handledthe ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the pasttwo years. To what extent has the movement accommodated its outlook to newcircumstances? اس کے مقاصد اور سیاسی نظام کے بارے میں اس کا وژن کیا ہے؟? How has itreacted to U.S. اوورچرز اور اصلاحات اور جمہوریت سازی کی مہم کے لیے? How has itnavigated its relations with the Egyptian regime on one hand, and other opposition forceson the other, جب ملک موسم خزاں میں دو ڈرامائی انتخابات کی طرف بڑھ رہا تھا۔ 2005? Towhat extent can the MB be considered a force that might lead Egypt toward liberaldemocracy?

شمالی امریکہ میں Ikhwan: ایک مختصر تاریخ

ڈگلس فرح

رون Sandee

ریلیف اینڈ ڈویلپمنٹ کے لئے ہولی لینڈ فاؤنڈیشن کے خلاف موجودہ وفاقی عدالت کے کیس (ایچ ایل ایف) in Dallas, Texas,1 offers an unprecedented inside look into the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States, as well as its goals and structure. The documents discuss recruitment, تنظیم, ideology and the development of the organization in different phases in the United States. The prosecution in the case has presented many internal Muslim Brotherhood documents from the 1980’s and early 1990’s that give a first-ever, public view of the history and ideology behind the operations of the Muslim Brothers (known as the Ikhwan or The Group) in the U.S. over the past four decades. For researchers, the documents have the added weight of being written by the Ikhwan leaders themselves, rather than interpretations of secondary sources.

کی باہوں میں برادران?

Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. میں 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.

The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.

The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. تاہم, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. میں 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, عراق, Syria and other Arab states.