RSS所有帶有標籤的條目: "法圖拉·葛蘭"

全球化與政治伊斯蘭: 土耳其福利黨的社會基礎

Haldun Gulalp

Political Islam has gained heightened visibility in recent decades in Turkey. Large numbers of female students have begun to demonstrate their commitment by wearing the banned Islamic headdress on university campuses, and influential pro-Islamist TV
channels have proliferated. This paper focuses on the Welfare (Refah) Party as the foremost institutional representative of political Islam in Turkey.
The Welfare Party’s brief tenure in power as the leading coalition partner from mid-1996 to mid-1997 was the culmination of a decade of steady growth that was aided by other Islamist organizations and institutions. These organizations and institutions
included newspapers and publishing houses that attracted Islamist writers, numerous Islamic foundations, an Islamist labor-union confederation, and an Islamist businessmen’s association. These institutions worked in tandem with, and in support of, Welfare as the undisputed leader and representative of political Islam in Turkey, even though they had their own particularistic goals and ideals, which often diverged from Welfare’s political projects. Focusing on the Welfare Party, then, allows for an analysis of the wider social base upon which the Islamist political movement rose in Turkey. Since Welfare’s ouster from power and its eventual closure, the Islamist movement has been in disarray. 本文將, 因此, be confined to the Welfare Party period.
Welfare’s predecessor, the National Salvation Party, was active in the 1970s but was closed down by the military regime in 1980. Welfare was founded in 1983 and gained great popularity in the 1990s. Starting with a 4.4 percent vote in the municipal elections of 1984, the Welfare Party steadily increased its showing and multiplied its vote nearly five times in twelve years. It alarmed Turkey’s secular establishment first in the municipal elections of 1994, 與 19 percent of all votes nationwide and the mayor’s seats in both Istanbul and Ankara, then in the general elections of 1995 when it won a plurality with 21.4 percent of the national vote. 不過, the Welfare Party was only briefly able to lead a coalition government in partnership with the right-wing True Path Party of Tansu C¸ iller.





自世紀之交以來,激進化對全球事件的影響方式, 它


被稱為“伊斯蘭世界”. 詢問是否以及如何參與尤為重要


即使在歐盟內部,這仍然存在爭議. 有些人認為伊斯蘭價值觀


人權, 而其他人則將參與視為現實的必要性,因為日益增長的


事務. 另一種觀點是,穆斯林世界的民主化將會增加

歐洲安全. 這些和其他關於是否以及如何


他們的政治環境, 逐個國家.

民主化是歐盟共同外交政策行動的中心主題, 鋪設

在文章中 11 歐盟條約. 在此考慮的許多州

舉報不民主, 或不完全民主. 在這些國家中的大多數, 伊斯蘭主義者

政黨和運動構成了對現行政權的重大反對, 和

在一些地區,他們形成了最大的反對派集團. 歐洲民主國家長期以來不得不

處理專制的統治政權, 但這是一個新現象

在最有可能受益者可能擁有的國家進行民主改革, 來自

歐盟的觀點, 不同的,有時是有問題的民主方法及其

相關值, 例如少數民族和婦女權利和法治. 這些費用是

經常反對伊斯蘭運動, 因此,對於歐洲政策制定者來說,重要的是



允許聚會, 他們的行動和想法越溫和. 在許多


建立一個受伊斯蘭法律管轄的伊斯蘭國家, 並開始接受基本的

選舉權力的民主原則, 其他政治的存在

競爭對手, 和政治多元化.

伊斯蘭政黨 : 無權參與

Malika Zeghal

Over the last two decades, social and political movements grounding their ideologies in references to Islam have sought to become legal political parties in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Some of these Islamist movements have been authorized to take part lawfully in electoral competition. Among the best known is Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won a parliamentary majority in 2002 and has led the government ever since. Morocco’s own Party of Justice and Development (PJD) has been legal since the mid- 1990s and commands a significant bloc of seats in Parliament. 在埃及, 穆斯林兄弟會 (MB) has never been authorized to form a political party, but in spite of state repression it has successfully run candidates as nominal independents in both national and local elections.
Since the early 1990s, this trend has gone hand-in-hand with official policies of limited political liberalization. Together, the two trends have occasioned a debate about whether these movements are committed to “democracy.” A vast literature has sprung up to underline the paradoxes as well as the possible risks and benefits of including Islamist parties in the electoral process. The main paradigm found in this body of writing focuses on the consequences that might ensue when Islamists use democratic instruments, and seeks to divine the “true” intentions that Islamists will manifest if they come to power.

該 500 最有影響力的穆斯林



您手中的出版物是我們希望成為年度系列的第一本,它為了解穆斯林世界的推動者和震動者提供了一個窗口. 我們努力突出顯示有影響力的穆斯林人, 那是, 影響來自他們的伊斯蘭教實踐或來自他們是穆斯林這一事實的人. 我們認為這為穆斯林影響世界的不同方式提供了寶貴的見解, 並且還展示了當今穆斯林生活的多樣性。影響是一個棘手的概念. 它的意思來源於拉丁詞influensmeaning to flow-in, 指向看不見的力量的古老占星術思想 (喜歡月亮) 影響人類. 這份名單上的人物也有影響人類的能力. 這份名單上的每個人都以各種不同的方式影響著地球上許多人的生活. 該 50 最具影響力的人物簡介. 他們的影響力來自多種來源; 然而,它們是統一的,因為它們每個都影響著大量的人類。然後我們打破了 500 領導者成 15 類別—學者, 政治,行政的, 血統, 傳教士, 婦女, 青年, 慈善事業, 發展歷程,科學和技術, 文化藝術, 媒體, 激進分子, 國際伊斯蘭網絡, 和今日問題——幫助您了解伊斯蘭教和穆斯林影響當今世界的不同方式。兩個綜合列表顯示了影響如何以不同方式發揮作用: 國際伊斯蘭網絡展示了穆斯林重要跨國網絡的領導者, 和“今日問題”突出了由於當前影響人類的問題而具有重要意義的個人.



With the increased international prominence of Turkey and its successful and internationallyrespected AK Party government, the Academia’s attention has focused on the Turkish Islamistexperience. Turkey had already been seen as an almost unique case as far Islam-state-secularismdemocracyrelations were concerned but the recent transformation of Turkish Islamism coupledwith the global turmoil in the post-9/11 world has made the Turkish case much more important.While Turkish Islamists’ recent transformation that has brought about their rise to the power hasbeen applauded at home and abroad, there are relatively very few studies that analyze theirtransformation by taking into account the unique experience of Turkish Islamism starting from the18th & 19th centuries’ Ottoman secularization, Young Ottomans of the 1860s and the Ottomanconstitutionalism and democracy. 而且, some dynamics that affected the change in theTurkish Islamists’ Islamic normative framework have not been analyzed in detail. 從而, this studyendeavors to analyze the main factors behind the newly emerged tolerant normative framework ofthe AK Party leaders who were formerly Islamists. After showing that there are good historicalreasons arising from the Ottoman experience of secularism and democracy and arguing based on abrief theoretical discussion of the plurality of Islamisms, it argues that the Turkish Islamism hasalways differed from the other Islamist experiences. 所以, in this study, a detailed evaluationof the Turkish Islamist experience starting from the Young Ottomans is undertaken. Then, thispaper attempts to show that Islamic groups’ physical and discursive interaction has been a crucialfactor in the Turkish Islamism’s transformation. Main premise of this paper is that the Gülenmovement has been the most influential factor that has helped the AK Party leaders to develop amore tolerant normative framework and to eventually jettison their Islamism. It is of coursedifficult to establish casual relationship between two social phenomena but one can underscorecorrelations. As the main hypothesis is that the Gülen movement has been the most influentialfactor in the normative transformation of the former Islamists’ mental frameworks and theirreligio-political worldviews, this paper provides a comparative discourse analysis betweenFethullah Gülen’s and Islamists’ ideas on several issues that have been relevant for both Islamismand newly-emerged post-Islamism. To identify these relevant issues (世俗主義, pluralism,民主, rule of law, nationalism, state, 伊斯蘭教, religiosity, the other, borders and dialogue),the paper provides a brief theoretical discussion of Islamism and post-Islamism that will also helpthe reader to understand the fundamental differences between Islamism and the Gülenian thought.

伊斯蘭現代性: FETHULLAH GULEN 和當代伊斯蘭教


努爾朱運動1, 是最古老的溫和伊斯蘭運動,可能是現代土耳其特有的, 自從賽義德·努爾西被分成幾組, 運動的創始人, 去世於 1960. 在目前的時間, 有十多個具有不同議程和策略的 Nurcu 小組. 儘管他們的所有差異, 今天,努爾朱族群似乎承認彼此的身份,並試圖保持一定程度的團結. Fethullah Gulen 團體在 Nurju 運動中的位置, 然而, 似乎有點搖搖欲墜。Fethullah Gulen (b.1938) 分裂自己, 至少在外觀上, 從整體 Nurju 運動中 1972 並在 1980 年代和 90 年代成功建立了自己的團隊,具有強大的組織結構. 由於其在土耳其和國外廣泛的學校網絡的發展2, 他的小組引起了人們的注意. 這些學校不僅吸引了伊斯蘭商人和中產階級,也吸引了大量的世俗知識分子和政治家. 雖然它最初是從整體努爾朱運動中出現的, 有人認為,Fethullah Gulen 集團的追隨者人數遠大於其餘 nurju 集團的總人數. 然而, 似乎有足夠的理由認為要為這一成功付出代價: 與其他伊斯蘭團體以及 Fethullah Gulen 團體 3 本身應該參與的整個 Nurju 運動的疏遠.

進步伊斯蘭思想, 民間社會和在國家範圍內的葛蘭運動


法圖拉·葛蘭 (出生 1941), 或Hodjaeffendi,因為他在他的家鄉土耳其和國外被成千上萬的人親切地認識, 是二十世紀出現的最重要的伊斯蘭思想家和活動家之一. 他樂觀前瞻的思想, 強調通過教育進行心靈和思想的自我發展, 積極主動地與現代世界交往,在宗教團體之間開展對話和合作精神, 社會階層和國家可以被解讀為對賈拉魯丁·魯米教義的當代重新表述, 尤努斯·埃姆雷, 和其他經典的蘇菲老師 (米歇爾, 2005一個, 2005b; 薩里托普拉克, 2003; 2005一個; 2005b; 烏納爾和威廉姆斯, 2005). 進一步來說, 可以看到居倫在賽義德努爾西的地方繼續前進 (1876-1960), 另一位偉大的安納托利亞伊斯蘭知識分子, 離開: 為土耳其及其他地區的穆斯林活動家開闢一條有效促進現代社會發展的道路,避免政黨政治活動的陷阱和妥協,並以對宗教在現代世界中的作用的真正包容和人道主義的理解取代伊斯蘭思想的狹隘性 (阿布拉比, 1995; 馬克姆和奧茲德米爾, 2005; 瓦希德, 2005, 亞武茲, 2005一個).