Όλες οι εγγραφές με ετικέτα με: "αδελφός"

Επανεξέταση του ισλαμισμού

MAHA Azzam

Ισλαμικός Πολιτικός Πολιτισμός, Δημοκρατία, και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων

Daniel E. Τιμή

Η δημοκρατία στην ισλαμική πολιτική σκέψη

Azzam S. Tamimi

Ισλαμικός Πολιτικός Πολιτισμός, Δημοκρατία, και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων

Daniel E. Τιμή

Τα Ισλαμικά Κόμματα της Αντιπολίτευσης και το Δυναμικό για δέσμευση της ΕΕ

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

In the Shadow of an Arab Caesar: Sayyid Qutb and the Radicalization of Modern Islamic Fundamentalism

Ερευνα

Το πολιτικό Ισλάμ στη Μέση Ανατολή

είναι Knudsen

Islamist Parties : why they can’t be democratic

Bassam Tibi

The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

William Thomasson

Is Islam a religion of violence? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; one being a peaceful, adaptive, modernized Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, though seemingly opposed, mingle and inter-relate, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. Πράγματι, one may do this with Egypt, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, and their relationship with Islamic society as a whole in the current debate over what Islam is, this essay will offer a history of the Society of Muslim Brothers, a description of how the organization originated, functioned, and was organized, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. Certainly, by doing so, one may gain a deeper understanding of how Islamic Fundamentalists interpret Islam

The Political Evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Stephen Bennett

“Allah is our objective. The Prophet is our leader. Qur’an is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.”

Since its early days in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood has created much controversy, as some argue that the organization advocates violence in the name of Islam. According to Dr. Mamoun Fandy of the James A. Baker III Institute of Public Policy, “jihadism and the activation of the views of the world of the house of Islam and the house of war are the ideas that emerged from the writings and the teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood” (Livesy, 2005). The primary evidence for this argument is notable member of the Brotherhood, Sayeed Qutb, who is credited with developing the revisionist and controversial interpretation of jihad that provided religious justifications for violence committed by offshoot organizations of the Brotherhood like al-jihad, al-Takfir wa al-Hijra, Η Χαμάς, και al-Qaeda.

Yet that is still a debatable position, because despite being the ideological parent of these violent organizations, the Muslim Brotherhood itself has always maintained an official stance against violence and instead has promoted Islamic civil and social action at the grassroots level. Within the first twenty years of its existence the Muslim Brotherhood gained status as the most influential of all major groups in the Middle East through its popular activism. It also spread from Egypt into other nations throughout the region and served as the catalyst for many of the successful popular liberation movements against Western colonialism in the Middle East.

While it has retained most of its founding principles from its inception, the Muslim Brotherhood has made a dramatic transformation in some crucial aspects of its political ideology. Formerly denounced by many as a terrorist organization, as of late the Muslim Brotherhood has been labeled by most current scholars of the Middle East as politically “moderate”, “politically centrist”, and “accommodationist” to Egypt’s political and governmental structures (Abed-Kotob, 1995, p. 321-322). Sana Abed-Kotob also tells us that of the current Islamist opposition groups that exist today “the more ‘radical’ or militant of these groups insist upon revolutionary change that is to be imposed on the masses and political system, whereas… the new Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, call for gradual change that is to be undertaken from within the political system and with the enlistment of the Muslim masses”

Επίλυση του Ισλαμιστικού Διλήμματος της Αμερικής

International Consultation of Muslim Intellectuals on Islam & Πολιτική

Stimson Κέντρο & Ινστιτούτο Πολιτικών Μελετών

Αυτή η διήμερη συζήτηση συγκέντρωσε ειδικούς και μελετητές από το Μπαγκλαντές, Αίγυπτος, Ινδία,Ινδονησία, Κενύα, Μαλαισία, Πακιστάν, οι Φιλιππίνες, Το Σουδάν και η Σρι Λάνκα εκπροσωπούν τον ακαδημαϊκό κόσμο,μη κυβερνητικές οργανώσεις και δεξαμενές σκέψης. Μεταξύ των συμμετεχόντων ήταν αρκετοί πρώην κυβερνητικοί αξιωματούχοι και ένας εν ενεργεία νομοθέτης. Οι συμμετέχοντες επιλέχθηκαν επίσης για να αποτελούν το εξωτερικό φάσμα ιδεολογιών, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των θρησκευτικών και των κοσμικών, πολιτιστικός, πολιτικοί και οικονομικοί συντηρητικοί, φιλελεύθεροι και ριζοσπάστες.Τα παρακάτω θέματα χαρακτήρισαν τη συζήτηση:1. Δυτική και ΗΠΑ (Τι)Κατανόηση Υπάρχει μια θεμελιώδης αποτυχία της Δύσης να κατανοήσει την πλούσια ποικιλία των πνευματικών ρευμάτων και των διασταυρούμενων ρευμάτων στον μουσουλμανικό κόσμο και στην ισλαμική σκέψη. Αυτό που βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη στον μουσουλμανικό κόσμο δεν είναι μια απλή αντίθεση με τη Δύση που βασίζεται σε παράπονα (αν και υπάρχουν και παράπονα), αλλά είναι νέοι της σκέψης και του πολιτισμού και μια φιλοδοξία να αναζητήσουν ανάπτυξη και να εκσυγχρονιστούν χωρίς να χάσουν την ταυτότητά τους. Αυτό παίρνει διάφορες μορφές, και δεν μπορεί να γίνει κατανοητό με απλά λόγια. Υπάρχει ιδιαίτερη δυσαρέσκεια για τις δυτικές προσπάθειες να καθοριστούν οι παράμετροι του νόμιμου ισλαμικού λόγου. Υπάρχει η αίσθηση ότι το Ισλάμ υποφέρει από υπερβολική γενίκευση, από τους πρωταθλητές της όσο και από τους επικριτές της. Προτρέπεται σθεναρά να γίνει κατανοητή η φύση της μουσουλμανικής αναγέννησης, η Δύση θα πρέπει να μελετήσει όλα τα πνευματικά στοιχεία μέσα στις μουσουλμανικές κοινωνίες, και όχι μόνο ο δήθεν ισλαμικός λόγος.Η πολιτική των ΗΠΑ στον απόηχο της 9/11 είχε αρκετές επιπτώσεις. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. Τελικά, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

Πολιτικές μεταβάσεις στον αραβικό κόσμο

στην Shehata

The year 2007 marked the end of a brief interval of political liberalization in the Arab world which began shortly after the occupation of Iraq and which resulted primarily from external pressures on Arab regimes to reform and democratize. External pressures during the 2003-2006 period created a political opening which activists across the region used to press for longstanding demands for political and constitutional reform.Faced with a combination of growing external and internal pressures to reform, Arab regimes were forced to make some concessions to their challengers.In Egypt, upon the request of the President, Parliament passed a constitutional amendment to allowfor direct competitive presidential elections. In September2005, Egypt witnessed its first competitive presidential election ever and as expected Mubarak was elected for a fifth term with 87%of the vote. Εξάλλου,during the November 2005 βουλευτικές εκλογές,which were freer than previous elections, η Μουσουλμανική Αδελφότητα, the largest opposition movement in Egypt, won 88 seats. This was the largest number of seats won by an opposition group in Egypt since the 1952 revolution.Similarly, in the January 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, Hamas won a majority of the seats.Hamas was thereby able to establish control over the Palestinian Legislative Council which had been dominated by Fatah since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1996. Στο Λίβανο, in the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri on 14th February2005, a coalition of pro-Hariri political forces was ablet hrough broad-based mass mobilization and external support to force Syrian troops to pull out from Lebanon and the pro-Syrian Government to resign. Elections were held, and the 14th February coalition was able to win a plurality of the votes and to form a new government.In Morocco, King Mohamed VI oversaw the establishment of a truth and reconciliation committee which sought to address the grievances of those who had been abused under the reign of his father.The Gulf Cooperation Council countries (GCC) also under took some important reforms during the 2003-2006 period. Το Ισλάμ και η Δημιουργία της Κρατικής Εξουσίας 2003 Qatar promulgated a written constitution for the first time in its history. In 2005,Saudi Arabia convened municipal elections for the firsttime in five decades. And in 2006, Bahrain held parliamentaryelections in which the Shiite society of AlWefaqwon 40%of the seats. Subsequently, the first Shiitedeputy prime minister in Bahrain was appointed.Theses events, which came to be known as ‘the Arab Spring,’ led some optimists to believe that the Arabworld was on the brink of a democratic transformation similar to those experienced in Latin American and Eastern and Central Europe during the 1980s and1990s. Ωστόσο, σε 2007, as political liberalization gave way to heightened polarization and to renewed repression,these hopes were dispelled. The failure ofthe openings of the 2003-2006 period to create a sustained momentum towards democratization can beat tributed to a number of factors. The deteriorating security situation in Iraq and the failure of the United States to create a stable and democratic regime dampened support for democracy promotion efforts within the American administration and reinforced the views ofthose who held that security and stability must come before democracy. Εξάλλου, the electoral successes of Islamists in Egypt and in Palestine further dampened Western support for democracy promotion efforts in the region since the principals of thesemovements were perceived to be at odds with the interestsof theWest.

Τρέχουσες τάσεις στην ιδεολογία της Αιγυπτιακής Μουσουλμανικής Αδελφότητας

Ο Δρ. Ισραήλ Elad Altman

The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last twoyears has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up fordissent. Μαζί μας. και ευρωπαϊκή υποστήριξη, local opposition groups have been able to takeinitiative, προωθούν τις αιτίες τους και αποσπούν παραχωρήσεις από το κράτος. The EgyptianMuslim Brotherhood movement (MB), which has been officially outlawed as a politicalorganization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities and new risks.Western governments, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της κυβέρνησης των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, are consideringthe MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advancedemocracy in their countries, και ίσως επίσης στην εξάλειψη της ισλαμιστικής τρομοκρατίας. Couldthe Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice andDevelopment Party (AKP) και το Κόμμα της Ευημερούσας Δικαιοσύνης της Ινδονησίας (PKS), twoIslamist parties that, σύμφωνα με ορισμένους αναλυτές, are successfully adapting to the rules ofliberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with,αντίστοιχα, Ευρώπη και μια «ειδωλολατρική» Ασία?Αυτό το άρθρο εξετάζει πώς ανταποκρίθηκε το MB στη νέα πραγματικότητα, how it has handledthe ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the pasttwo years. Σε ποιο βαθμό το κίνημα έχει προσαρμόσει την προοπτική του σε νέες συνθήκες? Ποιοι είναι οι στόχοι του και το όραμά του για την πολιτική τάξη? Πώς αντέδρασε στις Η.Π.Α. και στην εκστρατεία μεταρρυθμίσεων και εκδημοκρατισμού? Πώς οδήγησε τις σχέσεις της με το αιγυπτιακό καθεστώς από τη μια πλευρά, και άλλες δυνάμεις της αντιπολίτευσης από την άλλη, καθώς η χώρα κατευθυνόταν προς δύο δραματικές εκλογές το φθινόπωρο 2005? Σε ποιο βαθμό μπορεί το MB να θεωρηθεί δύναμη που θα μπορούσε να οδηγήσει την Αίγυπτο προς τη φιλελεύθερη δημοκρατία?

Η Ikhwan στη Βόρεια Αμερική: Ένα Σύντομο Ιστορικό

Douglas Farah

Ron Sandee

The current federal court case against the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF) in Dallas, Texas,1 offers an unprecedented inside look into the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States, as well as its goals and structure. The documents discuss recruitment, organization, ideology and the development of the organization in different phases in the United States. The prosecution in the case has presented many internal Muslim Brotherhood documents from the 1980’s and early 1990’s that give a first-ever, public view of the history and ideology behind the operations of the Muslim Brothers (known as the Ikhwan or The Group) in the U.S. over the past four decades. For researchers, the documents have the added weight of being written by the Ikhwan leaders themselves, rather than interpretations of secondary sources.

Brothers in Arms?

Within and between western governments, a heated policy debate is raging over the question of whether or not to engage with the world’s oldest and most influential political Islamist group: Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. Το Ισλάμ και η Δημιουργία της Κρατικής Εξουσίας 2006, publication of a series of leaked memos in the New Statesman magazine revealed that political analysts within the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office recommended an enhancement of informal contacts with members of the Brotherhood.

The authors of these documents argued that the UK government should be seeking to influence this group, given the extent of its grassroots support in Egypt. The British analysts further suggested that engagement could provide a valuable opportunity for challenging the Brotherhood’s perceptions of the West, including the UK, and for detailed questioning of their prescriptions for solving the challenges facing Egypt and the wider region.

The Bush administration in the United States has been far less open to the idea of direct engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that it would be inappropriate to enter into formal ties with a group that is not legally recognised by the Egyptian government. Ωστόσο, there are indications that the US position may be starting to shift. Το Ισλάμ και η Δημιουργία της Κρατικής Εξουσίας 2007, it emerged that the State Department had approved a policy that would enable US diplomats to meet and coordinate with elected Brotherhood leaders in Egypt, Ιράκ, Syria and other Arab states.