RSSAlle Einträge Tagged With: "Amerika"

Liberale Demokratie und politische Islam: die Search for Common Ground.

Mostapha Benhenda

Dieses Papier versucht, einen Dialog zwischen demokratischem und islamischem politischen theories.1 Das Zusammenspiel zwischen ihnen herzustellen ist rätselhaft: zum Beispiel, um die Beziehung, die zwischen Demokratie und ihre Vorstellung von der idealen islamischen politischen zu erklären
Regime, der pakistanische Gelehrte Abu ‚Ala Maududi den Neologismus‚theodemocracy‘, während der Französisch scholar Louis Massignon prägte den Oxymoron‚weltliche Theokratie‘vorgeschlagen. Diese Ausdrücke deuten darauf hin, dass einige Aspekte der Demokratie positiv bewertet und andere beurteilt negativ. Beispielsweise, Muslimische Gelehrte und Aktivisten unterstützen häufig das Prinzip der Verantwortlichkeit der Herrscher, das ist ein bestimmendes Merkmal der Demokratie. Andererseits, sie lehnen häufig das Prinzip der Trennung zwischen Religion und Staat, die oft als Teil der Demokratie sein (mindestens, in den Vereinigten Staaten von Demokratie als heute bekannt). diese gemischte Beurteilung der demokratischen Grundsätze gegeben, es scheint interessant, die Vorstellung von Demokratie zugrunde liegenden islamische politische Modelle zu bestimmen,. Mit anderen Worten, wir sollten versuchen, um herauszufinden, was in „theodemocracy“ demokratisch. Zu diesem Zweck, unter der beeindruckenden Vielfalt und Vielzahl von islamischen Traditionen des normativen politischen Denkens, wir im Wesentlichen auf dem breiten Strom des Denkens konzentrieren zu Abu ‚Ala Maududi und dem ägyptischen intellektuellen Sayyed Qutb.8 ist diese besondere Entwicklung des Denkens zurück interessant, weil in der muslimischen Welt, es liegt auf der Grundlage einiger der schwierigsten Einsprüche an der Verbreitung der Werte aus dem Westen stamm. Basierend auf religiösen Werten, Dieser Trend erarbeitet eine politische Modell Alternative zur liberalen Demokratie. Allgemein gesprochen, der Begriff der Demokratie in diesem islamischen politischen Modell enthalten ist verfahrens. Mit einigen Unterschieden, Diese Auffassung von demokratischen Theorien inspiriert wird von einigen Verfassungsrechtler und politischen scientists.10 befürwortete Es ist dünn und minimalistisch, bis zu einem bestimmten Punkt. Beispielsweise, es beruht nicht auf jedem Begriff der Volkssouveränität und es erfordert keine Trennung zwischen Religion und Politik. Das erste Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, diese minimalistische Konzeption zu erarbeiten. Wir machen eine detaillierte Anpassung der es um diese Vorstellung von ihrer moralischen zu isolieren (liberal) Stiftungen, die sind umstritten aus dem jeweiligen islamischen Standpunkt hier betrachteten. Tatsächlich, der demokratische Prozess ist in der Regel aus einem Prinzip der persönlichen Autonomie abgeleitet, die von dieser islamischen theories.11 wird hier nicht unterstützt, wir zeigen, dass solche grundsätzlich nicht erforderlich ist, einen demokratischen Prozess zu rechtfertigen.

Islamischen Reformation

Adnan Khan

Der italienische Premierminister, Silvio Berlusconi rühmte sich nach den Ereignissen von 9/11:
„... müssen wir uns bewusst von der Überlegenheit unserer Zivilisation, ein System, das garantiert hat

Wohlbefinden, Achtung der Menschenrechte und – im Gegensatz zu den islamischen Ländern – Respekt

für religiöse und politische Rechte, ein System, das sein Wert Verständnis von Vielfalt hat

und Toleranz ... Der Westen wird Völker erobern, wie es erobert Kommunismus, Selbst wenn es

bedeutet eine Konfrontation mit einer anderen Zivilisation, die islamische, stecken, wo es war

1,400 Jahren ...“1

Und in einem 2007 Bericht der RAND-Institut erklärt:
„Der Kampf im Gang in weiten Teilen der muslimischen Welt ist im Wesentlichen ein Krieg

Ideen. Sein Ergebnis wird die zukünftige Richtung der muslimischen Welt bestimmen.“

Der Aufbau moderater Muslim Networks, RAND-Institut

Der Begriff des ‚Islah‘ (Reform) ist ein Konzept, unbekannt zu Muslimen. Es gab nie im ganzen

Geschichte der islamischen Zivilisation; es wurde nie in Betracht gezogen diskutiert oder sogar. Ein flüchtiger Blick auf klassische

Islamische Literatur zeigt uns, dass, wenn die Altphilologen legte den Grundstein der usul, und kodifiziert

ihre islamische Urteile (Fiqh) sie waren auf der Suche nur auf das Verständnis der islamischen Regeln, um

gelten sie. Eine ähnliche Situation ereignete sich, als die Regeln wurden für den Hadithen festgelegt, Tafsir und die

arabische Sprache. Wissenschaftler, Denker und Intellektuelle im gesamten islamischen Geschichte viel Zeit damit verbracht

Allahs Offenbarung verstehen - der Koran und die Anwendung des Ayaat auf die Realitäten und geprägt

Prinzipien und Disziplinen, um das Verständnis zu erleichtern. Daher blieb der Koran die Basis

Studie und alle Disziplinen, die auf dem Koran basiert immer weiterentwickelt wurden. Diejenigen, die sich

von der griechischen Philosophie wie die muslimischen Philosophen und einige aus den Reihen der Mut'azilah geschlagen

die Falte des Islam verlassen zu haben, wurden als der Koran nicht mehr ihre Grundlage Studie sein. So für

jeder Muslim versuchen, Regeln abzuleiten oder zu verstehen, was Haltung auf einem bestimmten ergriffen werden sollten,

Ausgabe der Koran ist die Grundlage dieser Studie.

Der erste Versuch, den Islam reformieren fand an der Wende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Um die Wende des

Jahrhundert der Ummah hatte in einer langen Zeit des Verfalls, in denen das globale Machtgleichgewicht verschoben

vom Khilafah nach Großbritannien. Montageprobleme verschlungen die Khilafah während Westeuropa war in

inmitten der industriellen Revolution. Die Ummah kam ihr pristine Verständnis des Islam zu verlieren, und

in einem Versuch, den Rückgang engulfing die Uthmani der umkehren (Osmanen) einige Muslime wurden die geschickt

West, und als Ergebnis wurde geschlagen von dem, was sie sehen,. Rifa'a Rafi‘al-Tahtawi von Ägypten (1801-1873),

bei seiner Rückkehr aus Paris, ein biographisches Buch geschrieben namens Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis bariz (Der

Gewinnung von Gold, oder eine Übersicht über Paris, 1834), loben ihre Sauberkeit, Liebe zur Arbeit, und darüber

alle gesellschaftliche Moral. Er erklärte, dass müssen wir nachahmen, was in Paris getan wird,, befürworten Änderungen an

die islamische Gesellschaft von Frauen zu den Systemen der Liberalisierung der herrschenden. Dieser Gedanke, und andere wie es,

Der Beginn des neu zu erfinden Trend markiert im Islam.

Islam im Westen

Jocelyne Cesari

The immigration of Muslims to Europe, North America, and Australia and the complex socioreligious dynamics that have subsequently developed have made Islam in the West a compelling new ªeld of research. The Salman Rushdie affair, hijab controversies, the attacks on the World Trade Center, and the furor over the Danish cartoons are all examples of international crises that have brought to light the connections between Muslims in the West and the global Muslim world. These new situations entail theoretical and methodological challenges for the study of contemporary Islam, and it has become crucial that we avoid essentializing either Islam or Muslims and resist the rhetorical structures of discourses that are preoccupied with security and terrorism.
In this article, I argue that Islam as a religious tradition is a terra incognita. A preliminary reason for this situation is that there is no consensus on religion as an object of research. Religion, as an academic discipline, has become torn between historical, sociological, and hermeneutical methodologies. With Islam, the situation is even more intricate. In the West, the study of Islam began as a branch of Orientalist studies and therefore followed a separate and distinctive path from the study of religions. Even though the critique of Orientalism has been central to the emergence of the study of Islam in the ªeld of social sciences, tensions remain strong between Islamicists and both anthropologists and sociologists. The topic of Islam and Muslims in the West is embedded in this struggle. One implication of this methodological tension is that students of Islam who began their academic career studying Islam in France, Germany, or America ªnd it challenging to establish credibility as scholars of Islam, particularly in the North American academic
context.

US-Politik der Hamas Blöcke Frieden im Nahen Osten

Henry Siegman


Failed bilateral talks over these past 16 years have shown that a Middle East peace accord can never be reached by the parties themselves. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions. Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed. Israel’s government believes that the US Congress will not permit an American president to issue such parameters and demand their acceptance. What hope there is for the bilateral talks that resume in Washington DC on September 2 depends entirely on President Obama proving that belief to be wrong, and on whether the “bridging proposals” he has promised, should the talks reach an impasse, are a euphemism for the submission of American parameters. Such a US initiative must offer Israel iron-clad assurances for its security within its pre-1967 borders, but at the same time must make it clear these assurances are not available if Israel insists on denying Palestinians a viable and sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza. This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded. If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Unfortunately, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.”
But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it.

Islamische Politische Kultur, Demokratie, und Menschenrechte

Daniel E. Preis

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Folglich, scholars, commentators, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, jedoch, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions, can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages, and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, if so, how,Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

Islamische Politische Kultur, Demokratie, und Menschenrechte

Daniel E. Preis

It has been argued that Islam facilitates authoritarianism, contradicts the

values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes

in Muslim nations. Folglich, scholars, commentators, and government

officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next

ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, jedoch, is based primarily

on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies

of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention

that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,

can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country

specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help

us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the

countries of the Muslim world. Hence, a new approach to the study of the

connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,

democracy, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much

emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first

use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay

between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,

and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of

Islam on politics across eight nations.

ISLAMIC FAITH in AMERICA

JAMES A. BEVERLEY

AMERICA BEGINS A NEW MILLENNIUM AS ONE OF THE MOST RELIGIOUSLY diverse nations of all time. Nowhere else in the world do so many people—offered a choice free from government influence—identify with such a wide range of religious and spiritual communities. Nowhere else has the human search for meaning been so varied. In America today, there are communities and centers for worship representing all of the world’s religions.
The American landscape is dotted with churches, temples, synagogues, and mosques. Zen Buddhist zendos sit next to Pentecostal tabernacles. Hasidic Jews walk the streets with Hindu swamis. Most amazing of all, relatively little conflict has occurred among religions in America. This fact, combined with a high level of tolerance of each other’s beliefs and practices, has let America produce people of goodwill ready to try to resolve any tensions that might emerge. The Faith in America series celebrates America’s diverse religious heritage.
People of faith and ideals who longed for a better world have created a unique society where freedom of religious expression is a keynote of culture. The freedom that America offers to people of faith means that not only have ancient religions found a home
here, but that newer ways of expressing spirituality have also taken root. From huge churches in large cities to small spiritual communities in towns and villages, faith in America has never been stronger. The paths that different religions have taken through
American history is just one of the stories readers will find in this series. Like anything people create, religion is far from perfect. Aber, its contribution to the culture and its ability to help people are impressive, and these accomplishments will be found in all the books in the series. Meanwhile, awareness and tolerance of the different paths our neighbors take to the spiritual life has become an increasingly important part of citizenship in America.
Today, mehr als je zuvor, America as a whole puts its faith in freedom—the freedom to believe.

STRATEGIEN FÜR Einbeziehung des politischen Islams

SHADI HAMID

AMANDA KADLEC

Political Islam is the single most active political force in the Middle East today. Its future is intimately tied to that of the region. If the United States and the European Union are committed to supporting political reform in the region, they will need to devise concrete, coherent strategies for engaging Islamist groups. Yet, den USA. has generally been unwilling to open a dialogue with these movements. Ähnlich, EU engagement with Islamists has been the exception, not the rule. Where low-level contacts exist, they mainly serve information-gathering purposes, not strategic objectives. die US-. and EU have a number of programs that address economic and political development in the region – among them the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the Union for the Mediterranean, and the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) – yet they have little to say about how the challenge of Islamist political opposition fits within broader regional objectives. US-. and EU democracy assistance and programming are directed almost entirely to either authoritarian governments themselves or secular civil society groups with minimal support in their own societies.
The time is ripe for a reassessment of current policies. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, supporting Middle East democracy has assumed a greater importance for Western policymakers, who see a link between lack of democracy and political violence. Greater attention has been devoted to understanding the variations within political Islam. The new American administration is more open to broadening communication with the Muslim world. Meanwhile, the vast majority of mainstream Islamist organizations – including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Jordan’s Islamic Action Front (IAF), Morocco’s Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Islamic Constitutional Movement of Kuwait, and the Yemeni Islah Party – have increasingly made support for political reform and democracy a central component in their political platforms. Außerdem, many have signaled strong interest in opening dialogue with U.S. and EU governments.
The future of relations between Western nations and the Middle East may be largely determined by the degree to which the former engage nonviolent Islamist parties in a broad dialogue about shared interests and objectives. There has been a recent proliferation of studies on engagement with Islamists, but few clearly address what it might entail in practice. As Zoé Nautré, visiting fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations, puts it, “the EU is thinking about engagement but doesn’t really know how.”1 In the hope of clarifying the discussion, we distinguish between three levels of “engagement,” each with varying means and ends: low-level contacts, strategic dialogue, and partnership.

Islam, Der politische Islam und Amerika

Arabische Insight

Obwohl die Faktoren zu dieser Verschlechterung des America's reputationin der arabischen und muslimischen Welt nach dem September. 11 sind zahlreiche, den USA. positionvis-à-vis der politische Islam ist ein wichtiger Faktor bei der Verstärkung der negativeview von Amerika. An important issue that has driven much of the anti-Americanismwe observe in the region today pertains to an evident contradiction between U.S.discourse on democratization and political reform on one hand, and its negativeresponse to the electoral gains made by groups like Hamas in the Palestinian Territoriesor the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. As a result of this discrepancy, manyobservers have proposed alternative ways for Washington to advance the cause ofdemocracy in the Arab world. One of the proposed ideas involves holding-off oncalling for immediate elections, and focusing instead on promoting other prerequisitesof political reform. Others suggested employing new strategies that wouldguarantee the defeat of political Islamists at ballot boxes.Undoubtedly, there is a soaring need for a better understanding of Islamistmovements in the region, given the fundamental differences among such groups.Moreover, many Islamist movements are experiencing a process of change thatwarrants a revision of the existing conventional wisdom about political Islam. Notonly that, but many of those groups remain unknown in Western, particularlyAmerican, discussions of Islamist movements. Deshalb, formulating a constructiveand effective American policy toward Islam in a broad sense, but more specificallytoward political Islam, will require a new and a more nuanced intellectualmapping of contemporary Islam and political Islam in the region.Given these various demands, the editorial team of Arab Insight took the initiativeto shed light on the topic of American policies toward both Islam and politicalIslam. The topic is presented in two sections:Section I presents several Arab responses to American policy toward Islamists.


The United States and Egypt

A Conference Report

The study of bilateral relations has fallen deeply out of favor in the academiccommunity. Political science has turned to the study of international state systemsrather than relations between individual states; anthropologists and sociologists arefar more interested in non-state actors; and historians have largely abandonedstates altogether. It is a shame, because there is much to be learned from bilateralrelationships, and some such relationships are vital—not only to the countriesinvolved, but also to a broader array of countries.One such vital relationship is that between the United States and Egypt. Forgedduring the Cold War almost entirely on the issue of Arab-Israeli peacemaking, theU.S.-Egyptian bilateral relationship has deepened and broadened over the lastquarter century. Egypt remains one of the United States’ most important Arab allies,and the bilateral relationship with Washington remains the keystone of Egypt’sforeign policy. Strong U.S.-Egyptian bilateral relations are also an important anchorfor states throughout the Middle East and for Western policy in the region. Therelationship is valuable for policymakers in both countries; doing without it isunthinkable.To explore this relationship, the CSIS Middle East Program, in cooperation with theAl-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo, convened a one-dayconference on June 26, 2003, entitled, “The United States and Egypt: Building thePartnership.” The goal of the meeting was to brainstorm how that partnership mightbe strengthened.Participants agreed that much needs to be done on the diplomatic, political, Militär,and economic levels. Although all did not agree on a single course forward, theparticipants unanimously concurred that a stronger U.S.-Egyptian relationship is verymuch in the interests of both countries, and although it will require a great deal ofwork to achieve, the benefits are worth the effort.

Die Muslimbruderschaft in den Vereinigten Staaten

MBusThe leadership of the U.S. Muslimbruderschaft (MB, or Ikhwan) has said that its goal
was and is jihad aimed at destroying the U.S. from within. The Brotherhood leadership has
also said that the means of achieving this goal is to establish Islamic organizations in the
US-. under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood. Since the early 1960s, the Brotherhood has
constructed an elaborate covert organizational infrastructure on which was built a set of public or
“front” organizations. Die aktuelle US-. Bruderschaft Führung hat versucht, diese Geschichte zu leugnen,
both claiming that it is not accurate and at the same time that saying that it represents an older
form of thought inside the Brotherhood. An examination of public and private Brotherhood documents,
jedoch, indicates that this history is both accurate and that the Brotherhood has taken
no action to demonstrate change in its mode of thought and/or activity.sss

Steven MerleyMBus

The leadership of the U.S. Muslimbruderschaft (MB, or Ikhwan) has said that its goal was and is jihad aimed at destroying the U.S. from within.

The Brotherhood leadership has also said that the means of achieving this goal is to establish Islamic organizations in the U.S. under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Since the early 1960s, the Brotherhood has constructed an elaborate covert organizational infrastructure on which was built a set of public or “front” organizations.

Die aktuelle US-. Bruderschaft Führung hat versucht, diese Geschichte zu leugnen, beide behaupten, dass es nicht genau und zugleich ist, dass zu sagen, dass es eine ältere Form des Denkens innerhalb der Bruderschaft repräsentiert.

An examination of public and private Brotherhood documents, jedoch, indicates that this history is both accurate and that the Brotherhood has taken no action to demonstrate change in its mode of thought and/or activity.