Ibtisam易卜拉欣
什麼是民主?
西方學者將民主定義為保護個人公民權利和政治權利的方法. 它提供言論自由, 按, 信仰, 觀點, 所有權, 和組裝, 以及投票權, 提名和尋求公職. 亨廷頓 (1984) 認為一個政治制度是民主的,因為它最強大的集體決策者是通過以下方式選出的
定期選舉,候選人自由競爭選票,幾乎所有成年人都有投票權. 羅斯坦 (1995) 指出民主是一種政府形式和一種治理過程,可以根據情況改變和適應. 他還補充說,西方對民主的定義 — 除了問責, 競賽, 一定程度的參與 — 包含對重要公民權利和政治權利的保障. 安德森 (1995) 認為民主一詞是指通過定期選舉選出最有權勢的集體決策者的製度,在該制度中,候選人可以自由競爭選票,並且幾乎所有成年人都有資格投票. 薩阿德·埃丁·易卜拉欣 (1995), 埃及學者, 將可能適用於阿拉伯世界的民主視為一套旨在通過和平方式進行治理的規則和製度
管理競爭團體和/或利益衝突. 然而, 薩米爾·阿明 (1991) 將他的民主定義建立在社會馬克思主義的觀點之上. 他把民主分為兩類: 以個人權利和個人自由為基礎的資產階級民主, 但沒有社會平等; 和政治民主,賦予社會上所有人投票和選舉其政府和機構代表的權利,這將有助於獲得他們平等的社會權利.
結束本節, 我想說,沒有一個單一的民主定義可以準確地表明它是什麼或不是什麼. 然而, 正如我們注意到的, 上面提到的大多數定義都有基本的相似元素 – 問責制, 競賽, 和一定程度的參與 – 已在西方世界和國際上佔據主導地位.
薩利巴Sarsar
亞歷山大·凱勒
Democracy is highly promoted and sought these days but its principles are hard to practice and protect. Once secured, 然而, it generates real life in human communities. Its sunrises provide energy to freedom and growth to civil society and culture, while its sunsets store energy to sustain deliberative citizenship and liberty and bridge past accomplishments to future aspirations.
然而, what do we mean by democracy? Are there perfect democratic societies around the world? Are democracy’s rays likely to shine on all landscapes? Is Muslim culture hospitable to deepening democracy’s impact? Do Muslims have a different understanding of democracy? If democracy is the preferred goal, how can democracy’s supporters move democratization forward in Muslim countries?
What we know is that no “one model fits all environments” exists. The journey of democracy is a “generational initiative” that must carefully consider internal and external dynamics. If Muslims, like others, wish to promote democracy, then they can detect their country’s place on the democratic terrain and determine how best to improve their practices and standing at home and abroad given their culture, historical experiences, resources, and vision for the future.
This select bibliography is designed to help all those interested in understanding the link between Islam and Muslims on the one hand and democracy on the other. It consists of over 100 entries, divided among books, articles, presentations, and reports; government sources; and institutes and organizations.
人權第一
The United States’ relationship with Egypt is central toseveral policy challenges facing the new administration inthe Middle East. As the most populous Arab state, Egyptis a major regional power. Since signing a peace treatywith Israel in 1979, it has played a key role in negotiationsfor an Israeli-Palestinian and a broader Israeli-Arab peaceagreement. Egypt helped to mediate a tense ceasefirebetween Israel and Hamas that broke down with theoutbreak of conflict in the Gaza Strip at the end ofDecember 2008, and continues to serve as anintermediary between the warring parties in the Gazaconflict. Egypt is again at the center of renewed peacemaking efforts in the region launched by the Obamaadministration with the appointment of former SenatorGeorge Mitchell as Special Envoy in January 2009.In a part of the world where so many vital U.S. interestsare at stake, Egypt is a key partner for any U.S.administration. The Egyptian government can greatlyassist the United States in legitimizing and supporting thenew government in Iraq, 例如, 和, as the owner ofthe Suez Canal and as an oil producer, Egypt is vital tothe security of energy supplies from the region.Egypt is also a testing ground for U.S. human rightspromotion in the region, and was frequently the target ofexhortations to move forward with political reform anddemocratization during the Bush administration.Successive administrations have been encouraging theEgyptian government to reform for decades, but after the9/11 attacks, with the prominent involvement of Egyptianslike Mohamed Atta and Ayman al-Zawahiri, calls forreform took on greater centrality—and a new urgency—inU.S. policy. Human rights and democracy were no longerjust desirable; they became national security concernsand the subject of a new “Freedom Agenda.