RSSTodas las entradas con etiquetas con: "libertad"

Mujeres en el Islam

Amira burghul

A pesar del gran consenso entre un gran número de filósofos e historiadores de que la

principios y enseñanzas del Islam provocaron un cambio fundamental en la posición de la mujer

en comparación con la situación prevaleciente en los países tanto del este como del oeste en ese momento, y a pesar de

el acuerdo de un gran número de pensadores y legisladores de que las mujeres durante la época de la

Profeta (PBUH) se les concedieron derechos y privilegios legales no concedidos por las leyes hechas por el hombre hasta

recientemente, campañas de propaganda de occidentales y personas con una perspectiva occidentalizada

Acusan sistemáticamente al islam de ser injusto con las mujeres., de imponerles restricciones, y

marginando su papel en la sociedad.

Esta situación se ha visto agravada por la atmósfera y las condiciones prevalecientes en todo el

mundo musulman, donde la ignorancia y la pobreza han producido una comprensión limitada de la religión

y la familia y las relaciones humanas que ocluyen la justicia y una forma de vida civilizada, particular

entre hombres y mujeres. El pequeño grupo de personas a las que se les ha concedido la oportunidad de

adquirir una educación y habilidades también han caído en la trampa de creer que alcanzar la justicia

para las mujeres y capitalizar sus habilidades depende de rechazar la religión y la piedad y

adoptar un estilo de vida occidental, como resultado de sus estudios superficiales del Islam por un lado

y el efecto de las diversiones de la vida en el otro.

Sólo un número muy pequeño de personas de estos dos grupos han logrado escapar y zarpar.

sus capas de ignorancia y tradición. Estas personas han estudiado su herencia en gran profundidad.

y detalle, y he mirado los resultados de las experiencias occidentales con una mente abierta. Ellos tienen

distinguía entre el trigo y la paja tanto en el pasado como en el presente, y he tratado

científica y objetivamente con los problemas que han surgido. han refutado lo falso

cargos hechos contra el Islam con argumentos elocuentes, y han admitido defectos ocultos.

También han reexaminado los dichos y costumbres de los Infalibles para

distinguir entre lo establecido y santo y lo que ha sido alterado y distorsionado.

El comportamiento responsable de este colectivo ha establecido nuevos rumbos y nuevas formas de afrontar

con la cuestión de la mujer en las sociedades islámicas. Es evidente que todavía no han abordado todos los problemas

y encontró soluciones definitivas para las numerosas lagunas y deficiencias legislativas, pero han puesto el

terreno para el surgimiento de un nuevo modelo para las mujeres musulmanas, que son fuertes y

comprometidos con las bases legales y efectivas de su sociedad.

Con el triunfo de la Revolución Islámica en Irán y la bendición de sus líderes, Cuál es el

principal autoridad religiosa para la participación de las mujeres y su efectivo ejercicio político y social

participación, el alcance para un fuerte debate sobre las mujeres en el Islam se ha ampliado significativamente.

El modelo de mujer musulmana en Irán se ha extendido a los movimientos de resistencia islámicos en el Líbano,

Palestina otros países árabes e incluso el mundo occidental, y como un resultado, propaganda

las campañas contra el Islam han disminuido hasta cierto punto.

El surgimiento de movimientos islámicos salafistas como los talibanes en Afganistán y similares

Movimientos salafistas en Arabia Saudita y el norte de África, y su forma fanática de tratar a las mujeres,

han provocado que los espectadores nerviosos que temen un resurgimiento islámico lancen nueva propaganda

campañas que acusan al islam de inspirar el terrorismo y de ser atrasado e injusto con

mujeres.

El totalitarismo del islamismo yihadista y su desafío a Europa y al Islam

Bassam Tibi

When reading the majority of texts that comprise the vast literature that has been published by self-proclaimed pundits on political Islam, it is easy to miss the fact that a new movement has arisen. Further, this literature fails to explain in a satisfactory manner the fact that the ideology which drives it is based on a particular interpretation of Islam, and that it is thus a politicised religious faith,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, sin embargo,, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
in the history of politics since it has its roots in two parallel and related phenomena: first, the culturalisation of politics which leads to politics being conceptualised as a cultural system (a view pioneered by Clifford Geertz); and second the return of the sacred, or ‘re-enchantment’ of the world, as a reaction to its intensive secularisation resulting from globalisation.
The analysis of political ideologies that are based on religions, and that can exert appeal as a political religion as a consequence of this, involves a social science understanding of the role of religion played by world politics, especially after the bi-polar system of the Cold War has given way to a multi-polar world. In a project conducted at the Hannah Arendt Institute for the application of totalitarianism to the study of political religions, I proposed the distinction between secular ideologies that act as a substitute for religion, and religious ideologies based on genuine religious faith, which is the case in religious fundamentalism (see note
24). Another project on ‘Political Religion’, carried out at the University of Basel, has made clearer the point that new approaches to politics become necessary once a religious faith becomes clothed in a political garb.Drawing on the authoritative sources of political Islam, this article suggests that the great variety of organisations inspired by Islamist ideology are to be conceptualised both as political religions and as political movements. The unique quality of political Islam lies is the fact that it is based on a transnational religion (see note 26).

Democracia liberal e islamismo político: la búsqueda de un terreno común.

Mostapha Benhenda

This paper seeks to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic political theories.1 The interplay between them is puzzling: for example, in order to explain the relationship existing between democracy and their conception of the ideal Islamic political
regime, the Pakistani scholar Abu ‘Ala Maududi coined the neologism “theodemocracy” whereas the French scholar Louis Massignon suggested the oxymoron “secular theocracy”. These expressions suggest that some aspects of democracy are evaluated positively and others are judged negatively. Por ejemplo, Muslim scholars and activists often endorse the principle of accountability of rulers, which is a defining feature of democracy. On the contrary, they often reject the principle of separation between religion and the state, which is often considered to be part of democracy (at least, of democracy as known in the United States today). Given this mixed assessment of democratic principles, it seems interesting to determine the conception of democracy underlying Islamic political models. In other words, we should try to find out what is democratic in “theodemocracy”. To that end, among the impressive diversity and plurality of Islamic traditions of normative political thought, we essentially focus on the broad current of thought going back to Abu ‘Ala Maududi and the Egyptian intellectual Sayyed Qutb.8 This particular trend of thought is interesting because in the Muslim world, it lies at the basis of some of the most challenging oppositions to the diffusion of the values originating from the West. Based on religious values, this trend elaborated a political model alternative to liberal democracy. Broadly speaking, the conception of democracy included in this Islamic political model is procedural. With some differences, this conception is inspired by democratic theories advocated by some constitutionalists and political scientists.10 It is thin and minimalist, up to a certain point. Por ejemplo, it does not rely on any notion of popular sovereignty and it does not require any separation between religion and politics. The first aim of this paper is to elaborate this minimalist conception. We make a detailed restatement of it in order to isolate this conception from its moral (liberal) foundations, which are controversial from the particular Islamic viewpoint considered here. En efecto, the democratic process is usually derived from a principle of personal autonomy, which is not endorsed by these Islamic theories.11 Here, we show that such principle is not necessary to justify a democratic process.

Reforma Islámica

Adnan Khan

El primer ministro italiano, Silvio Berlusconi se jactaba tras los hechos de 9/11:
“…debemos ser conscientes de la superioridad de nuestra civilización, un sistema que ha garantizado

bienestar, respeto a los derechos humanos y – en contraste con los países islámicos – respeto

por los derechos religiosos y políticos, un sistema que tiene sus valores comprensión de la diversidad

y tolerancia…Occidente conquistará a los pueblos, como conquistó el comunismo, incluso si

significa un enfrentamiento con otra civilización, el islámico, atrapado donde estaba

1,400 hace años…”1

y en un 2007 informe que declaró el instituto RAND:
“La lucha en curso en gran parte del mundo musulmán es esencialmente una guerra de

ideas. Su resultado determinará la dirección futura del mundo musulmán”.

Construyendo redes musulmanas moderadas, Instituto RAND

El concepto de 'Islá' (reforma) es un concepto desconocido para los musulmanes. Nunca existió en todo el

historia de la civilización islámica; nunca se debatió ni se consideró. Una mirada rápida a lo clásico

La literatura islámica nos muestra que cuando los eruditos clásicos sentaron las bases del usul, y codificado

sus reglas islámicas (fiqh) solo buscaban la comprensión de las reglas islámicas para poder

aplicarlos. Una situación similar ocurrió cuando se establecieron las reglas para el hadiz., Tafsir y el

lenguaje árabe. eruditos, pensadores e intelectuales a lo largo de la historia islámica dedicaron mucho tiempo

comprender la revelación de Allah: el Corán y aplicar las aleyas sobre las realidades y acuñar

principios y disciplinas para facilitar la comprensión. Por lo tanto, el Corán siguió siendo la base de

El estudio y todas las disciplinas que evolucionaron siempre se basaron en el Corán.. Los que se convirtieron

herido por la filosofía griega, como los filósofos musulmanes y algunos de entre los Mut'azilah

se consideró que habían dejado el redil del Islam cuando el Corán dejó de ser su base de estudio. Así para

cualquier musulmán que intente deducir reglas o entender qué postura se debe tomar sobre un particular

emitir el Corán es la base de este estudio.

El primer intento de reformar el Islam tuvo lugar a principios del siglo XIX.. A la vuelta de la

siglo la Ummah había estado en un largo período de declive donde el equilibrio global de poder cambió

del Khilafah a Gran Bretaña. Los crecientes problemas envolvieron al Khilafah mientras Europa Occidental estaba en

en medio de la revolución industrial. La Ummah llegó a perder su comprensión prístina del Islam, y

en un intento de revertir el declive que engulle a los Uthmani (otomanos) algunos musulmanes fueron enviados a la

Oeste, y como resultado quedaron heridos por lo que vieron. Rifa'a Rafi' al-Tahtawi de Egipto (1801-1873),

a su regreso de París, escribió un libro biográfico llamado Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis Bariz (El

Extracción de Oro, o una visión general de París, 1834), alabando su limpieza, amor al trabajo, y por encima

toda la moralidad social. Declaró que hay que imitar lo que se está haciendo en París, abogando por cambios en

la sociedad islámica desde la liberalización de las mujeres hasta los sistemas de gobierno. este pensamiento, y a otros les gusta,

marcó el comienzo de la tendencia de reinvención en el Islam.

PRECISIÓN EN LA GUERRA GLOBAL CONTRA EL TERROR:

Sherifa Zuhur

Siete años después de septiembre 11, 2001 (9/11) ataques, muchos expertos creen que al-Qaeda ha recuperado fuerza y ​​que sus imitadores o afiliados son más letales que antes. La estimación de inteligencia nacional de 2007 afirmó que al-Qaeda es más peligrosa ahora que antes 9/11.1 Los emuladores de Al-Qaeda continúan amenazando a Occidente, Medio este, y naciones europeas, como en la trama frustrada en septiembre 2007 en Alemania. Bruce Riedel afirma: En gran parte gracias al afán de Washington de entrar en Irak en lugar de perseguir a los líderes de Al Qaeda., la organización ahora tiene una sólida base de operaciones en las tierras baldías de Pakistán y una franquicia efectiva en el oeste de Irak. Su alcance se ha extendido por todo el mundo musulmán y en Europa . . . Osama bin Laden ha montado una exitosa campaña de propaganda. . . . Sus ideas atraen ahora más seguidores que nunca.
Es cierto que siguen surgiendo diversas organizaciones salafistas-yihadistas en todo el mundo islámico. ¿Por qué las respuestas con muchos recursos al terrorismo islamista que llamamos yihad global no han demostrado ser extremadamente efectivas??
Pasando a las herramientas de “soft power”,¿Qué pasa con la eficacia de los esfuerzos occidentales para reforzar a los musulmanes en la Guerra Global contra el Terror? (GWOT)? ¿Por qué Estados Unidos ha ganado tan pocos “corazones y mentes” en el mundo islámico más amplio?? ¿Por qué los mensajes estratégicos estadounidenses sobre este tema juegan tan mal en la región?? Por qué, a pesar de la amplia desaprobación musulmana del extremismo, como se muestra en encuestas y declaraciones oficiales de líderes musulmanes clave, ¿Ha aumentado el apoyo a Bin Laden en Jordania y Pakistán??
Esta monografía no repasará los orígenes de la violencia islamista. En cambio, se refiere a un tipo de falla conceptual que construye erróneamente la GWOT y que desalienta a los musulmanes a apoyarla.. No pueden identificarse con las contramedidas transformadoras propuestas porque perciben algunas de sus creencias e instituciones centrales como objetivos en
este esfuerzo.
Varias tendencias profundamente problemáticas confunden las conceptualizaciones estadounidenses de la GWOT y los mensajes estratégicos elaborados para pelear esa guerra.. Estos evolucionan de (1) enfoques políticos poscoloniales hacia los musulmanes y las naciones de mayoría musulmana que varían mucho y, por lo tanto, producen impresiones y efectos contradictorios y confusos; y (2) ignorancia generalizada residual y prejuicio hacia el Islam y las culturas subregionales. Agregue a esta ira estadounidense, miedo, y la ansiedad por los eventos mortales de 9/11, y ciertos elementos que, despite the urgings of cooler heads, hold Muslims and their religion accountable for the misdeeds of their coreligionists, or who find it useful to do so for political reasons.

ENTRE AYER Y HOY

HASAN AL-BANNA

The First Islamic State
On the foundation of this virtuous Qur’anic social order the first Islamic state arose, having unshakeable faith in eso, meticulously applying it, and spreading it throughout the world, so that the first Khilafah used to say: ‘If I should lose a camel’s lead, I would find it in Allah’s Book.’. He fought those who refused to pay zakah, regarding them as apostates because they had overthrown one of the pillars of this order, saying: ‘By Allah, if they refused me a lead which they would hand over to the Apostle of Allah (PBUH), I would fight them as soon as I have a sword in my hand!’ For unity, in all its meanings and manifestations, pervaded this new forthcoming nation.
Complete social unity arose from making the Qur’anic order and it’s language universal, while complete political unity was under the shadow of the Amir Al-Mumineen and beneath the standard of the Khilafah in the capital.
The fact that the Islamic ideology was one of decentralisation of the armed forces, the state treasuries, y provincial governors proved to be no obstacle to this, since all acted according to a single creed and a unified and comprehensive control. The Qur’anic principles dispelled and laid to rest the superstitious idolatry prevalent in the Arabian Peninsula and Persia. They banished guileful Judaism and confined it to a narrow province, putting an end to its religious and political authority. They struggled with Christianity such that its influence was greatly diminished in the Asian and African continents, confined only to Europe under the guard of the Byzantine Empire in Constantinople. Thus the Islamic state became the centre of spiritual and political dominance within the two largest continents. This state persisted in its attacks against the third continent, assaulting Constantinople from the east and besieging it until the siege grew wearisome. Then it came at it from the west,
plunging into Spain, with its victorious soldiers reaching the heart of France and penetrating as far as northern and southern Italy. It established an imposing state in Western Europe, radiant with science and knowledge.
Afterwards, it ended the conquest of Constantinople itself and the confined Christianity within the restricted area of Central Europe. Islamic fleets ventured into the depths of the Mediterranean and Red seas, both became Islamic lakes. And so the armed forces of the Islamic state assumed supremacy of the seas both in the East and West, enjoying absolute mastery over land and sea. These Islamic nations had already combined and incorporated many things from other civilisations, but they triumphed through the strength of their faith and the solidness of their system over others. They Arabised them, or succeeded in doing so to a degree, and were able to sway them and convert them to the splendour, beauty and vitality of their language and religion. El Muslims were free to adopt anything beneficial from other civilisations, insofar as it did not have adverse effects on their social and political unity.

La democracia en el pensamiento político islámico

Azzam S. Tamimi

Democracy has preoccupied Arab political thinkers since the dawn of the modern Arab renaissance about two centuries ago. Since then, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, the father of Egyptian democracy according to Lewis Awad,[3] who shortly after his return to Cairo from Paris published his first book, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, en 1834. The book summarized his observations of the manners and customs of the modern French,[4] and praised the concept of democracy as he saw it in France and as he witnessed its defence and reassertion through the 1830 Revolution against King Charles X.[5] Tahtawi tried to show that the democratic concept he was explaining to his readers was compatible with the law of Islam. He compared political pluralism to forms of ideological and jurisprudential pluralism that existed in the Islamic experience:
Religious freedom is the freedom of belief, of opinion and of sect, provided it does not contradict the fundamentals of religion . . . The same would apply to the freedom of political practice and opinion by leading administrators, who endeavour to interpret and apply rules and provisions in accordance with the laws of their own countries. Kings and ministers are licensed in the realm of politics to pursue various routes that in the end serve one purpose: good administration and justice.[6] One important landmark in this regard was the contribution of Khairuddin At-Tunisi (1810- 99), leader of the 19th-century reform movement in Tunisia, who, en 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.

Cultura política islámica, Democracia, y Derechos Humanos

Daniel E. Precio

Se ha argumentado que el Islam facilita el autoritarismo., contradice el

valores de las sociedades occidentales, y afecta significativamente importantes resultados políticos

en las naciones musulmanas. Como consecuencia, eruditos, comentaristas, y gobierno

Los funcionarios apuntan con frecuencia al "fundamentalismo islámico" como el próximo

amenaza ideológica para las democracias liberales. Esta vista, sin embargo,, se basa principalmente

sobre el análisis de textos, teoría política islámica, y estudios ad hoc

de países individuales, que no consideran otros factores. es mi argumento

que los textos y tradiciones del Islam, como los de otras religiones,

se puede utilizar para apoyar una variedad de sistemas políticos y políticas. País

estudios específicos y descriptivos no nos ayudan a encontrar patrones que ayuden

Expliquemos las distintas relaciones entre el islam y la política en todo el mundo.

paises del mundo musulman. Por eso, un nuevo enfoque para el estudio de la

Se requiere una conexión entre el Islam y la política..
yo sugiero, a través de una evaluación rigurosa de la relación entre el Islam,

la democracia, y derechos humanos a nivel transnacional, que demasiado

se está poniendo énfasis en el poder del Islam como fuerza política. yo primero

utilizar estudios de casos comparativos, que se centran en factores relacionados con la interacción

entre grupos y regímenes islámicos, influencias economicas, divisiones étnicas,

y desarrollo social, para explicar la variación en la influencia de

Islam en la política a través de ocho naciones.

Cultura política islámica, Democracia, y Derechos Humanos

Daniel E. Precio

Se ha argumentado que el Islam facilita el autoritarismo., contradice el

valores de las sociedades occidentales, y afecta significativamente importantes resultados políticos
en las naciones musulmanas. Como consecuencia, eruditos, comentaristas, y gobierno
Los funcionarios apuntan con frecuencia al "fundamentalismo islámico" como el próximo
amenaza ideológica para las democracias liberales. Esta vista, sin embargo,, se basa principalmente
sobre el análisis de textos, teoría política islámica, y estudios ad hoc
de países individuales, que no consideran otros factores. es mi argumento
que los textos y tradiciones del Islam, como los de otras religiones,
se puede utilizar para apoyar una variedad de sistemas políticos y políticas. País
estudios específicos y descriptivos no nos ayudan a encontrar patrones que ayuden
Expliquemos las distintas relaciones entre el islam y la política en todo el mundo.
paises del mundo musulman. Por eso, un nuevo enfoque para el estudio de la
Se requiere una conexión entre el Islam y la política..
yo sugiero, a través de una evaluación rigurosa de la relación entre el Islam,
la democracia, y derechos humanos a nivel transnacional, que demasiado
se está poniendo énfasis en el poder del Islam como fuerza política. yo primero
utilizar estudios de casos comparativos, que se centran en factores relacionados con la interacción
entre grupos y regímenes islámicos, influencias economicas, divisiones étnicas,

y desarrollo social, para explicar la variación en la influencia de

Islam en la política a través de ocho naciones.

Islam político en el Medio Oriente

Si Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. The report gives special emphasis to the Middle East, en

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: democracy and political violence. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(nombra y destituye a los gobernadores 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Nonetheless, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

Partes islamistas : ¿Por qué no pueden ser democráticos?

Bassam Tibi

Noting Islamism’s growing appeal and strength on the ground, many

Western scholars and officials have been grasping for some way to take

an inclusionary approach toward it. In keeping with this desire, it has

become fashionable contemptuously to dismiss the idea of insisting on

clear and rigorous distinctions as “academic.” When it comes to Islam

and democracy, this deplorable fashion has been fraught with unfortunate

consequences.

Intelligent discussion of Islamism, la democracia, and Islam requires

clear and accurate definitions. Without them, analysis will collapse into

confusion and policy making will suffer. My own view, formed after

thirty years of study and reflection regarding the matter, is that Islam and

democracy are indeed compatible, provided that certain necessary religious

reforms are made. The propensity to deliver on such reforms is what

I see as lacking in political Islam. My own avowed interest—as an Arab-

Muslim prodemocracy theorist and practitioner—is to promote the establishment

of secular democracy within the ambit of Islamic civilization.

In order to help clear away the confusion that all too often surrounds

this topic, I will lay out several basic points to bear in mind. The first is

that, so far, Western practices vis-`a-vis political Islam have been faulty

because they have lacked the underpinning of a well-founded assessment.

Unless blind luck intervenes, no policy can be better than the assessment

upon which it is based. Proper assessment is the beginning of

all practical wisdom.

Partes islamistas : volviendo a los orígenes

Husain Haqqani

Hillel Fradkin

How should we understand the emergence and the nature of Islamist parties? Can they reasonably be expected not just to participate in democratic politics but even to respect the norms of liberal democracy? These questions lie at the heart of the issues that we have been asked to address.
In our view, any response that is historically and thus practically relevant must begin with the following observation: Until very recently, even the idea of an Islamist party (let alone a democratic Islamist party) would have seemed, from the perspective of Islamism itself, a paradox if not a contradiction in terms. Islamism’s original conception of a healthy Islamic political life made no room for—indeed rejected—any role for parties of any sort. Islamist groups described themselves as the vanguard of Islamic revival, claiming that they represented the essence of Islam and reflected the aspiration of the global umma (community of believers) for an Islamic polity. Pluralism, which is a precondition for the operation of political parties, was rejected by most Islamist political
thinkers as a foreign idea.
As should be more or less obvious, the novelty not only of actually existing Islamist parties but of the very idea of such parties makes it exceptionally difficult to assess their democratic bona fides. But this difficulty merely adds another level of complication to a problem that stems from the very origins of Islamism and its conception of the true meaning of Islam and of Islam’s relationship to political life

partidos islamistas : Tres clases de movimientos

Tamara Cofman

Between 1991 y 2001, the world of political Islam became significantly more diverse. Este Dia, the term “Islamist”—used to describe a political perspective centrally informed by a set of religious interpretations and commitments—can be applied to such a wide array of groups as to be almost meaningless. It encompasses everyone from the terrorists who flew planes into the World Trade Center to peacefully elected legislators in Kuwait who have voted in favor of women’s suffrage.
Nonetheless, the prominence of Islamist movements—legal and illegal, violent and peaceful—in the ranks of political oppositions across the Arab world makes the necessity of drawing relevant distinctions obvious. The religious discourse of the Islamists is now unavoidably central to Arab politics. Conventional policy discussions label Islamists either “moderate” or “radical,” generally categorizing them according to two rather loose and unhelpful criteria. The first is violence: Radicals use it and moderates do not. This begs the question of how to classify groups that do not themselves engage in violence but who condone, justify, or even actively support the violence of others. A second, only somewhat more restrictive criterion is whether the groups or individuals in question
accept the rules of the democratic electoral game. Popular sovereignty is no small concession for traditional Islamists, many of whom reject democratically elected governments as usurpers of God’s sovereignty.
Yet commitment to the procedural rules of democratic elections is not the same as commitment to democratic politics or governance.

Islam político: Listo para el compromiso?

Emad El-Din Shahin

The voluminous literature on reform and democratization in the Middle East region reveals a number of facts: a main obstacle to reform is the incumbent regimes that have been trying to resist and circumvent genuine democratic transformations; political reform cannot be credible without integrating moderate Islamists in the process; and external actors (mainly the US and the EU) have not yet formulated a coherent approach to reform that could simultaneously achieve stability and democracy in the region. This paper explores the possibilities and implications of a European engagement with moderate Islamists on democracy promotion in the region. It argues that the EU approach to political reform in the Middle East region needs to be enhanced and linked to realities on the ground. Political reform cannot be effective without the integration of non-violent Islamic groups in a gradual, multifaceted process. It should be highlighted that the process of engagement is a risky one for both the EU and the Islamists, yet both stand to gain from a systematic dialogue on democracy. To reduce the risks, the engagement with political Islam should come within a broader EU strategy for democracy promotion in the region. De hecho, what the Islamists would expect from Europe is to maintain a
consistent and assertive stand on political reforms that would allow for a genuine representation of the popular will through peaceful means.
In this regard, a number of questions seem pertinent. Does the EU really need to engage political Islam in democratic reforms? Is political Islam ready for engagement and will it be willing to engage? How can an engagement policy be formulated on the basis of plausible implementation with minimal risks to the interests of the parties involved?

Es la política, Estúpido

John L. Edwards

US foreign policy and political Islam today are deeply intertwined. Every US president since Jimmy Carter has had to deal with political Islam; none has been so challenged as George W. Arbusto. Policymakers, particularly since 9/11, have demonstrated an inability and/or unwillingness to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamists. They have largely treated political Islam as a global threat similar to the way that Communism was perceived. Sin embargo, even in the case of Communism, foreign policymakers eventually moved from an ill-informed, broad-brush, and paranoid approach personified by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s to more nuanced, pragmatic, and reasonable policies that led to the establishment of relations with China in the 1970s, even as tensions remained between the United States and the Soviet Union.

As Islamist parties continue to rise in prominence across the globe, it is necessary that policymakers learn to make distinctions and adopt differentiated policy approaches. This requires a deeper understanding of what motivates and informs Islamist parties and the support they receive, including the ways in which some US policies feed the more radical and extreme Islamist movements while weakening the appeal of the moderate organizations to Muslim populations. It also requires the political will to adopt approaches of engagement and dialogue. This is especially important where the roots of political Islam go deeper than simple anti-Americanism and where political Islam is manifested in non-violent and democratic ways. The stunning electoral victories of HAMAS in Palestine and the Shi’a in Iraq, the Muslim Brotherhood’s emergence as the leading parliamentary opposition in Egypt, and Israel’s war against HAMAS and Hizbollah go to the heart of issues of democracy, terrorismo, and peace in the Middle East.

Global terrorism has also become the excuse for many Muslim autocratic rulers and Western policymakers to backslide or retreat from democratization. They warn that the promotion of a democratic process runs the risk of furthering Islamist inroads into centers of power and is counterproductive to Western interests, encouraging a more virulent anti-Westernism and increased instability. Por lo tanto, for example, despite HAMAS’ victory in free and democratic elections, the United States and Europe failed to give the party full recognition and support.

In relations between the West and the Muslim world, phrases like a clash of civilizations or a clash of cultures recur as does the charge that Islam is incompatible with democracy or that it is a particularly militant religion. But is the primary issue religion and culture or is it politics? Is the primary cause of radicalism and anti-Westernism, especially anti-Americanism, extremist theology or simply the policies of many Muslim and Western governments?


La Hermandad Musulmana en Egipto

William Thomasson

Is Islam a religion of violence? Is the widely applied stereotype that all Muslims are violently opposed to “infidel” Western cultures accurate? Today’s world is confronted with two opposing faces of Islam; one being a peaceful, adaptive, modernized Islam, and the other strictly fundamentalist and against all things un-Islamic or that may corrupt Islamic culture. Both specimens, though seemingly opposed, mingle and inter-relate, and are the roots of the confusion over modern Islam’s true identity. Islam’s vastness makes it difficult to analyze, but one can focus on a particular Islamic region and learn much about Islam as a whole. En efecto, one may do this with Egypt, particularly the relationship between the Fundamentalist society known as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian government and population. The two opposing faces of Islam are presented in Egypt in a manageable portion, offering a smaller model of the general multi-national struggle of today’s Islam. In an effort to exemplify the role of Islamic Fundamentalists, and their relationship with Islamic society as a whole in the current debate over what Islam is, this essay will offer a history of the Society of Muslim Brothers, a description of how the organization originated, functioned, and was organized, and a summary of the Brother’s activities and influences on Egyptian culture. Ciertamente, by doing so, one may gain a deeper understanding of how Islamic Fundamentalists interpret Islam