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Исламизмот повторно се разгледа

МАХА Азам

There is a political and security crisis surrounding what is referred to as Islamism, a crisis whose antecedents long precede 9/11. Over the past 25 години, there have been different emphases on how to explain and combat Islamism. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, it has become commonplace to fi nd that ideology and religion are used by opposing parties as sources of legitimization, inspiration and enmity.
The situation is further complicated today by the growing antagonism towards and fear of Islam in the West because of terrorist attacks which in turn impinge on attitudes towards immigration, religion and culture. The boundaries of the umma or community of the faithful have stretched beyond Muslim states to European cities. The umma potentially exists wherever there are Muslim communities. The shared sense of belonging to a common faith increases in an environment where the sense of integration into the surrounding community is unclear and where discrimination may be apparent. The greater the rejection of the values of society,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 јули 2005 it became more apparent that some young people were asserting religious commitment as a way of expressing ethnicity. The links between Muslims across the globe and their perception that Muslims are vulnerable have led many in very diff erent parts of the world to merge their own local predicaments into the wider Muslim one, having identifi ed culturally, either primarily or partially, with a broadly defi ned Islam.

Исламска политичка култура, демократија, и Човекови права

Даниел Е. цена

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Consequently, scholars, commentators, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, сепак, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions, can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages, and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, ако така, how,Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

Демократијата во исламската политичка мисла

Azzam S. Тамими

Демократијата ги преокупира арапските политички мислители уште од зората на модерната арапска ренесанса пред околу два века. Од тогаш, концептот на демократија е променет и развиен под влијание на различни социјални и политички случувања. Дискусијата за демократијата во арапската исламска литература може да се проследи до Рифа’а Тахтави, таткото на египетската демократија според Луис Авад,[3] кој кратко време по враќањето во Каиро од Париз ја објави својата прва книга, Тахлис Ал-Ибриз Ила Таликис Бариз, во 1834. Книгата ги сумираше неговите забелешки за начините и обичаите на современиот француски јазик,[4] и го пофали концептот на демократија како што тој го виде во Франција и како што беше сведок на нејзината одбрана и повторна потврда преку 1830 Револуција против кралот Чарлс X.[5] Тахтави се обиде да покаже дека демократскиот концепт што им го објаснуваше на своите читатели е компатибилен со законот на исламот. Тој го спореди политичкиот плурализам со формите на идеолошки и јуриспрудентен плурализам кои постоеја во исламското искуство:
Верската слобода е слобода на верување, на мислење и на секта, под услов да не противречи на основите на религијата . . . Истото би важело и за слободата на политичка практика и мислење од водечките администратори, кои се трудат да ги толкуваат и применуваат правилата и одредбите во согласност со законите на нивните земји. Кралевите и министрите се лиценцирани во доменот на политиката да следат различни правци кои на крајот служат за една цел: добра администрација и правда.[6] Еден важен белег во овој поглед беше придонесот на Хајрудин Ат-Туниси (1810- 99), водач на движењето за реформи од 19 век во Тунис, СЗО, во 1867, формулираше генерален план за реформи во книга со наслов Аквам Ал-Масалик Фи Таквим Ал- враќање (Правиот пат до реформирање на владите). Главната преокупација на книгата беше да се зафати со прашањето за политичките реформи во арапскиот свет. Апелирајќи до политичарите и научниците од неговото време да ги бараат сите можни средства за да го подобрат статусот на
заедницата и да ја развие својата цивилизација, тој ја предупреди општата муслиманска јавност да не ги избегнува искуствата на другите народи врз основа на заблудата дека сите списи, пронајдоци, искуствата или ставовите на немуслиманите треба да се отфрлат или игнорираат.
Хајрудин понатаму повика на крај на апсолутистичкото владеење, кои ги обвини за угнетување на народите и уништување на цивилизациите.

Исламска политичка култура, демократија, и Човекови права

Даниел Е. цена

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the

values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes

in Muslim nations. Consequently, scholars, commentators, and government

officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next

ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, сепак, is based primarily

on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies

of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention

that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,

can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country

specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help

us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the

countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the

connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,

democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much

emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first

use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay

between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

Исламистичките опозициски партии и потенцијалот за ангажман во ЕУ

Тоби Арчер

Хајди Huuhtanen

Во светло на зголемената важност на исламистичките движења во муслиманскиот свет и

начинот на кој радикализацијата влијаеше на глобалните настани од крајот на векот, тоа

е важно за ЕУ ​​да ги процени своите политики кон актерите во рамките на она што може да биде лабаво

наречен „исламски свет“. Особено е важно да се праша дали и како да се ангажираме

со различните исламистички групи.

Ова останува контроверзно дури и во рамките на ЕУ. Некои сметаат дека исламот го цени тоа

лежат зад исламистичките партии се едноставно некомпатибилни со западните идеали на демократијата и

човечки права, додека други сметаат дека ангажманот е реална потреба како резултат на растењето

домашно значење на исламистичките партии и нивно зголемено учество во меѓународните

работи. Друга перспектива е дека демократизацијата во муслиманскиот свет би се зголемила

Европска безбедност. Валидноста на овие и други аргументи околу тоа дали и како

ЕУ треба да се вклучи може да се тестира само со проучување на различните исламистички движења и

нивните политички околности, земја по земја.

Демократизацијата е централна тема на заедничките активности на ЕУ за надворешна политика, како што е поставено

наведени во член 11 од Договорот за Европската унија. Многу од државите сметаат во ова

извештајот не е демократски, или не е целосно демократски. Во повеќето од овие земји, Исламист

партиите и движењата претставуваат значително спротивставување на режимите што преовладуваат, и

кај некои тие го формираат најголемиот опозициски блок. Европските демократии долго време мораа

се занимаваат со управувачки режими кои се авторитарни, но тоа е нов феномен што треба да се притисне

за демократски реформи во државите каде што најверојатно ќе имаат корисници, од

Гледна точка на ЕУ, различни и понекогаш проблематични пристапи кон демократијата и нејзината

поврзани вредности, како што се правата на малцинствата и жените и владеењето на правото. Овие обвиненија се

честопати поставени против исламистичките движења, затоа е важно за креаторите на европските политики да

имаат точна слика за политиките и филозофиите на потенцијалните партнери.

Искуствата од различни земји имаат тенденција да сугерираат дека повеќе слобода исламист

забавите се дозволени, колку се поумерени во своите постапки и идеи. Во многумина

случаи исламистички партии и групи одамна се оттргнаа од нивната првична цел

за воспоставување на исламска држава управувана со исламскиот закон, и почнаа да прифаќаат основни

демократски принципи на изборна конкуренција за власт, постоењето на други политички

конкуренти, и политичкиот плурализам.

In the Shadow of an Arab Caesar: Sayyid Qutb and the Radicalization of Modern Islamic Fundamentalism

Истражување

“We are the umma of the believers, living within a jahili society. As a community of believers we should see ourselves in a state of war with the state and the society. The territory we dwell in is the House of War.”1 These were the words of Sayyid Qutb in an Egyptian military court in April, 1966 before he and two of his companions were sentenced to death by hanging. The offense; conspiring against the government and plotting its overthrow, the evidence used by the state prosecutors in the trial, besides ‘confessions,’ a book, Qutb’s final piece of literature, Ma‘alim fi al-Turuq, Signposts.2 This study does not set out to be a thorough analysis of the political and religious ideology of Sayyid Qutb. Rather it is an attempt to identify the political and social climate in Egypt as the primary motivation which led to the development of Qutb’s radical interpretations of Islam. Notions of Arab nationalism and Arab socialism dominated the political discourse of Qutb’s Egypt and hearts and minds were enraptured by promises of its populist leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser. This chapter in Arab history from the early 1950’s until the late 1960’s is etched in historical memory as the era of pan-Arabism. Сепак, it was also a vital period in the evolution of fundamentalist Islam into its more radical form which first expressed itself in the 1970’s and is until today at the base of radical fundamentalist Islamic thought worldwide. This piece will
demonstrate the principal role played by Sayyid Qutb in this transformation and reveal that radical interpretations of Islam were given impetus to develop in Egypt during this period due to the nature of Nasser’s regime

Политичкиот ислам на Блискиот Исток

се Кнудсен

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. The report gives special emphasis to the Middle East, во

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: democracy and political violence. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. сепак, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

исламистички партии : зошто тие не можат да бидат демократски

те поздравувам

Noting Islamism’s growing appeal and strength on the ground, many

Western scholars and officials have been grasping for some way to take

an inclusionary approach toward it. In keeping with this desire, it has

become fashionable contemptuously to dismiss the idea of insisting on

clear and rigorous distinctions as “academic.” When it comes to Islam

and democracy, this deplorable fashion has been fraught with unfortunate

consequences.

Intelligent discussion of Islamism, democracy, and Islam requires

clear and accurate definitions. Without them, analysis will collapse into

confusion and policy making will suffer. My own view, formed after

thirty years of study and reflection regarding the matter, is that Islam and

democracy are indeed compatible, provided that certain necessary religious

reforms are made. Склоноста да се реализираат такви реформи е она што

Сметам дека му недостига политичкиот ислам. Мојот прогласен интерес - како Арап-

Муслимански теоретичар и практичар за продемократија - е да го промовира естаблишментот

на секуларната демократија во рамките на исламската цивилизација.

Со цел да се отстрани конфузијата што премногу често ја опкружува

оваа тема, Ќе наведам неколку основни точки што треба да ги имам на ум. Првиот е

тоа, до сега, Западните практики наспроти политичкиот ислам беа погрешни

бидејќи им недостигаше основата на основана проценка.

Освен ако не интервенира слепата среќа, ниту една политика не може да биде подобра од проценката

врз кој се заснова. Правилната проценка е почеток на

сета практична мудрост.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Вилијам Thomasson

Is Islam a religion of violence? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; one being a peaceful, adaptive, modernized Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, though seemingly opposed, mingle and inter-relate, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. Навистина, one may do this with Egypt, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, and their relationship with Islamic society as a whole in the current debate over what Islam is, this essay will offer a history of the Society of Muslim Brothers, a description of how the organization originated, functioned, and was organized, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. Certainly, by doing so, one may gain a deeper understanding of how Islamic Fundamentalists interpret Islam


The Political Evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Стивен Бенет

“Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur’an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.”

Since its early days in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood has created much controversy, as some argue that the organization advocates violence in the name of Islam. According to Dr. Mamoun Fandy of the James A. Baker III Institute of Public Policy, jihadism and the activation of the views of the world of the house of Islam and the house of war are the ideas that emerged from the writings and the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood” (Livesy, 2005). The primary evidence for this argument is notable member of the Brotherhood, Sayeed Qutb, who is credited with developing the revisionist and controversial interpretation of jihad that provided religious justifications for violence committed by offshoot organizations of the Brotherhood like al-jihad, al-Takfir wa al-Hijra, Хамас, и al-Qaeda.

Yet that is still a debatable position, because despite being the ideological parent of these violent organizations, the Muslim Brotherhood itself has always maintained an official stance against violence and instead has promoted Islamic civil and social action at the grassroots level. Within the first twenty years of its existence the Muslim Brotherhood gained status as the most influential of all major groups in the Middle East through its popular activism. It also spread from Egypt into other nations throughout the region and served as the catalyst for many of the successful popular liberation movements against Western colonialism in the Middle East.

While it has retained most of its founding principles from its inception, the Muslim Brotherhood has made a dramatic transformation in some crucial aspects of its political ideology. Formerly denounced by many as a terrorist organization, as of late the Muslim Brotherhood has been labeled by most current scholars of the Middle East as politically “moderate”, “politically centrist”, and “accommodationist” to Egypt’s political and governmental structures (Abed-Kotob, 1995, p. 321-322). Sana Abed-Kotob also tells us that of the current Islamist opposition groups that exist today “the more ‘radical’ or militant of these groups insist upon revolutionary change that is to be imposed on the masses and political system, whereas… the new Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, call for gradual change that is to be undertaken from within the political system and with the enlistment of the Muslim masses”

Решавање на исламистичката дилема на Америка

Shadi Хамид

U.S. напорите за промовирање на демократијата на Блискиот исток долго време се парализирани од „исламистичката дилема“: во теорија, сакаме демократија, но, во пракса, страв дека исламистичките партии ќе бидат главните корисници на какво било политичко отворање. Најтрагичната манифестација на ова беше алжирскиот дебакл на 1991 и 1992, кога Соединетите Американски Држави стоеја тивко додека цврсто секуларната војска ги откажа изборите откако исламистичка партија освои парламентарно мнозинство. Во поново време, Администрацијата на Буш се повлече од својата „агенда за слобода“ откако исламистите беа изненадувачки добро на изборите во регионот, вклучително и во Египет, Саудиска Арабија, и палестинските територии.
Но, дури и нашиот страв од исламистичките партии - и како резултат на тоа одбивање да се вклучиме со нив - сам по себе е неконзистентен, важи за некои земји, но не и за други. Колку повеќе една земја се смета за витална за американските национални безбедносни интереси, толку помалку САД беа подготвени да прифатат исламистички групи кои имаат истакната политичка улога таму. Сепак, во земји кои се сметаат за помалку стратешки релевантни, а каде помалку е во прашање, Соединетите Американски Држави повремено преземаат поизразен пристап. Но, токму онаму каде што е во прашање повеќе е најважно да се препознае улогата на ненасилните исламисти, и, овде, Американската политика продолжува да потфрла.
Низ целиот регион, Соединетите Држави активно ги поддржуваа автократските режими и дадоа зелено светло за кампањи за репресија против групи како што е Египетското муслиманско братство, најстарото и највлијателно политичко движење во регионот. Во март 2008, за време на она што многу набљудувачи го сметаат за најлошиот период на репресија против Братството од 1960-тите, Државниот секретар Кондолиза Рајс се откажа од а $100 милиони од Конгресот наложи намалување на воената помош за Египет.

Меѓународна консултација на муслиманските интелектуалци за исламот & Политика

Stimson центар & Институтот за политички студии

This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, Египет, India,Индонезија, Kenya, Малезија, Пакистан, the Philippines, Sudan and Sri Lanka representing academia,non-governmental organizations and think tanks. Among the participants were a number of former government officials and one sitting legislator. The participants were also chosen to comprise abroad spectrum of ideologies, including the religious and the secular, cultural, political andeconomic conservatives, liberals and radicals.The following themes characterized the discussion:1. Western and US (Mis)Understanding There is a fundamental failure by the West to understand the rich variety of intellectual currents andcross-currents in the Muslim world and in Islamic thought. What is underway in the Muslim worldis not a simple opposition to the West based on grievance (though grievances there also are), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. конечно, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

Political Transitions in the Arab World

во Shehata

The year 2007 marked the end of a brief interval of political liberalization in the Arab world which began shortly after the occupation of Iraq and which resulted primarily from external pressures on Arab regimes to reform and democratize. External pressures during the 2003-2006 period created a political opening which activists across the region used to press for longstanding demands for political and constitutional reform.Faced with a combination of growing external and internal pressures to reform, Arab regimes were forced to make some concessions to their challengers.In Egypt, upon the request of the President, Parliament passed a constitutional amendment to allowfor direct competitive presidential elections. In September2005, Egypt witnessed its first competitive presidential election ever and as expected Mubarak was elected for a fifth term with 87%of the vote. Згора на тоа,during the November 2005 parliamentary elections,which were freer than previous elections, Муслиманското братство, the largest opposition movement in Egypt, победи 88 седишта. This was the largest number of seats won by an opposition group in Egypt since the 1952 revolution.Similarly, in the January 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, Hamas won a majority of the seats.Hamas was thereby able to establish control over the Palestinian Legislative Council which had been dominated by Fatah since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1996. In Lebanon, in the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri on 14th February2005, a coalition of pro-Hariri political forces was ablet hrough broad-based mass mobilization and external support to force Syrian troops to pull out from Lebanon and the pro-Syrian Government to resign. Elections were held, and the 14th February coalition was able to win a plurality of the votes and to form a new government.In Morocco, King Mohamed VI oversaw the establishment of a truth and reconciliation committee which sought to address the grievances of those who had been abused under the reign of his father.The Gulf Cooperation Council countries (GCC) also under took some important reforms during the 2003-2006 period. во 2003 Qatar promulgated a written constitution for the first time in its history. In 2005,Saudi Arabia convened municipal elections for the firsttime in five decades. And in 2006, Bahrain held parliamentaryelections in which the Shiite society of AlWefaqwon 40%of the seats. Subsequently, the first Shiitedeputy prime minister in Bahrain was appointed.Theses events, which came to be known as ‘the Arab Spring,’ led some optimists to believe that the Arabworld was on the brink of a democratic transformation similar to those experienced in Latin American and Eastern and Central Europe during the 1980s and1990s. Сепак, во 2007, as political liberalization gave way to heightened polarization and to renewed repression,these hopes were dispelled. The failure ofthe openings of the 2003-2006 period to create a sustained momentum towards democratization can beat tributed to a number of factors. The deteriorating security situation in Iraq and the failure of the United States to create a stable and democratic regime dampened support for democracy promotion efforts within the American administration and reinforced the views ofthose who held that security and stability must come before democracy. Згора на тоа, the electoral successes of Islamists in Egypt and in Palestine further dampened Western support for democracy promotion efforts in the region since the principals of thesemovements were perceived to be at odds with the interestsof theWest.

Current Trends in the Ideology of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Д-р. Израел Elad Алтман

The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last twoyears has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up fordissent. With U.S. and European support, local opposition groups have been able to takeinitiative, advance their causes and extract concessions from the state. The EgyptianMuslim Brotherhood movement (MB), which has been officially outlawed as a politicalorganization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities and new risks.Western governments, including the government of the United States, are consideringthe MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advancedemocracy in their countries, and perhaps also in eradicating Islamist terrorism. Couldthe Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice andDevelopment Party (АКП) and the Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), twoIslamist parties that, according to some analysts, are successfully adapting to the rules ofliberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with,respectively, Europe and a “pagan” Asia?This article examines how the MB has responded to the new reality, how it has handledthe ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the pasttwo years. To what extent has the movement accommodated its outlook to newcircumstances? What are its objectives and its vision of the political order? How has itreacted to U.S. overtures and to the reform and democratization campaign? How has itnavigated its relations with the Egyptian regime on one hand, and other opposition forceson the other, as the country headed toward two dramatic elections in autumn 2005? Towhat extent can the MB be considered a force that might lead Egypt toward liberaldemocracy?

На Ikhwan во Северна Америка: Куса историја

Даглас Фарах

Рон Sandee


тековната федералниот суд случајот против земјата Фондацијата Светиот за помош и развој (HLF) in Dallas, Texas,1 offers an unprecedented inside look into the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States, as well as its goals and structure. The documents discuss recruitment, организација, ideology and the development of the organization in different phases in the United States. The prosecution in the case has presented many internal Muslim Brotherhood documents from the 1980’s and early 1990’s that give a first-ever, public view of the history and ideology behind the operations of the Muslim Brothers (known as the Ikhwan or The Group) in the U.S. over the past four decades. For researchers, the documents have the added weight of being written by the Ikhwan leaders themselves, rather than interpretations of secondary sources.

Brothers in Arms?

Исус Stacher
Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. во 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.
The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.
The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Сепак, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. во 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Ирак, Syria and other Arab states.

Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. во 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.

The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.

The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Сепак, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. во 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Ирак, Syria and other Arab states.