Maingizo zote "Marekani & Europe" Kundi

Ni Sera, Wajinga

John L. Esposito

US foreign policy and political Islam today are deeply intertwined. Every US president since Jimmy Carter has had to deal with political Islam; none has been so challenged as George W. Bush. Policymakers, particularly since 9/11, have demonstrated an inability and/or unwillingness to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamists. They have largely treated political Islam as a global threat similar to the way that Communism was perceived. Hata hivyo, even in the case of Communism, foreign policymakers eventually moved from an ill-informed, broad-brush, and paranoid approach personified by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s to more nuanced, pragmatic, and reasonable policies that led to the establishment of relations with China in the 1970s, even as tensions remained between the United States and the Soviet Union.

As Islamist parties continue to rise in prominence across the globe, it is necessary that policymakers learn to make distinctions and adopt differentiated policy approaches. This requires a deeper understanding of what motivates and informs Islamist parties and the support they receive, including the ways in which some US policies feed the more radical and extreme Islamist movements while weakening the appeal of the moderate organizations to Muslim populations. It also requires the political will to adopt approaches of engagement and dialogue. This is especially important where the roots of political Islam go deeper than simple anti-Americanism and where political Islam is manifested in non-violent and democratic ways. The stunning electoral victories of HAMAS in Palestine and the Shi’a in Iraq, the Muslim Brotherhood’s emergence as the leading parliamentary opposition in Egypt, and Israel’s war against HAMAS and Hizbollah go to the heart of issues of democracy, ugaidi, and peace in the Middle East.

Global terrorism has also become the excuse for many Muslim autocratic rulers and Western policymakers to backslide or retreat from democratization. They warn that the promotion of a democratic process runs the risk of furthering Islamist inroads into centers of power and is counterproductive to Western interests, encouraging a more virulent anti-Westernism and increased instability. Hivyo, kwa mfano, despite HAMAS’ victory in free and democratic elections, the United States and Europe failed to give the party full recognition and support.

In relations between the West and the Muslim world, phrases like a clash of civilizations or a clash of cultures recur as does the charge that Islam is incompatible with democracy or that it is a particularly militant religion. But is the primary issue religion and culture or is it politics? Is the primary cause of radicalism and anti-Westernism, especially anti-Americanism, extremist theology or simply the policies of many Muslim and Western governments?

Kutatua Shida ya Waislamu wa Amerika

Ushauri wa Kimataifa wa Wasomi Waislamu juu ya Uislamu & Siasa

Stimson Center & Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Sera

This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, Misri, India,Indonesia, Kenya, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sudan na Sri Lanka zinazowakilisha wasomi,mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali na mizinga. Miongoni mwa waliohudhuria ni baadhi ya viongozi wa zamani wa serikali na mbunge mmoja aliyeketi. Washiriki pia walichaguliwa kujumuisha wigo wa itikadi za nje ya nchi, wakiwemo wa kidini na wa kidunia, kiutamaduni, wahafidhina wa kisiasa na kiuchumi, waliberali na wenye itikadi kali. Mandhari zifuatazo zilibainisha mjadala:1. Magharibi na Marekani (Bi)Kuelewa Kuna kutofaulu kwa Magharibi kwa nchi za Magharibi kuelewa anuwai tajiri ya mikondo ya kiakili na mikondo katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na katika fikra za Kiislamu.. Kinachoendelea katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu si upinzani rahisi dhidi ya Magharibi kwa msingi wa manung'uniko (ingawa kuna malalamiko), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)tabia ya mwingine na nia yake. Imechangia hisia ya mshikamano wa kiislamu usio na kifani tangu kumalizika kwa Ukhalifa baada ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Kidunia.. Pia imetoa kuzorota kwa sera ya Marekani, na kupungua kwa nguvu za Amerika, ushawishi na uaminifu. hatimaye, Upinzani wa pande mbili wa Marekani wa ugaidi na maslahi yake ya kitaifa umefanya ule wa zamani kuwa chombo cha rufaa kwa wale wenye nia ya kupinga nchi za Magharibi..

W&M Kuendelea

Accepting the Responsibility of Electoral Choice

The development of democratic institutions comes with negative externalities. As a political progressive, I believe that the big picture – establishing a solid democratic foundation – outweighs the possible emergence of political parties that may advocate religious or gender intolerance. I am a firm believer in the workings of the democratic process. While I have been studying in Egypt for the semester, I am reminded that despite the imperfections of the United States democratic system, it is still many times better than living under any authoritarian regime that outlaws political parties and posts military police at a variety of locations in an effort to exert control and maintain power.

In Egypt, the electoral process is not democratic. The National Political Party – the party of President Mubarak – exerts tremendous influence in the country. Its main opposition is the Muslim Brotherhood, which was created in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna. The Muslim Brotherhood is based on very strict interpretations of the Koran and the idea that secular governments are a direct violation of the teaching of the Koran. The party has a very violent past; it has been directly responsible for several assassination attempts and the assassination of the Egyptian leader Anwar-as-Sadat in 1981.

The Muslim Brotherhood is an illegal political party. Because the political party is religious, it is not allowed to participate in the public sphere under Egyptian law. Despite this technicality, the party has members in the Egyptian Parliament. Hata hivyo, the parliamentarians cannot officially declare their affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood but instead identify as Independents. Though the party remains illegal, it remains the most powerful opposition to the ruling National Democratic Party.

Waislamu Wamarekani Tabaka la Kati na Zaidi ya kawaida

Pew Research Center

Muslims constitute a growing and increasingly important segment of American society.Yet there is surprisingly little quantitative research about the attitudes and opinions of thissegment of the public for two reasons. Kwanza, the U.S. Census is forbidden by law from askingquestions about religious belief and affiliation, na, as a result, we know very little about thebasic demographic characteristics of Muslim Americans. Pili, Muslim Americans comprisesuch a small percentage of the U.S. population that general population surveys do not interview asufficient number of them to allow for meaningful analysis.This Pew Research Center study is therefore the first ever nationwide survey to attempt tomeasure rigorously the demographics, attitudes and experiences of Muslim Americans. It buildson surveys conducted in 2006 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project of Muslim minority publics inGreat Britain, Ufaransa, Germany and Spain. The Muslim American survey also follows on Pew’sglobal surveys conducted over the past five years with more than 30,000 Muslims in 22 nationsaround the world since 2002.The methodological approach employed was the most comprehensive ever used to studyMuslim Americans. Nearly 60,000 respondents were interviewed to find a representative sampleof Muslims. Interviews were conducted in Arabic, Urdu and Farsi, as well as English. Subsamplesof the national poll were large enough to explore how various subgroups of thepopulation — including recent immigrants, native-born converts, and selected ethnic groupsincluding those of Arab, Pakistani, and African American heritage — differ in their attitudesThe survey also contrasts the views of the Muslim population as a whole with those ofthe U.S. general population, and with the attitudes of Muslims all around the world, includingWestern Europe. hatimaye, findings from the survey make important contributions to the debateover the total size of the Muslim American population.The survey is a collaborative effort of a number of Pew Research Center projects,including the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, the Pew Forum on Religion &Public Life and the Pew Hispanic Center. The project was overseen by Pew Research CenterPresident Andrew Kohut and Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Director Luis Lugo. ThePew Research Center’s Director of Survey Research, Scott Keeter, served as project director forthe study, with the close assistance of Gregory Smith, Research Fellow at the Pew Forum. Manyother Pew researchers participated in the design, execution and analysis of the survey.

Mashariki ya Kati Demokrasia Promotion Si Njia moja Street

Marina Ottaway

The U.S. administration is under pressure to revive democracy promotion efforts in the Middle East,but momentum toward political reform has stalled in most of the region. Opposition parties are at lowebb, and governments are more firmly in control than ever. While new forms of activism, such as laborprotests and a growing volume of blogging critical of government and opposition parties have becomewidespread, they have yet to prove effective as means of influencing leaders to change long-standingpolicies.The last time a U.S. administration faced such unfavorable circumstances in advancing political reformswas over 30 years ago, when the Helsinki process was launched during the Cold War. That experiencetaught us that the United States needs to give reluctant interlocutors something they want if itexpects them to engage on issues they would rather not address. If Washington wants Arab countriesto discuss the universal democratic principles that should underpin their political systems, it needs to beprepared to discuss the universal principles that should underpin its own Middle East policies.

Algeria: Matarajio ya Dola ya Kiislamu au ya Kidunia

Wakati Akac

Je! Kuna matarajio gani kwa serikali ya Kiislamu nchini Algeria siku hizi? Kabla ya kujibu swali hilo, lazima kwanza tuelewe kisiasa, kiuchumi,na maendeleo ya kijamii ambayo yamefanyika hivi karibuni nchini Algeria. !Matukio hayo yatatoa mwangaza juu ya kupungua kwa harakati za Waisilamu, Algeria ilipitisha mfumo wa "ujamaa" wa ndani. Mfano wake wa maendeleo ya kiuchumi ulitegemea mapato kutoka kwa hidrokaboni, haswa mafuta. Kwa kuongeza, sekta ya umma ilitawala shughuli za kiuchumi kupitia Biashara Zinazomilikiwa na Serikali (SOE) ambazo zilitakiwa kuchochea maendeleo ya kiuchumi na kijamii ya nchi. !Serikali ilikuwa muuzaji mkuu wa chakula cha ruzuku, huduma, nyumba, elimu, na kazi. Katika awamu hii ya kwanza ya uzoefu wa ujamaa, serikali ilifanikiwa kukabiliana na "shida za maendeleo,”Na inaweza kutoa bidhaa na huduma zilizotajwa hapo juu ikiwa tu bei ya mafuta na mapato ya mafuta yalikuwa ya kutosha.1 !serikali, hata hivyo, alishindwa kukabiliwa na "ukuzaji wa shida" wakati wa awamu hii ya uzoefu wa ujamaa. Kupungua kwa bei ya mafuta katikati ya miaka ya 1980, kutoka pande zote $40 kwa kuzunguka $6 pipa katika wiki chache, iliiacha serikali ishindwe kutoa viwango bora vya maisha kwa idadi ya watu ambao walikuwa na ukubwa mara mbili tangu uhuru. Kwa kuwa mapato ya mafuta yalikuwa, na bado wako, chanzo muhimu cha fedha za kigeni kwa nchi, kupungua kwa bei mbaya ya mafuta yasiyosafishwa kulikuwa na athari kadhaa. Kwanza, ilisababisha mgogoro mkubwa wa deni la nje. Pili, kulikuwa na kupunguzwa kwa kiasi kikubwa kwa kiasi cha uagizaji-hasa, bidhaa za chakula. !andika, rasilimali za bajeti za serikali zilipunguzwa na kuhusu 50%. hatimaye, kulikuwa na mdororo mkubwa wa uchumi ambao ulisababisha maandamano ya kijamii ambayo yalisababisha, kwa upande wake, kwa "ghasia za mkate."

SAFARI NDANI YA JIRANI ZA WAISLAMU WA ULAYA

Joost Lagendijk

“A ring of friends surrounding the Union […], from Morocco to Russia”.This is how, in late 2002, the then President of the European Commission, Romano Prodi, described the key challenge facing Europe following the planned enlargement of 2004. The accession process had built up momentum, and the former communist countries of Central Europe had been stabilised and were transforming themselves into democracies. EU membership was not directly on the agenda for countries beyond the enlargement horizon, hata hivyo. How could Europe prevent new dividing lines forming at its borders? How could the European Union guarantee stability, security and peace along its perimeter? Those questions were perhaps most pertinent to the EU’s southern neighbours. Since 11 Septemba 2001, in particular, our relations with the Islamic world have been imbued with a sense of urgency. Political developments in our Islamic neighbour countries bordering the Mediterranean could have a tremendous impact on European security. Although the area is nearby, the political distance is great. Amid threatening language about a ‘clash of civilisations’, the EU quickly drew the conclusion that conciliation and cooperation, rather than confrontation, constituted the best strategy for dealing with its southern neighbours.

KATI YA ULIMWENGU NA MTAA

Anthony BUBALO

Greg FEALY

Kinyume na msingi wa 'vita dhidi ya ugaidi',watu wengi wameuona Uislamu kama harakati ya itikadi ya amonolithic inayoenea kutoka katikati mwa ulimwengu wa Kiislamu., Mashariki ya Kati, kwa nchi za Kiislamu duniani kote. Kuazima maneno kutoka kwa Abdullah Azzam, mwanajihadi wa hadithi ambaye alipigana kufukuza Umoja wa Kisovieti kutoka Afghanistan katika miaka ya 1980., wengi leo wanaona wasafiri wenzao wote wa Kiislamu katika msafara wa kimataifa wenye imani kali. Jarida hili linatathmini ukweli wa mtazamo huo.. Inafanya hivyo kwa kuchunguza uenezaji wa kategoria mbili pana za fikra na uanaharakati wa Kiislamu - Uislamu unaozingatia zaidi siasa na 'umsingi mamboleo' unaozingatia zaidi dini - kutoka Mashariki ya Kati hadi Indonesia., nchi ambayo mara nyingi hutajwa kama mfano wa jumuiya ya Kiislamu iliyokuwa na amani ambayo hapo awali ilikuwa na misimamo mikali na ushawishi wa nje. Uislamu ni neno linalofahamika kwa wengi.. Leo, makundi mbalimbali yanaainishwa kuwa ya Kiislamu, kutoka kwa Udugu wa Kiislamu wa Misri hadi al-qa'ida.,Uislamu unaonekana kutokuwa na manufaa kwa makundi ambayo hayaoni Uislamu kama itikadi ya kisiasa na kwa kiasi kikubwa yanaepuka harakati za kisiasa - hata kama harakati zao wakati mwingine zina athari za kisiasa.. Imejumuishwa katika kategoria hii ni vikundi vinavyohusika hasa na dhamira ya Kiislamu-IV Bet w e n t h e G l o b a l a n d t h e L o c a l : Islamism, Mi d d l e E a s t , a n shughuli za Kiindonesia, lakini pia ingejumuisha kundi kama la asal-qa'ida ambalo vitendo vyao vya kigaidi bila shaka havina budi kuendeshwa na malengo madhubuti ya kisiasa kuliko msukumo wa kidini.,ingawa ni fomu potofu. Kwa hivyo karatasi hii inatumia neno 'neo-fundamentalist', iliyoandaliwa na msomi wa Ufaransa Olivier Roy, kuelezea vikundi hivi na itasoma uenezaji wa itikadi za Kiislamu na mamboleo hadi Indonesia.

Baadaye ya Uislamu baada ya 9/11

Mansoor Moaddel

There is no consensus among historians and Islamicists about the nature of theIslamic belief system and the experience of historical Islam, on which one couldbase a definitive judgment concerning Islam’s compatibility with modernity. Hata hivyo,the availability of both historical and value survey data allow us to analyzethe future of Islam in light of the horrific event of 9/11. The key factor that woulddetermine the level of societal visibility necessary for predicting the future developmentof a culture is the nature and clarity of the ideological targets in relation towhich new cultural discourses are produced. Based on this premise, I shall try toilluminate the nature of such targets that are confronted by Muslim activists inIran, Misri, and Jordan.

Kisiasa Uislamu na Magharibi

JOHN L.ESPOSITO

At the dawn of the 21st centurypolitical Islam, ormore commonly Islamicfundamentalism, remainsa major presence in governments andoppositional politics from North Africato Southeast Asia. New Islamic republicshave emerged in Afghanistan,Iran, and Sudan. Islamists have beenelected to parliaments, served in cabinets,and been presidents, prime ministers,and deputy prime ministers innations as diverse as Algeria, Misri, Indonesia,Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon,Malaysia, Pakistan, and Yemen. At thesame time opposition movements andradical extremist groups have sought todestabilize regimes in Muslim countriesand the West. Americans have witnessedattacks on their embassies fromKenya to Pakistan. Terrorism abroadhas been accompanied by strikes ondomestic targets such as the WorldTrade Center in New York. In recentyears, Saudi millionaire Osama binLaden has become emblematic of effortsto spread international violence

Taarifa ya mageuzi ya Kiarabu

Taarifa ya mageuzi ya Kiarabu

Muslim Brotherhood Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef’s decision to step down at the end of his first term in January 2009 is an important milestone for the largest opposition group in Egypt for two reasons. Kwanza, whoever the successor is, he will not enjoy the same historical legitimacy as Akef, who joined the Brotherhood at an early stage and worked with its founder, Hassan al-Banna. All of the potential replacements belong to another generation and lack the gravitas of Akef and his predecessors, which helped them resolve or at least postpone some organizational disputes. The second reason is that Akef, who presided over a major political opening of the group in which its various intellectual orientations were clearly manifested, has the ability to manage diversity. This has been clear in his relations with leaders of the organization’s different currents and generations and his ability to bridge gaps between them. No candidate for the post seems to possess this skill, except perhaps Deputy Guide Khairat al-Shater, whose chances seem nil because he is currently imprisoned.

Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI

Cordoba msingi

In spite of it being both a perennial anda complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practicalgrounds, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, othersremain less optimistic of a shift in ideologyand approach in the international arena.While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA canbe attributed to the approach of promotingdemocracy, typically favoring dictatorshipsand puppet regimes that pay lip-service todemocratic values and human rights, the aftershockof 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivingsfurther through America’s position onpolitical Islam. It has created a wall of negativityas found by worldpublicopinion.org,kulingana na ambayo 67% of Egyptians believethat globally America is playing a “mainlynegative” role.America’s response has thus been apt. Byelecting Obama, many around the world arepinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent,but fairer foreign policy towards theMuslim world. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili,ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?Kwa kuongezea, can it importantly be an honestbroker in prolonged zones of conflicts?

Udugu wa Kiislamu nchini Ubelgiji

Steve Merley,
Mchambuzi mwandamizi

Kundi la Global Muslim Brotherhood limekuwepo Ulaya tangu wakati huo 1960 wakati Said Ramadhani, mjukuu wa Hassan Al-Banna, alianzisha msikiti huko Munich.1 Tangu wakati huo,Mashirika ya udugu yameanzishwa karibu katika nchi zote za Umoja wa Ulaya, pamoja na nchi zisizo za EU kama vile Urusi na Uturuki. Licha ya kufanya kazi chini ya majina mengine, some ofthe organizations in the larger countries are recognized as part of the global MuslimBrotherhood. Kwa mfano, the Union des Organizations Islamiques de France (UOIF) isgenerally regarded as part of the Muslim Brotherhood in France. The network is alsobecoming known in some of the smaller countries such as the Netherlands, where a recentNEFA Foundation report detailed the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in that country.2Neighboring Belgium has also become an important center for the Muslim Brotherhood inEurope. A 2002 report by the Intelligence Committee of the Belgian Parliament explainedhow the Brotherhood operates in Belgium:“The State Security Service has been following the activities of the InternationalMuslim Brotherhood in Belgium since 1982. The International MuslimBrotherhood has had a clandestine structure for nearly 20 miaka. The identityof the members is secret; they operate in the greatest discretion. They seek tospread their ideology within the Islamic community of Belgium and they aimin particular at the young people of the second and third generation ofimmigrants. In Belgium as in other European countries, they try to take controlof the religious, kijamii, and sports associations and establish themselves asprivileged interlocutors of the national authorities in order to manage Islamicaffairs. The Muslim Brotherhood assumes that the national authorities will bepressed more and more to select Muslim leaders for such management and,kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, they try to insert within the representative bodies, individualsinfluenced by their ideology.

Muslim Brotherhood katika Ulaya

Muslim Brotherhood ya U.S. Mtandao

Zeyno Baran