Todas as entradas marcadas com: "Argélia"
O amanhã árabe
DAVID B. OTTAWAY
Outubro 6, 1981, era para ser um dia de celebração no Egito. Ele marcou o aniversário do maior momento de vitória do Egito em três conflitos árabe-israelenses, quando o exército oprimido do país atravessou o Canal de Suez nos primeiros dias do 1973 Guerra do Yom Kippur e enviou tropas israelenses cambaleando em retirada. Em um fresco, manhã sem nuvens, o estádio do Cairo estava lotado de famílias egípcias que vieram para ver os militares exibirem seu equipamento., Presidente Anwar el-Sadat,o arquiteto da guerra, assistiu com satisfação enquanto homens e máquinas desfilavam diante dele. eu estava por perto, um correspondente estrangeiro recém-chegado., um dos caminhões do exército parou bem em frente ao estande de revisão no momento em que seis jatos Mirage rugiam no alto em uma performance acrobática, pintando o céu com longas trilhas de vermelho, amarelo, roxo,e fumaça verde. Sadat se levantou, aparentemente se preparando para trocar saudações com mais um contingente de tropas egípcias. Ele se tornou um alvo perfeito para quatro assassinos islâmicos que pularam do caminhão, invadiu o pódio, e crivou seu corpo com balas. Enquanto os assassinos continuaram pelo que pareceu uma eternidade para pulverizar a arquibancada com seu fogo mortal, Eu considerei por um instante se deveria cair no chão e correr o risco de ser pisoteado até a morte por espectadores em pânico ou permanecer em pé e arriscar levar uma bala perdida. O instinto me disse para ficar de pé, e meu senso de dever jornalístico me levou a descobrir se Sadat estava vivo ou morto.
Liberal Democracy and Political Islam: the Search for Common Ground.
Mostapha Benhenda
Islamic Political Culture, Democracia, and Human Rights
Daniel E. Preço
DEBATING DEMOCRACY IN THE ARAB WORLD
Ibtisam Ibrahim
Iraque e o futuro do Islã político
James Piscatori
Islã e democracia
ITAC
Islamic Political Culture, Democracia, and Human Rights
Daniel E. Preço
Islamist Opposition Parties and the Potential for EU Engagement
Toby Archer
Heidi Huuhtanen
Political Islam in the Middle East
São Knudsen
STRATEGIES FOR ENGAGING POLITICAL ISLAM
SHADI HAMID
AMANDA Kadlec
Islamist parties : Three kinds of movements
Tamara Cofman
The Mismeasure of Political Islam
Martin Kramer
ISLAMISMO, ISLAMISTS, AND THE ELECTORAL PRINCIPLE I N THE MIDDLE EAST
James Piscatori
Political Islam and European Foreign Policy
POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Desde a 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, the European Union (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) that in principle commit to dialogue and deeper engagement all(non-violent) political actors and civil society organisations within Arab countries. Yet many analysts and policy-makers now complain of a certain a trophy in both conceptual debate and policy development. It has been established that political Islam is a changing landscape, deeply affected bya range of circumstances, but debate often seems to have stuck on the simplistic question of ‘are Islamists democratic?’ Many independent analysts have nevertheless advocated engagement with Islamists, but theactual rapprochement between Western governments and Islamist organisations remains limited .
THE RISE OF “MUSLIM DEMOCRACY”
Vali Nasr
A specter is haunting the Muslim world. This particular specter is notthe malign and much-discussed spirit of fundamentalist extremism, nor yet the phantom hope known as liberal Islam. Instead, the specter that I have in mind is a third force, a hopeful if still somewhat ambiguoustrend that I call—in a conscious evocation of the political tradition associated with the Christian Democratic parties of Europe—“Muslim Democracy.”The emergence and unfolding of Muslim Democracy as a “fact on the ground” over the last fifteen years has been impressive. This is so even though all its exponents have thus far eschewed that label1 and even though the lion’s share of scholarly and political attention has gone to the question of how to promote religious reform within Islam as a prelude to democratization.2 Since the early 1990s, political openings in anumber of Muslim-majority countries—all, admittedly, outside the Arabworld—have seen Islamic-oriented (but non-Islamist) parties vying successfullyfor votes in Bangladesh, Indonésia, Malásia, Paquistão (beforeits 1999 military coup), and Turkey.Unlike Islamists, with their visions of rule by shari‘a (A lei islâmica) oreven a restored caliphate, Muslim Democrats view political life with apragmatic eye. They reject or at least discount the classic Islamist claim that Islam commands the pursuit of a shari‘a state, and their main goaltends to be the more mundane one of crafting viable electoral platform sand stable governing coalitions to serve individual and collective interests—Islamic as well as secular—within a democratic arena whosebounds they respect, win or lose. Islamists view democracy not as something deeply legitimate, but at best as a tool or tactic that may be useful in gaining the power to build an Islamic state.
Radical Islam in the Maghreb
Carlos Echeverría Jesús
The development of a radical Islamist movement has been a major featureof Algerian political life since the mid-1970s, especially after the death of PresidentHouari Boumediène, the Republic’s first president, in December 1978.1 Boumediènehad adopted a policy of Arabization that included phasing out the French language.French professors were replaced by Arabic speakers from Egypt, Líbano, andSyria, many of them members of the Muslim Brotherhood.The troubles began in 1985, when the Mouvement islamique algérien (MIA),founded to protest the single-party socialist regime, began attacking police stations.Escalating tensions amid declining oil prices culminated in the Semoule revolt inOctober 1988. More than 500 people were killed in the streets of Algiers in thatrevolt, and the government was finally forced to undertake reforms. Dentro 1989 itlegalized political parties, including the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), and over thenext two years the Islamists were able to impose their will in many parts of thecountry, targeting symbols of Western “corruption” such as satellite TV dishes thatbrought in European channels, alcohol, and women who didn’t wear the hiyab (theIslam veil). FIS victories in the June 1990 municipal elections and in the first roundof the parliamentary elections held in December 1991 generated fears of animpending Islamist dictatorship and led to a preemptive interruption of the electoralprocess in January 1992. The next year saw an increase in the violence that hadbegun in 1991 with the FIS’s rhetoric in support of Saddam Hussein in the GulfWar, the growing presence of Algerian “Afghans”—Algerian volunteer fightersreturning from the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan—and the November 1991massacre of border guards at Guemmar, on the border between Algeria andTunisia.2Until mid-1993, victims of MIA, Islamic Salvation Army–AIS (the FIS’sarmed wing), and Islamic Armed Group (GIA) violence were mostly policemen,soldiers, and terrorists. Later that year the violence expanded to claim both foreignand Algerian civilians. In September 1993, the bodies of seven foreigners werefound in various locations around the country.3 Dozens of judges, doctors,intellectuals, and journalists were also murdered that year. In October 1993 Islamistsvowed to kill any foreigner remaining in Algeria after December 1; more than 4,000foreigners left in November 1993.