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Arabska Jutri

DAVID B. OTTAWAY

Oktober 6, 1981, je bil v Egiptu mišljen kot dan praznovanja. Obeležili so obletnico največjega trenutka zmage Egipta v treh arabsko-izraelskih konfliktih, ko je podcenjena državna vojska v prvih dneh vdrla čez Sueški prekop 1973 Jomkipurska vojna in poslala izraelske čete v umik. Na hladnem, jutro brez oblačka, stadion v Kairu je bil nabito poln egipčanskih družin, ki so si prišle ogledat vojsko, kako postavlja svojo opremo. Na stojnici za pregled, Predsednik Anwar el-Sadat,vojni arhitekt, z zadovoljstvom gledal, kako pred njim paradirajo ljudje in stroji. Bil sem v bližini, novoprispeli tuji dopisnik.Nenadoma, eden od vojaških tovornjakov se je ustavil neposredno pred pregledovalno stojnico ravno v trenutku, ko je nad glavami v akrobatski izvedbi zarjovelo šest letal Mirage, slikanje neba z dolgimi sledmi rdeče barve, rumena, vijolična,in zeleni dim. Sadat je vstal, očitno se pripravlja na izmenjavo pozdravov s še enim kontingentom egiptovskih vojakov. Postal je odlična tarča za štiri islamistične atentatorje, ki so skočili s tovornjaka, vdrl na stopničke, in njegovo telo prerešetali s kroglami. Ko so morilci nadaljevali, kar se je zdelo večnost, škropili tribuno s svojim smrtonosnim ognjem, Za trenutek sem premišljeval, ali naj udarim ob tla in tvegam, da me panični gledalci poteptajo do smrti, ali pa ostanem na nogah in tvegam, da me bo zadela zalutala krogla.. Instinkt mi je govoril, naj ostanem na nogah, and my sense of journalistic duty impelled me to go find out whether Sadat was alive or dead.

Islam in izdelava državne moči

Seyyed vali reza Nasr

leta 1979 General Mohamed Zia ul-Haq, vojaški vladar Pakistan, izjavil, da bi Pakistan postala islamska država. Islamske vrednote in norme bi služil kot temelj nacionalne identitete, pravo, gospodarstvo, in socialni odnosi, in bi navdih vse oblikovanju politike. leta 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, the new prime minister of Malaysia, introduced a similar broad-based plan to anchor state policy making in Islamic values, and to bring his country’s laws and economic practices in line with the teachings of Islam. Why did these rulers choose the path of “Islamization” for their countries? And how did one-time secular postcolonial states become the agents of Islamization and the harbinger of the “true” Islamic state?
Malezija in Pakistan sta od poznih sedemdesetih do zgodnjih osemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja sledila edinstveni poti razvoja, ki se razlikuje od izkušenj drugih držav tretjega sveta.. V teh dveh državah je bila verska identiteta integrirana v državno ideologijo, da bi se cilj in proces razvoja seznanil z islamskimi vrednotami.
Ta podvig je predstavil tudi zelo drugačno sliko odnosa med islamom in politiko v muslimanskih družbah. V Maleziji in Pakistanu, to so bile državne institucije in ne islamistični aktivisti (tisti, ki zagovarjajo politično branje islama; znani tudi kot revivalisti ali fundamentalisti) ki so bili varuhi islama in zagovorniki njegovih interesov. To nakazuje a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, and more broadly how culture and religion serve the needs of state power and development. Analiza tukaj sloni na teoretičnih razpravah
v družbenih vedah državnega vedenja in vloge kulture in religije pri tem. Bolj pomembno, sklepa iz primerov, ki jih preučuje, da naredi širše zaključke, ki so zanimivi za discipline.

Iranski ženskah po islamski revoluciji

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Več kot trideset let je minilo, odkar zmagi islamske revolucije v Iranu, vendar ostajajo a številna vprašanja in dvoumnosti o tem, kako Islamska republika in njeni zakoni obravnavajo sodobnih problemov in trenutnih okoliščin, zlasti v zvezi z ženskami in pravic žensk. Ta krajši prispevek bo osvetlil ta vprašanja in preučil trenutni položaj žensk na različnih področjih, to primerjamo s stanjem pred islamsko revolucijo. Uporabljeni so bili zanesljivi in ​​preverjeni podatki wherever possible. The introduction summarises a number of theoretical and legal studies which provide the basis for the subsequent more practical analysis and are the sources from where the data has been obtained.
The first section considers attitudes of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards women and women’s rights, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. Četrti del nato obravnava vprašanja družine, the odnos med žensko in družino, in vlogo družine pri omejevanju ali povečanju pravic žensk v Islamska republika Iran.

Ženske v islamu

Amira Burghul

Kljub velikemu soglasju med velikim številom filozofov in zgodovinarjev, da je

Načela in nauki islama so povzročili temeljito spremembo položaja žensk

v primerjavi s takratnimi prevladujočimi razmerami v državah tako na vzhodu kot na zahodu, in kljub

strinjanje velikega števila mislecev in zakonodajalcev, da so ženske v času

Prerok (PBUH) so bile podeljene pravice in pravni privilegiji, ki jih zakon, ki ga je ustvaril človek, ni podelil do

pred kratkim, propagandne kampanje zahodnjakov in ljudi z zahodnjaško perspektivo

nenehno obtožujejo islam, da je nepravičen do žensk, nalaganju omejitev zanje, in

marginalizirajo svojo vlogo v družbi.

To stanje so poslabšali ozračje in razmere, ki prevladujejo po vsej državi

muslimanski svet, kjer sta nevednost in revščina ustvarili omejeno razumevanje vere

ter družinskih in človeških odnosov, ki ovirajo pravičnost in civiliziran način življenja, posebej

med moškimi in ženskami. Majhna skupina ljudi, ki je dobila priložnost za

pridobiti izobrazbo in sposobnosti so se ujeli tudi v past prepričanja, da je doseganje pravičnosti

za ženske in izkoriščanje njihovih sposobnosti je odvisno od zavračanja vere in pobožnosti ter

prevzeti zahodni način življenja, kot rezultat njihovega površnega preučevanja islama na eni strani

in učinek življenjskih zapletov na drugega.

Le zelo majhnemu številu ljudi iz teh dveh skupin je uspelo pobegniti in oditi

njihovi plašči nevednosti in tradicije. Ti ljudje so zelo poglobljeno preučevali svojo dediščino

in podrobnosti, in so na rezultate zahodnih izkušenj gledali odprto. Imajo

loči med zrnjem in plevmi v preteklosti in sedanjosti, in so se ukvarjali

znanstveno in objektivno z nastalimi problemi. Ovrgli so laž

obtožbe proti islamu z zgovornimi argumenti, in so priznali prikrite napake.

Ponovno so preučili tudi izreke in običaje Nezmotljivih, da bi

razlikovati med tem, kar je ustaljeno in sveto, in tem, kar je bilo spremenjeno in izkrivljeno.

Odgovorno ravnanje te skupine je vzpostavilo nove usmeritve in nove načine ravnanja

z vprašanjem žensk v islamskih družbah. Očitno še niso rešili vseh težav

in našli končne rešitve za številne zakonodajne vrzeli in pomanjkljivosti, vendar so položili

razlog za nastanek novega modela za muslimanke, ki sta hkrati močna in

zavezani pravnim in učinkovitim temeljem svoje družbe.

Z zmagoslavjem islamske revolucije v Iranu in blagoslovom njenih voditeljev, ki je

glavna verska avtoriteta za sodelovanje žensk in njihovo učinkovito politično in družbeno

sodelovanje, prostor za močno razpravo o ženskah v islamu se je znatno razširil.

Model muslimanskih žensk v Iranu se je razširil na islamska odporniška gibanja v Libanonu,

Palestino druge arabske države in celo zahodni svet, in kot rezultat, propaganda

kampanje proti islamu so do neke mere pojenjale.

Pojav salafijskih islamskih gibanj kot so talibani v Afganistanu ipd

Salafijska gibanja v Savdski Arabiji in Severni Afriki, in njihov fanatičen način ravnanja z ženskami,

so vznemirjene opazovalce, ki se bojijo ponovnega oživitve islama, spodbudili k sprožitvi nove propagande

kampanje, ki obtožujejo islam, da spodbuja terorizem ter je nazadnjaški in nepravičen do

ženske.

smearcasting: Kako Islamophobes širijo strah, fanatizma in dezinformacije

POŠTENO

Julie Hollar

Jim Naureckas

Narediti islamofobijo mainstream:
Kako napadalci muslimanov oddajajo svojo nestrpnost
Izjemen je zgodilo na National Book Critics Circle, (NBCC) nominacije v februarju 2007: Običajno Prefinjenega okusa in tolerantni skupina nominirana za najboljšo knjigo na področju kritike knjiga pogosto razumemo kot diskreditirati celotno versko skupino.
Nominacija filma Medtem ko je Evropa spala Brucea Bawerja: Kako radikalni islam uničuje Zahod od znotraj, ni minilo brez polemik. Prejšnji nominiranec Eliot Weinberger je knjigo obsodil na letnem srečanju NBCC, to imenujemo "rasizem kot kritika" (New York Times, 2/8/07). Predsednik uprave NBCC John Freeman je zapisal na blogu skupine (Kritična masa, 2/4/07): ''Nikoli nisem bil
bolj osramočen zaradi izbire, kot sem bil z Bruceom Bawerjem Medtem ko je Evropa spala…. Njegova hiperventilirana retorika prehaja iz dejanske kritike v islamofobijo.''
Čeprav na koncu ni dobil nagrade, Medtem ko je bilo priznanje Europe Slept v najvišjih literarnih krogih simbolično za vključevanje islamofobije, ne samo v ameriškem založništvu, ampak v širših medijih. To poročilo ponuja nov pogled na islamofobijo v današnjih medijih in njene povzročitelje, oris nekaterih zakulisnih povezav, ki jih mediji redko raziskujejo. Poročilo vsebuje tudi štiri posnetke, ali »študije primerov,«, ki opisuje, kako islamofobi še naprej manipulirajo z mediji, da bi muslimane slikali s široko, sovražna krtača. Naš cilj je dokumentirati razvajanje: javna pisanja in nastopi islamofobnih aktivistov in strokovnjakov, ki namerno in redno širijo strah, fanatizma in dezinformacije. Izraz "islamofobija" se nanaša na sovražnost do islama in muslimanov, ki teži k dehumanizaciji celotne vere., ki ga prikazujejo kot bistveno tujega in mu pripisujejo inherentno, bistveni niz negativnih lastnosti, kot je iracionalnost, nestrpnost in nasilje. In ne drugače kot obtožbe v klasičnem dokumentu o antisemitizmu, Protokoli sionskih starešin, nekaj bolj virulentnih izrazov islamofobije–kot Medtem ko je Evropa spala–vključujejo spomine na islamske načrte za prevlado nad Zahodom.
Islamske institucije in muslimani, seveda, bi morali biti predmet enakega nadzora in kritike kot vsi drugi. Na primer, ko norveški islamski svet razpravlja o tem, ali je treba homoseksualce in lezbijke usmrtiti, posameznike ali skupine, ki delijo to mnenje, je mogoče odločno obsoditi, ne da bi vanj potegnili vse evropske muslimane, tako kot objava Bawer's Pyjamas Media (8/7/08),
»Razprava o evropskih muslimanih: Ali je treba homoseksualce usmrtiti?”
podobno, skrajneže, ki svoja nasilna dejanja opravičujejo s sklicevanjem na določeno razlago islama, je mogoče kritizirati, ne da bi vpletali v to izjemno raznoliko populacijo muslimanov po vsem svetu.. Konec koncev, novinarjem je uspelo pokriti bombni napad v Oklahoma Cityju Timothyja McVeigha–pripadnik rasistične sekte krščanske identitete–brez zatekanja k posplošenim izjavam o »krščanskem terorizmu«. Prav tako, mediji so poročali o terorističnih dejanjih fanatikov, ki so Judje–na primer pokol v Hebronu, ki ga je izvedel Baruch Goldstein (Dodatno!, 5/6/94)–brez impliciranja celotnega judovstva.

Totalitarizem Džihadski islamizma in njegov izziv za Evropo in islamom

Basso tibi

Pri branju večino besedil, ki sestavljajo veliko literature, ki je bila s samooklicane poznavalci objavljen na politični islam, je enostaven za miss, da je nastalo novo gibanje. Nadalje, ta literatura ne razloži na zadovoljiv način dejstva, da ideologija, ki jo poganja, temelji na določeni interpretaciji islama, in da gre torej za politizirano versko vero,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, vendar, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
v zgodovini politike, saj ima svoje korenine v dveh vzporednih in sorodnih pojavih: prvi, kulturalizacija politike, ki vodi v konceptualizacijo politike kot kulturnega sistema (pogled, ki ga je uvedel Clifford Geertz); in drugič vrnitev svetega, ali "ponovno začaranje" sveta, kot odziv na njeno intenzivno sekularizacijo, ki je posledica globalizacije.
Analiza političnih ideologij, ki temeljijo na religijah, in to lahko kot posledica tega postane privlačno kot politična religija, vključuje družboslovno razumevanje vloge religije v svetovni politiki, zlasti po tem, ko se je bipolarni sistem hladne vojne umaknil večpolarnemu svetu. V projektu, ki se izvaja na Inštitutu Hannah Arendt za uporabo totalitarizma pri preučevanju političnih religij, Predlagal sem razlikovanje med sekularnimi ideologijami, ki delujejo kot nadomestek za religijo, in verske ideologije, ki temeljijo na pristni verski veri, kar je v verskem fundamentalizmu (glej opombo
24). Še en projekt o "politični veri", izvedel na Univerzi v Baslu, je pojasnil, da novi pristopi k politiki postanejo potrebni, ko se verska vera odene v politično obleko. Sklicevanje na verodostojne vire političnega islama, ta članek nakazuje, da je treba veliko različnih organizacij, ki jih navdihuje islamistična ideologija, konceptualizirati kot politične religije in kot politična gibanja. Edinstvena kakovost laži političnega islama je dejstvo, da temelji na transnacionalni veri (glej opombo 26).

Liberalna demokracija in politični islam: Iskanje Common Ground.

Mostapha Benhenda

Ta dokument skuša vzpostaviti dialog med demokratično in islamsko politično teorijo.1 Medsebojno delovanje med njima je zmedeno.: na primer, da bi pojasnili razmerje med demokracijo in njihovim pojmovanjem idealne islamske politične
režim, pakistanski učenjak Abu 'Ala Maududi je skoval neologizem "teodemokracija", medtem ko je francoski učenjak Louis Massignon predlagal oksimoron "sekularna teokracija". Ti izrazi kažejo, da so nekateri vidiki demokracije ocenjeni pozitivno, drugi pa negativno. na primer:, Muslimanski učenjaki in aktivisti pogosto podpirajo načelo odgovornosti vladarjev, kar je odločilna značilnost demokracije. Nasprotno, pogosto zavračajo načelo ločevanja med vero in državo, ki se pogosto šteje za del demokracije (vsaj, demokracije, kot jo poznajo danes ZDA). Glede na to mešano oceno demokratičnih načel, zdi se zanimivo določiti koncept demokracije, ki je podlaga za islamske politične modele. Z drugimi besedami, poskusiti bi morali ugotoviti, kaj je demokratično v "teodemokraciji". V ta namen, med impresivno raznolikostjo in pluralnostjo islamskih tradicij normativne politične misli, v bistvu se osredotočamo na širok tok misli, ki sega nazaj do Abu Ala Maududija in egiptovskega intelektualca Sayyeda Qutba.8 Ta poseben miselni trend je zanimiv, ker je v muslimanskem svetu, leži v osnovi nekaterih najzahtevnejših nasprotij širjenju vrednot, ki izvirajo iz Zahoda. Temelji na verskih vrednotah, ta trend je razvil politični model, ki je alternativa liberalni demokraciji. Na splošno, koncept demokracije, vključen v ta islamski politični model, je proceduralni. Z nekaj razlikami, ta koncept se zgleduje po demokratičnih teorijah, ki jih zagovarjajo nekateri konstitucionalisti in politologi.10 Je tanka in minimalistična, do določene točke. na primer:, ne opira se na noben pojem ljudske suverenosti in ne zahteva nobene ločitve med vero in politiko. Prvi cilj tega prispevka je izdelati to minimalistično zasnovo. Podrobno ga ponovimo, da bi to zasnovo ločili od njene morale (liberalni) temelje, ki so sporne s posebnega islamskega stališča, obravnavanega tukaj. Prav zares, demokratični proces običajno izhaja iz načela osebne avtonomije, česar te islamske teorije ne potrjujejo.11 Tukaj, pokažemo, da takšno načelo ni potrebno za opravičevanje demokratičnega procesa.

Islam in novo politično ozadje

Back, Michael Keith, Azra Khan,
Kalbir Shukra in John Solomos

PO napadu na Svetovni trgovinski center na 11 september 2001, ter bombni napad v Madridu in Londonu 2004 in 2005, literatura, ki obravnava oblike in modalitete verskega izražanja – zlasti islamskega verskega izražanja – je cvetela v polsenčnih regijah, ki povezujejo mainstream družboslovje z oblikovanjem socialne politike, think tanki in novinarstvo. Veliko dela je poskušalo opredeliti stališča ali predispozicije muslimanskega prebivalstva na določenem območju napetosti, kot sta London ali Združeno kraljestvo. (Barnes, 2006; Etno svetovanje, 2005; GFK, 2006; GLA, 2006; Populus, 2006), ali kritiziral posamezne oblike posredovanja socialne politike (Svetlo, 2006a; Mirza idr., 2007). Študije islamizma in džihadizma so ustvarile poseben poudarek na sinkretičnih in kompleksnih povezavah med islamsko versko vero ter oblikami družbenih gibanj in politične mobilizacije. (Husain, 2007; Kepel, 2004, 2006; McRoy, 2006; Neville-Jones et al., 2006, 2007; Phillips, 2006; Roy, 2004, 2006). Konvencionalno, analitični fokus je osvetlil kulturo islama, sistemi verovanja vernikov, ter zgodovinske in geografske poti muslimanskega prebivalstva po vsem svetu na splošno in še posebej na "Zahodu". (Abas, 2005; Ansari, 2002; Eade in Garbin, 2002; Husein, 2006; Načini, 2005; Ramadan, 1999, 2005). V tem članku je poudarek drugačen. Trdimo, da je treba študije islamske politične udeležbe skrbno kontekstualizirati brez zatekanja k velikim splošnostim o kulturi in veri. To je zato, ker sta tako kultura kot vera strukturirani in posledično strukturirani kulturi, institucionalne in deliberativne krajine, skozi katere so artikulirane. Na primeru britanskih izkušenj, skrite sledi krščanstva v nastajanju socialne države v prejšnjem stoletju, hitro spreminjajoča se kartografija prostorov političnega in vloga "verskih organizacij" pri prestrukturiranju zagotavljanja blaginje ustvarja materialni družbeni kontekst, ki določa priložnosti in obrise novih oblik politične participacije..

ROOTS OF MISCONCEPTION

IBRAHIM KALIN

In the aftermath of September 11, the long and checkered relationship between Islam and the West entered a new phase. The attacks were interpreted as the fulfillment of a prophecy that had been in the consciousness of the West for a long time, i.e., the coming of Islam as a menacing power with a clear intent to destroy Western civilization. Representations of Islam as a violent, militant, and oppressive religious ideology extended from television programs and state offices to schools and the internet. It was even suggested that Makka, the holiest city of Islam, be “nuked” to give a lasting lesson to all Muslims. Although one can look at the widespread sense of anger, hostility, and revenge as a normal human reaction to the abominable loss of innocent lives, the demonization of Muslims is the result of deeper philosophical and historical issues.
In many subtle ways, the long history of Islam and the West, from the theological polemics of Baghdad in the eighth and ninth centuries to the experience of convivencia in Andalusia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, informs the current perceptions and qualms of each civilization vis-à-vis the other. This paper will examine some of the salient features of this history and argue that the monolithic representations of Islam, created and sustained by a highly complex set of image-producers, think-tanks, academics, lobbyists, policy makers, and media, dominating the present Western conscience, have their roots in the West’s long history with the Islamic world. It will also be argued that the deep-rooted misgivings about Islam and Muslims have led and continue to lead to fundamentally flawed and erroneous policy decisions that have a direct impact on the current relations of Islam and the West. The almost unequivocal identification of Islam with terrorism and extremism in the minds of many Americans after September 11 is an outcome generated by both historical misperceptions, which will be analyzed in some detail below, and the political agenda of certain interest groups that see confrontation as the only way to deal with the Islamic world. It is hoped that the following analysis will provide a historical context in which we can make sense of these tendencies and their repercussions for both worlds.

Zaposlitev, kolonializem, apartheid?

The Human Sciences Research Council

The Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa commissioned this study to test the hypothesis posed by Professor John Dugard in the report he presented to the UN Human Rights Council in January 2007, in his capacity as UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel (namreč, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, in
Gaza, hereafter OPT). Professor Dugard posed the question: Israel is clearly in military occupation of the OPT. Ob istem času, elements of the occupation constitute forms of colonialism and of apartheid, which are contrary to international law. What are the legal consequences of a regime of prolonged occupation with features of colonialism and apartheid for the occupied people, the Occupying Power and third States?
In order to consider these consequences, this study set out to examine legally the premises of Professor Dugard’s question: is Israel the occupant of the OPT, in, if so, do elements of its occupation of these territories amount to colonialism or apartheid? South Africa has an obvious interest in these questions given its bitter history of apartheid, which entailed the denial of selfdetermination
to its majority population and, during its occupation of Namibia, the extension of apartheid to that territory which South Africa effectively sought to colonise. These unlawful practices must not be replicated elsewhere: other peoples must not suffer in the way the populations of South Africa and Namibia have suffered.
To explore these issues, an international team of scholars was assembled. The aim of this project was to scrutinise the situation from the nonpartisan perspective of international law, rather than engage in political discourse and rhetoric. This study is the outcome of a fifteen-month collaborative process of intensive research, consultation, writing and review. It concludes and, it is to be hoped, persuasively argues and clearly demonstrates that Israel, since 1967, has been the belligerent Occupying Power in the OPT, and that its occupation of these territories has become a colonial enterprise which implements a system of apartheid. Belligerent occupation in itself is not an unlawful situation: it is accepted as a possible consequence of armed conflict. Ob istem času, under the law of armed conflict (also known as international humanitarian law), occupation is intended to be only a temporary state of affairs. International law prohibits the unilateral annexation or permanent acquisition of territory as a result of the threat or use of force: should this occur, no State may recognise or support the resulting unlawful situation. In contrast to occupation, both colonialism and apartheid are always unlawful and indeed are considered to be particularly serious breaches of international law because they are fundamentally contrary to core values of the international legal order. Colonialism violates the principle of self-determination,
which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has affirmed as ‘one of the essential principles of contemporary international law’. All States have a duty to respect and promote self-determination. Apartheid is an aggravated case of racial discrimination, which is constituted according to the International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973,
hereafter ‘Apartheid Convention’) by ‘inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them’. The practice of apartheid, moreover, is an international crime.
Professor Dugard in his report to the UN Human Rights Council in 2007 suggested that an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel’s conduct should be sought from the ICJ. This advisory opinion would undoubtedly complement the opinion that the ICJ delivered in 2004 on the Legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the occupied Palestinian territories (hereafter ‘the Wall advisory opinion’). This course of legal action does not exhaust the options open to the international community, nor indeed the duties of third States and international organisations when they are appraised that another State is engaged in the practices of colonialism or apartheid.

ISLAM, DEMOCRACY & THE USA:

Cordoba Foundation

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


In spite of it being both a perennial and a complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practical grounds, the important debate about the relationship and compatibility between Islam and Democracy, as echoed in Barack Obama’s agenda of hope and change. Whilst many celebrate Obama’s ascendancy to the Oval Office as a national catharsis for the US, others remain less optimistic of a shift in ideology and approach in the international arena. While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA can be attributed to the approach of promoting democracy, typically favoring dictatorships and puppet regimes that pay lip-service to democratic values and human rights, the aftershock of 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivings further through America’s position on political Islam. It has created a wall of negativity as found by worldpublicopinion.org, according to which 67% of Egyptians believe that globally America is playing a “mainly negative” role.
America’s response has thus been apt. By electing Obama, many around the world are pinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent, but fairer foreign policy towards the Muslim world. Th e test for Obama, as we discuss, is how America and her allies promote democracy. Will it be facilitating or imposing?
Še več, can it importantly be an honest broker in prolonged zones of confl icts? Enlisting the expertise and insight of prolifi
c scholars, academics, seasoned journalists and politicians, Arches Quarterly brings to light the relationship between Islam and Democracy and the role of America – as well as the changes brought about by Obama, in seeking the common ground. Anas Altikriti, the CEO of Th e Cordoba Foundation provides the opening gambit to this discussion, where he refl ects on the hopes and challenges that rests on Obama’s path. Following Altikriti, the former advisor to President Nixon, Dr Robert Crane off ers a thorough analysis of the Islamic principle of the right to freedom. Anwar Ibrahim, former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, enriches the discussion with the practical realities of implementing democracy in Muslim dominant societies, namreč, in Indonesia and Malaysia.
We also have Dr Shireen Hunter, of Georgetown University, ZDA, who explores Muslim countries lagging in democratisation and modernisation. Th is is complemented by terrorism writer, Dr Nafeez Ahmed’s explanation of the crisis of post-modernity and the
demise of democracy. Dr Daud Abdullah (Director of Middle East Media Monitor), Alan Hart (former ITN and BBC Panorama correspondent; author of Zionism: Th e Real Enemy of the Jews) and Asem Sondos (Editor of Egypt’s Sawt Al Omma weekly) concentrate on Obama and his role vis-à-vis democracy-promotion in the Muslim world, as well as US relations with Israel and the Muslim Brotherhood.
Minister of Foreign Aff airs, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed speculates on the future of Islam and Democracy; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
a Sinn Féin member who endured four years in prison for Irish Republican activities and a campaigner for the Guildford 4 and Birmingham 6, refl ects on his recent trip to Gaza where he witnessed the impact of the brutality and injustice meted out against Palestinians; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Director of the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Contemporary Political Violence discusses the challenges of critically researching political terror; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, writer and playwright, discusses prospects of peace in Darfur; and fi nally journalist and human rights activist Ashur Shamis looks critically at the democratisation and politicisation of Muslims today.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

US Hamas policy blocks Middle East peace

Henry Siegman


Failed bilateral talks over these past 16 years have shown that a Middle East peace accord can never be reached by the parties themselves. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions. Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed. Israel’s government believes that the US Congress will not permit an American president to issue such parameters and demand their acceptance. What hope there is for the bilateral talks that resume in Washington DC on September 2 depends entirely on President Obama proving that belief to be wrong, and on whether the “bridging proposals” he has promised, should the talks reach an impasse, are a euphemism for the submission of American parameters. Such a US initiative must offer Israel iron-clad assurances for its security within its pre-1967 borders, but at the same time must make it clear these assurances are not available if Israel insists on denying Palestinians a viable and sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza. This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded. If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Na žalost, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.”
But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it.

ISLAM AND THE RULE OF LAW

Birgit Krawietz
Helmut Reifeld

In our modern Western society, state-organised legal sys-tems normally draw a distinctive line that separates religion and the law. Conversely, there are a number of Islamic re-gional societies where religion and the laws are as closely interlinked and intertwined today as they were before the onset of the modern age. Ob istem času, the proportion in which religious law (shariah in Arabic) and public law (qanun) are blended varies from one country to the next. What is more, the status of Islam and consequently that of Islamic law differs as well. According to information provided by the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), there are currently 57 Islamic states worldwide, defined as countries in which Islam is the religion of (1) the state, (2) the majority of the population, or (3) a large minority. All this affects the development and the form of Islamic law.

Islamska politična kultura, demokracija, in človekove pravice

Daniel E. Cena

Trdimo, da islam olajša avtoritarnost, contradicts the values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes in Muslim nations. Posledično, učenjaki, komentatorji, and government officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next ideological threat to liberal democracies. Ta pogled, vendar, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamska politična teorija, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, ki ne upoštevajo drugih dejavnikov. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, kot druge religije, se lahko uporablja za podporo različnih političnih sistemov in politik. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Od tod tudi, nov pristop k preučevanju
zahteva se povezava med islamom in politiko.
predlagam, s strogo oceno odnosa med islamom, demokracija, in človekove pravice na mednarodni ravni, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, ekonomski vplivi, etnične razcepe, in družbeni razvoj, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, if so, how,Western ideas, institucije, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.

PRECISION IN THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR:

Sherifa Zuhur

Seven years after the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks, many experts believe al-Qa’ida has regained strength and that its copycats or affiliates are more lethal than before. The National Intelligence Estimate of 2007 asserted that al-Qa’ida is more dangerous now than before 9/11.1 Al-Qa’ida’s emulators continue to threaten Western, Middle Eastern, and European nations, as in the plot foiled in September 2007 in Germany. Bruce Riedel states: Thanks largely to Washington’s eagerness to go into Iraq rather than hunting down al Qaeda’s leaders, the organization now has a solid base of operations in the badlands of Pakistan and an effective franchise in western Iraq. Its reach has spread throughout the Muslim world and in Europe . . . Osama bin Laden has mounted a successful propaganda campaign. . . . His ideas now attract more followers than ever.
It is true that various salafi-jihadist organizations are still emerging throughout the Islamic world. Why have heavily resourced responses to the Islamist terrorism that we are calling global jihad not proven extremely effective?
Moving to the tools of “soft power,” what about the efficacy of Western efforts to bolster Muslims in the Global War on Terror (kvota)? Why has the United States won so few “hearts and minds” in the broader Islamic world? Why do American strategic messages on this issue play so badly in the region? Why, despite broad Muslim disapproval of extremism as shown in surveys and official utterances by key Muslim leaders, has support for bin Ladin actually increased in Jordan and in Pakistan?
This monograph will not revisit the origins of Islamist violence. It is instead concerned with a type of conceptual failure that wrongly constructs the GWOT and which discourages Muslims from supporting it. They are unable to identify with the proposed transformative countermeasures because they discern some of their core beliefs and institutions as targets in
this endeavor.
Several deeply problematic trends confound the American conceptualizations of the GWOT and the strategic messages crafted to fight that War. These evolve from (1) post-colonial political approaches to Muslims and Muslim majority nations that vary greatly and therefore produce conflicting and confusing impressions and effects; in (2) residual generalized ignorance of and prejudice toward Islam and subregional cultures. Add to this American anger, fear, and anxiety about the deadly events of 9/11, and certain elements that, despite the urgings of cooler heads, hold Muslims and their religion accountable for the misdeeds of their coreligionists, or who find it useful to do so for political reasons.

demokracija, Volitve in egipčanska Muslimanska bratovščina

Izrael Elad-Altman

Kampanja za reforme in demokratizacijo Bližnjega vzhoda, ki so jo vodili ZDA v zadnjih dveh letih, je pomagala oblikovati novo politično realnost v Egiptu. Odprle so se možnosti za nestrinjanje. Z ZDA. in evropsko podporo, lokalne opozicijske skupine so lahko prevzele pobudo, pospešujejo svoje cilje in izvabljajo koncesije od države. Egiptovsko gibanje Muslimanska bratovščina (MB), ki je uradno prepovedana kot politična organizacija, je zdaj med skupinami, ki se soočajo z obema novima priložnostma
in nova tveganja.
zahodne vlade, vključno z vlado Združenih držav, obravnavajo MB in druge »zmerne islamistične« skupine kot potencialne partnerje pri pomoči pri napredovanju demokracije v svojih državah, in morda tudi pri izkoreninjenju islamističnega terorizma. Ali bi lahko egiptovski MB izpolnil to vlogo? Ali bi lahko sledil turški stranki za pravičnost in razvoj (AKP) in indonezijska uspešna stranka pravičnosti (PKS), dve islamistični stranki, ki, po mnenju nekaterih analitikov, se uspešno prilagajajo pravilom liberalne demokracije in vodijo svoje države k večji integraciji z, oz, Evropa in »poganska« Azija?
Ta članek preučuje, kako se je MB odzval na novo realnost, kako se je spoprijela z ideološkimi in praktičnimi izzivi in ​​dilemami, ki so se pojavile v zadnjih dveh letih. V kolikšni meri se je gibanje prilagodilo svojim pogledom na nove okoliščine? Kakšni so njeni cilji in njena vizija politične ureditve? Kako se je odzval na U.S. reforme in kampanje za demokratizacijo?
Kako je na eni strani vodil svoje odnose z egiptovskim režimom, in druge opozicijske sile na drugi, ko se je država bližala dvema dramatičnim jesenskim volitvam 2005? V kolikšni meri lahko MB velja za silo, ki bi lahko vodila Egipt?
proti liberalni demokraciji?