RSSEntries Tagged Kwa: "Fethullah Gulen"

UTANDAwazi NA UISLAMU WA KISIASA: MISINGI YA KIJAMII YA CHAMA CHA USTAWI WA TURKI

Haldun Gulalp

Political Islam has gained heightened visibility in recent decades in Turkey. Large numbers of female students have begun to demonstrate their commitment by wearing the banned Islamic headdress on university campuses, and influential pro-Islamist TV
channels have proliferated. This paper focuses on the Welfare (Refah) Party as the foremost institutional representative of political Islam in Turkey.
The Welfare Party’s brief tenure in power as the leading coalition partner from mid-1996 to mid-1997 was the culmination of a decade of steady growth that was aided by other Islamist organizations and institutions. These organizations and institutions
included newspapers and publishing houses that attracted Islamist writers, numerous Islamic foundations, an Islamist labor-union confederation, and an Islamist businessmen’s association. These institutions worked in tandem with, and in support of, Welfare as the undisputed leader and representative of political Islam in Turkey, even though they had their own particularistic goals and ideals, which often diverged from Welfare’s political projects. Focusing on the Welfare Party, kisha, allows for an analysis of the wider social base upon which the Islamist political movement rose in Turkey. Since Welfare’s ouster from power and its eventual closure, the Islamist movement has been in disarray. This paper will, kwa hiyo, be confined to the Welfare Party period.
Welfare’s predecessor, the National Salvation Party, was active in the 1970s but was closed down by the military regime in 1980. Welfare was founded in 1983 and gained great popularity in the 1990s. Starting with a 4.4 percent vote in the municipal elections of 1984, the Welfare Party steadily increased its showing and multiplied its vote nearly five times in twelve years. It alarmed Turkey’s secular establishment first in the municipal elections of 1994, kwa 19 percent of all votes nationwide and the mayor’s seats in both Istanbul and Ankara, then in the general elections of 1995 when it won a plurality with 21.4 percent of the national vote. Hata hivyo, the Welfare Party was only briefly able to lead a coalition government in partnership with the right-wing True Path Party of Tansu C¸ iller.

Vyama vya Upinzani vya Kiisilamu na Uwezo wa Ushirikiano wa EU

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na.

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

haki za binadamu, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Mtazamo mwingine ni kwamba demokrasia katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu ingeongezeka

Usalama wa Ulaya. Uhalali wa hoja hizi na nyinginezo juu ya kama na jinsi ya

EU inapaswa kujihusisha inaweza tu kujaribiwa kwa kusoma mienendo tofauti ya Kiislamu na

hali zao za kisiasa, nchi baada ya nchi.

Udemokrasia ni mada kuu ya hatua za pamoja za sera za kigeni za EU, kama ilivyowekwa

nje katika Kifungu 11 ya Mkataba wa Umoja wa Ulaya. Majimbo mengi yanazingatiwa katika hili

ripoti sio ya kidemokrasia, au si ya kidemokrasia kikamilifu. Katika nchi nyingi hizi, Muislamu

vyama na vuguvugu vinaunda upinzani mkubwa kwa tawala zilizopo, na

wengine wanaunda kambi kubwa ya upinzani. Demokrasia za Ulaya zimelazimika kwa muda mrefu

kushughulikia tawala zinazotawala ambazo ni za kimabavu, lakini ni jambo jipya kuchapishwa

kwa ajili ya mageuzi ya kidemokrasia katika majimbo ambayo walengwa wanaweza kuwa nayo, kutoka

Mtazamo wa EU, njia tofauti na wakati mwingine zenye matatizo kwa demokrasia na yake

maadili yanayohusiana, kama vile wachache na haki za wanawake na utawala wa sheria. Malipo haya ni

mara nyingi huwekwa dhidi ya harakati za Kiislamu, kwa hivyo ni muhimu kwa watunga sera wa Uropa

kuwa na picha sahihi ya sera na falsafa za washirika watarajiwa.

Uzoefu kutoka nchi mbalimbali huelekea kupendekeza kwamba uhuru zaidi Kiislamu

vyama vinaruhusiwa, ndivyo wanavyokuwa wastani katika matendo na mawazo yao. Katika nyingi

kesi vyama na makundi ya Kiislamu kwa muda mrefu tangu kuhama kutoka lengo yao ya awali

ya kuanzisha dola ya Kiislamu inayoongozwa na sheria za Kiislamu, na wamekubali msingi

kanuni za kidemokrasia za ushindani wa uchaguzi kwa mamlaka, kuwepo kwa mambo mengine ya kisiasa

washindani, na wingi wa kisiasa.

Vyama vya Kiisilamu : ushiriki bila nguvu

Malika Zeghal

Over the last two decades, social and political movements grounding their ideologies in references to Islam have sought to become legal political parties in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Some of these Islamist movements have been authorized to take part lawfully in electoral competition. Among the best known is Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won a parliamentary majority in 2002 and has led the government ever since. Morocco’s own Party of Justice and Development (PJD) has been legal since the mid- 1990s and commands a significant bloc of seats in Parliament. In Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood (MB) has never been authorized to form a political party, but in spite of state repression it has successfully run candidates as nominal independents in both national and local elections.
Since the early 1990s, this trend has gone hand-in-hand with official policies of limited political liberalization. Together, the two trends have occasioned a debate about whether these movements are committed to “democracy.” A vast literature has sprung up to underline the paradoxes as well as the possible risks and benefits of including Islamist parties in the electoral process. The main paradigm found in this body of writing focuses on the consequences that might ensue when Islamists use democratic instruments, and seeks to divine the “true” intentions that Islamists will manifest if they come to power.

the 500 Waislamu wenye ushawishi mkubwa

John Esposito

Ibrahim Kalin

The publication you have in your hands is the first of what we hope will be anannual series that provides a window into the movers and shakers of the Muslimworld. We have strived to highlight people who are influential as Muslims, thatis, people whose influence is derived from their practice of Islam or from the factthat they are Muslim. We think that this gives valuable insight into the differentways that Muslims impact the world, and also shows the diversity of how peopleare living as Muslims today.Influence is a tricky concept. Its meaning derives from the Latin word influensmeaning to flow-in, pointing to an old astrological idea that unseen forces (like themoon) affect humanity. The figures on this list have the ability to affect humanitytoo. In a variety of different ways each person on this list has influence over thelives of a large number of people on the earth. The 50 most influential figuresare profiled. Their influence comes from a variety of sources; however they areunified by the fact that they each affect huge swathes of humanity.We have then broken up the 500 leaders into 15 categories—Scholarly, Political,Administrative, Lineage, Preachers, Wanawake, Youth, Philanthropy, Development,Science and Technology, Arts and Culture, Vyombo vya habari, Radicals, International IslamicNetworks, and Issues of the Day—to help you understand the different kinds ofways Islam and Muslims impact the world today.Two composite lists show how influence works in different ways: InternationalIslamic Networks shows people who are at the head of important transnationalnetworks of Muslims, and Issues of the Day highlights individuals whoseimportance is due to current issues affecting humanity.

Zaidi ya Uislamu baada ya Uislamu

Ihsan Yilmaz


With the increased international prominence of Turkey and its successful and internationallyrespected AK Party government, the Academia’s attention has focused on the Turkish Islamistexperience. Turkey had already been seen as an almost unique case as far Islam-state-secularismdemocracyrelations were concerned but the recent transformation of Turkish Islamism coupledwith the global turmoil in the post-9/11 world has made the Turkish case much more important.While Turkish Islamists’ recent transformation that has brought about their rise to the power hasbeen applauded at home and abroad, there are relatively very few studies that analyze theirtransformation by taking into account the unique experience of Turkish Islamism starting from the18th & 19th centuries’ Ottoman secularization, Young Ottomans of the 1860s and the Ottomanconstitutionalism and democracy. Kwa kuongezea, some dynamics that affected the change in theTurkish Islamists’ Islamic normative framework have not been analyzed in detail. Hivyo, this studyendeavors to analyze the main factors behind the newly emerged tolerant normative framework ofthe AK Party leaders who were formerly Islamists. After showing that there are good historicalreasons arising from the Ottoman experience of secularism and democracy and arguing based on abrief theoretical discussion of the plurality of Islamisms, it argues that the Turkish Islamism hasalways differed from the other Islamist experiences. Kwa hiyo, in this study, a detailed evaluationof the Turkish Islamist experience starting from the Young Ottomans is undertaken. Then, thispaper attempts to show that Islamic groups’ physical and discursive interaction has been a crucialfactor in the Turkish Islamism’s transformation. Main premise of this paper is that the Gülenmovement has been the most influential factor that has helped the AK Party leaders to develop amore tolerant normative framework and to eventually jettison their Islamism. It is of coursedifficult to establish casual relationship between two social phenomena but one can underscorecorrelations. As the main hypothesis is that the Gülen movement has been the most influentialfactor in the normative transformation of the former Islamists’ mental frameworks and theirreligio-political worldviews, this paper provides a comparative discourse analysis betweenFethullah Gülen’s and Islamists’ ideas on several issues that have been relevant for both Islamismand newly-emerged post-Islamism. To identify these relevant issues (secularism, pluralism,demokrasia, utawala wa sheria, nationalism, state, Islamism, religiosity, the other, borders and dialogue),the paper provides a brief theoretical discussion of Islamism and post-Islamism that will also helpthe reader to understand the fundamental differences between Islamism and the Gülenian thought.

SASA ZA KIISLAMU: FETHULLAH GULEN na UISLAMU WA KAWAIDA

Heshima ÇAKI

The Nurju movement1, being the oldest moderate Islamist movement which is probably peculiar to Modern Turkey, was broken into several groups since Said Nursi, the founder of the movement, passed away in 1960. At the present time, there are more than ten nurcu groups with different agendas and strategies. Despite all their differences, today the Nurju groups seem to acknowledge each other’s identity and try to keep a certain level of solidarity. Theplace of the Fethullah Gulen group within the Nurju movement, hata hivyo, seems to be a bit shaky.Fethullah Gulen (b.1938) split himself, at least in appearance, from the overall Nurju movement in 1972 and succeeded in establishing his own group with a strong organizational structure in the 1980’s and the 90’s. Due to the development of its broad school network both in Turkey and abroad2, his group attracted attention. Those schools fascinated not only Islamist businessmen and middle classes but also a large number of secularist intellectuals and politicians. Although it originally emerged out of the overall Nurju movement, some believe that the number of the followers of the Fethullah Gulen group is much larger than that of the total of the rest of the nurju groups. Yet, there seems to be enough reason to think that there was a price to pay for this success: alienation from other Islamist groups as well as from the overall Nurju movement of which the Fethullah Gulen group3 itself is supposed to be a part.

Maendeleo ya Kiislamu mawazo, vyama vya kiraia na harakati Gulen katika mazingira ya kitaifa

Greg Barton

Fethullah Gulen (kuzaliwa 1941), au Hodjaeffendi kama anavyojulikana kwa upendo na mamia ya maelfu ya watu katika nchi yake ya asili ya Uturuki na nje ya nchi., ni mmoja wa wanafikra na wanaharakati muhimu wa Kiislamu walioibuka katika karne ya ishirini. Mawazo yake ya matumaini na ya mbele, kwa msisitizo wake katika kujiendeleza kwa moyo na akili kupitia elimu, ya kujihusisha kikamilifu na vyema na ulimwengu wa kisasa na kufikia katika mazungumzo na moyo wa ushirikiano kati ya jumuiya za kidini., matabaka ya kijamii na mataifa yanaweza kusomwa kama mageuzi ya kisasa ya mafundisho ya Jalaluddin Rumi., Yunus Emre, na walimu wengine wa kawaida wa Kisufi (Michel, 2005a, 2005b; Saritoprak, 2003; 2005a; 2005b; Unal na Williams, 2005). Zaidi hasa, Gulen anaweza kuonekana akiendelea pale Said Nursi (1876-1960), msomi mwingine mkubwa wa Kiislamu wa Anatolia, kushoto mbali: chartinga njia kwa wanaharakati wa Kiislamu nchini Uturuki na kwingineko kuchangia ipasavyo katika maendeleo ya jamii ya kisasa ambayo inaepuka mitego na maelewano ya harakati za kisiasa za chama na kuchukua nafasi ya fikra finyu ya Uislamu na ufahamu wa kweli unaojumuisha na wa kibinadamu wa jukumu la dini katika ulimwengu wa kisasa. (Abu-Rabi, 1995; Markham na Ozdemir, 2005; Vahide, 2005, Yavuz, 2005a).