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It’s the Policy, Stupid

John L. Edwards

US foreign policy and political Islam today are deeply intertwined. Every US president since Jimmy Carter has had to deal with political Islam; none has been so challenged as George W. Bush. Policymakers, particularly since 9/11, have demonstrated an inability and/or unwillingness to distinguish between radical and moderate Islamists. They have largely treated political Islam as a global threat similar to the way that Communism was perceived. Nicméně, even in the case of Communism, foreign policymakers eventually moved from an ill-informed, broad-brush, and paranoid approach personified by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s to more nuanced, pragmatic, and reasonable policies that led to the establishment of relations with China in the 1970s, even as tensions remained between the United States and the Soviet Union.

As Islamist parties continue to rise in prominence across the globe, it is necessary that policymakers learn to make distinctions and adopt differentiated policy approaches. This requires a deeper understanding of what motivates and informs Islamist parties and the support they receive, including the ways in which some US policies feed the more radical and extreme Islamist movements while weakening the appeal of the moderate organizations to Muslim populations. It also requires the political will to adopt approaches of engagement and dialogue. This is especially important where the roots of political Islam go deeper than simple anti-Americanism and where political Islam is manifested in non-violent and democratic ways. The stunning electoral victories of HAMAS in Palestine and the Shi’a in Iraq, the Muslim Brotherhood’s emergence as the leading parliamentary opposition in Egypt, and Israel’s war against HAMAS and Hizbollah go to the heart of issues of democracy, terorismus, and peace in the Middle East.

Global terrorism has also become the excuse for many Muslim autocratic rulers and Western policymakers to backslide or retreat from democratization. They warn that the promotion of a democratic process runs the risk of furthering Islamist inroads into centers of power and is counterproductive to Western interests, encouraging a more virulent anti-Westernism and increased instability. Tím pádem, například, despite HAMAS’ victory in free and democratic elections, the United States and Europe failed to give the party full recognition and support.

In relations between the West and the Muslim world, phrases like a clash of civilizations or a clash of cultures recur as does the charge that Islam is incompatible with democracy or that it is a particularly militant religion. But is the primary issue religion and culture or is it politics? Is the primary cause of radicalism and anti-Westernism, especially anti-Americanism, extremist theology or simply the policies of many Muslim and Western governments?


Řešení amerického islamistického dilematu

Shadi Hamid

U.S. efforts to promote democracy in the Middle East have long been paralyzed by the “Islamist dilemma”: in theory, we want democracy, ale, in practice, fear that Islamist parties will be the prime beneficiaries of any political opening. The most tragic manifestation of this was the Algerian debacle of 1991 a 1992, when the United States stood silently while the staunchly secular military canceled elections after an Islamist party won a parliamentary majority. More recently, the Bush administration backed away from its “freedom agenda” after Islamists did surprisingly well in elections throughout region, including in Egypt, Saudská arábie, and the Palestinian territories.
But even our fear of Islamist parties—and the resulting refusal to engage with them—has itself been inconsistent, holding true for some countries but not others. The more that a country is seen as vital to American national security interests, the less willing the United States has been to accept Islamist groups having a prominent political role there. Nicméně, in countries seen as less strategically relevant, and where less is at stake, the United States has occasionally taken a more nuanced approach. But it is precisely where more is at stake that recognizing a role for nonviolent Islamists is most important, a, here, American policy continues to fall short.
Throughout the region, the United States has actively supported autocratic regimes and given the green light for campaigns of repression against groups such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the oldest and most influential political movement in the region. In March 2008, during what many observers consider to be the worst period of anti-Brotherhood repression since the 1960s, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice waived a $100 million congressionally mandated reduction of military aid to Egypt.

International Consultation of Muslim Intellectuals on Islam & Politika

Stimson centrum & Institut politických studií

This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, Egypt, India,Indonésie, Kenya, Malajsie, Pákistán, the Philippines, Sudan and Sri Lanka representing academia,non-governmental organizations and think tanks. Among the participants were a number of former government officials and one sitting legislator. The participants were also chosen to comprise abroad spectrum of ideologies, including the religious and the secular, cultural, political andeconomic conservatives, liberals and radicals.The following themes characterized the discussion:1. Western and US (Mis)Understanding There is a fundamental failure by the West to understand the rich variety of intellectual currents andcross-currents in the Muslim world and in Islamic thought. What is underway in the Muslim worldis not a simple opposition to the West based on grievance (though grievances there also are), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)characterization of the other and its intentions. It has contributed to a sense of pan-Islamicsolidarity unprecedented since the end of the Khilafat after World War I. It has also produced adegeneration of US policy, and a diminution of US power, influence and credibility. Konečně, theUS’ dualistic opposition of terror and its national interests has made the former an appealing instrument for those intent on resistance to the West.

W&M Progresivní

Julian Carr
Richael Věrný
Ethan Forrest

Accepting the Responsibility of Electoral Choice

The development of democratic institutions comes with negative externalities. As a political progressive, Věřím, že celkový obraz – vytvoření pevných demokratických základů – převáží možný vznik politických stran, které mohou obhajovat náboženskou nebo genderovou nesnášenlivost. Pevně ​​věřím ve fungování demokratického procesu. Zatímco jsem semestr studoval v Egyptě, Připomínám, že navzdory nedokonalostem demokratického systému Spojených států, je to stále mnohonásobně lepší než žít v jakémkoli autoritářském režimu, který postaví politické strany mimo zákon a rozmístí vojenskou policii na různá místa ve snaze uplatňovat kontrolu a udržet si moc.

V Egyptě, volební proces není demokratický. Národní politická strana – strana prezidenta Mubaraka – má v zemi obrovský vliv. Jeho hlavní opozicí je Muslimské bratrstvo, který byl vytvořen v 1928 od Hassana al-Banny. Muslimské bratrstvo je založeno na velmi přísných výkladech Koránu a myšlence, že sekulární vlády jsou přímým porušením učení Koránu.. Strana má velmi násilnou minulost; byla přímo zodpovědná za několik pokusů o atentát a atentát na egyptského vůdce Anwar-as-Sadat v 1981.

Muslimské bratrstvo je ilegální politická strana. Protože politická strana je náboženská, podle egyptského práva není dovoleno účastnit se veřejné sféry. Navzdory této technice, strana má členy v egyptském parlamentu. Nicméně, poslanci nemohou oficiálně prohlásit svou příslušnost k Muslimskému bratrstvu, ale místo toho se identifikovat jako nezávislí. I když strana zůstává nelegální, zůstává nejmocnější opozicí vůči vládnoucí Národně demokratické straně.

Muslimští Američané střední třídy a většinou mainstream

Pew Research Center

Muslims constitute a growing and increasingly important segment of American society.Yet there is surprisingly little quantitative research about the attitudes and opinions of thissegment of the public for two reasons. za prvé, Spojené státy. Census is forbidden by law from askingquestions about religious belief and affiliation, a, as a result, we know very little about thebasic demographic characteristics of Muslim Americans. Druhý, Muslim Americans comprisesuch a small percentage of the U.S. population that general population surveys do not interview asufficient number of them to allow for meaningful analysis.This Pew Research Center study is therefore the first ever nationwide survey to attempt tomeasure rigorously the demographics, attitudes and experiences of Muslim Americans. It buildson surveys conducted in 2006 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project of Muslim minority publics inGreat Britain, Francie, Germany and Spain. The Muslim American survey also follows on Pew’sglobal surveys conducted over the past five years with more than 30,000 Muslims in 22 nationsaround the world since 2002.The methodological approach employed was the most comprehensive ever used to studyMuslim Americans. Nearly 60,000 respondents were interviewed to find a representative sampleof Muslims. Interviews were conducted in Arabic, Urdu and Farsi, as well as English. Subsamplesof the national poll were large enough to explore how various subgroups of thepopulationincluding recent immigrants, native-born converts, and selected ethnic groupsincluding those of Arab, Pakistani, and African American heritagediffer in their attitudesThe survey also contrasts the views of the Muslim population as a whole with those ofthe U.S. general population, and with the attitudes of Muslims all around the world, includingWestern Europe. Konečně, findings from the survey make important contributions to the debateover the total size of the Muslim American population.The survey is a collaborative effort of a number of Pew Research Center projects,including the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, the Pew Forum on Religion &Public Life and the Pew Hispanic Center. The project was overseen by Pew Research CenterPresident Andrew Kohut and Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Director Luis Lugo. ThePew Research Center’s Director of Survey Research, Scott Keeter, served as project director forthe study, with the close assistance of Gregory Smith, Research Fellow at the Pew Forum. Manyother Pew researchers participated in the design, execution and analysis of the survey.

Middle East Democracy Promotion Is Not a One-way Street

Marina Ottaway

The U.S. administration is under pressure to revive democracy promotion efforts in the Middle East,but momentum toward political reform has stalled in most of the region. Opposition parties are at lowebb, and governments are more firmly in control than ever. While new forms of activism, such as laborprotests and a growing volume of blogging critical of government and opposition parties have becomewidespread, they have yet to prove effective as means of influencing leaders to change long-standingpolicies.The last time a U.S. administration faced such unfavorable circumstances in advancing political reformswas over 30 years ago, when the Helsinki process was launched during the Cold War. That experiencetaught us that the United States needs to give reluctant interlocutors something they want if itexpects them to engage on issues they would rather not address. If Washington wants Arab countriesto discuss the universal democratic principles that should underpin their political systems, it needs to beprepared to discuss the universal principles that should underpin its own Middle East policies.

Alžírsko: Prospects for an Islamic or a Secular State

Když Akacem

What are the prospects for an Islamic state in Algeria nowadays? Before wecan answer that question, we must first understand the political, economic,and social developments that have recently taken place in Algeria. !ese eventswill shed some light on the decline of the Islamist movements.Soon after independence, Algeria adopted an inward-oriented “socialist”system. Its economic development model depended on revenues fromhydrocarbons, mainly oil. dodatečně, the public sector dominated the economicactivities through the State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) that were supposed tocatalyze the economic and social development of the country. !e governmentwas the main supplier of subsidized food, utilities, housing, education, andjobs. In this first phase of the socialist experience, the government successfullyfaced “the problems of development,” and it could deliver the just-mentionedgoods and services as long as oil prices and oil revenues were high enough.1 !egovernment, nicméně, failed to face “the development of problems” during thesecond phase of its socialist experience. A huge decrease in the price of oil inthe mid-1980s, from around $40 to around $6 a barrel in few weeks, left thegovernment unable to provide better living standards for a population that haddoubled in size since independence. Since oil revenues were, and still are, themost important source of foreign currency for the country, the drastic decreasein crude oil prices had several consequences. za prvé, it led to a severe foreign debtcrisis. Druhý, there was a dramatic reduction in the volume of imports—inparticular, food products. !ird, the government’s budgetary resources werereduced by about 50%. Konečně, there was a severe economic recession that ledto social protests that led, in turn, to “bread rioting.”

TRAVELS AMONG EUROPE’S MUSLIM NEIGHBOURS

Joost Lagendijk

Jan Marinus Wiersma

“A ring of friends surrounding the Union [], from Morocco to Russia”.This is how, in late 2002, the then President of the European Commission, Romano Prodi, described the key challenge facing Europe following the planned enlargement of 2004. The accession process had built up momentum, and the former communist countries of Central Europe had been stabilised and were transforming themselves into democracies. EU membership was not directly on the agenda for countries beyond the enlargement horizon, nicméně. How could Europe prevent new dividing lines forming at its borders? How could the European Union guarantee stability, security and peace along its perimeter? Those questions were perhaps most pertinent to the EU’s southern neighbours. Since 11 Září 2001, zejména, our relations with the Islamic world have been imbued with a sense of urgency. Political developments in our Islamic neighbour countries bordering the Mediterranean could have a tremendous impact on European security. Although the area is nearby, the political distance is great. Amid threatening language about a ‘clash of civilisations’, the EU quickly drew the conclusion that conciliation and cooperation, rather than confrontation, constituted the best strategy for dealing with its southern neighbours.

Mezi světovou a MÍSTNÍ

ANTHONY Bubalo

GREG FEALY

Against the background of the ‘war on terror’,many people have come to view Islamism as amonolithic ideological movement spreading from thecenter of the Muslim world, the Middle East, toMuslim countries around the globe. To borrow aphrase from Abdullah Azzam, the legendary jihadistwho fought to expel the Soviet Union fromAfghanistan in the 1980s, many today see all Islamistsas fellow travellers in a global fundamentalist caravan.This paper evaluates the truth of that perception. Itdoes so by examining the spread of two broad categoriesof Islamic thinking and activism — the morepolitically focused Islamism and more religiouslyfocused ‘neo-fundamentalism’ — from the MiddleEast to Indonesia, a country often cited as an exampleof a formerly peaceful Muslim community radicalizedby external influences.Islamism is a term familiar to many.Most commonly itis used to categorize ideas and forms of activism thatconceive of Islam as a political ideology. Dnes, a widerange of groups are classified as Islamist, from theEgyptian Muslim Brotherhood to al-qa‘ida.While sucha categorization remains appropriate in many cases,Islamism seems less useful as a label for those groupsthat do not see Islam as a political ideology and largelyeschew political activism — even if their activism sometimeshas political implications. Included in this categoryare groups concerned primarily with Islamic mission-IV Be t w e e n t h e G l o b a l a n d t h e L o c a l : Islamismus, the Mi d d l e E a s t , a n d Indonesiaary activity, but it would also include a group such asal-qa‘ida whose acts of terrorism are arguably drivenless by concrete political objectives than religious inspiration,albeit of a misguided form. This paper thereforeuses the term ‘neo-fundamentalist’, developed by theFrench scholar Olivier Roy, to describe these groups andwill study the transmission of both Islamist and neofundamentalistideas to Indonesia.

Budoucnost islámu po 9/11

Mansoor Moaddel

Mezi historiky a islamisty neexistuje shoda o povaze systému islámské víry a zkušenosti s historickým islámem., na kterém by se dalo založit definitivní úsudek o slučitelnosti islámu s modernitou. Nicméně,dostupnost historických i hodnotových dat nám umožňuje analyzovat budoucnost islámu ve světle děsivé události 9/11. Klíčovým faktorem, který by určoval úroveň společenské viditelnosti nezbytné pro předvídání budoucího vývoje kultury, je povaha a jasnost ideologických cílů, ve vztahu k nimž vznikají nové kulturní diskurzy.. Na základě tohoto předpokladu, Pokusím se objasnit povahu takových cílů, kterým čelí muslimští aktivisté v Íránu, Egypt, a Jordánsko.

POLITICAL ISLAM and the West

JOHN L.ESPOSITO


At the dawn of the 21st centurypolitical Islam, ormore commonly Islamicfundamentalism, remainsa major presence in governments andoppositional politics from North Africato Southeast Asia. New Islamic republicshave emerged in Afghanistan,Írán, and Sudan. Islamists have beenelected to parliaments, served in cabinets,and been presidents, prime ministers,and deputy prime ministers innations as diverse as Algeria, Egypt, Indonésie,Jordán, Kuvajt, Libanon,Malajsie, Pákistán, and Yemen. At thesame time opposition movements andradical extremist groups have sought todestabilize regimes in Muslim countriesand the West. Americans have witnessedattacks on their embassies fromKenya to Pakistan. Terrorism abroadhas been accompanied by strikes ondomestic targets such as the WorldTrade Center in New York. In recentyears, Saudi millionaire Osama binLaden has become emblematic of effortsto spread international violence

Arab reforma bulletin

Arab reforma bulletin

Ibrahim al-Houdaiby

Muslim Brotherhood Guide Mohamed Mahdi Akef’s decision to step down at the end of his first term in January 2009 is an important milestone for the largest opposition group in Egypt for two reasons. za prvé, whoever the successor is, he will not enjoy the same historical legitimacy as Akef, who joined the Brotherhood at an early stage and worked with its founder, Hassan al-Banna. All of the potential replacements belong to another generation and lack the gravitas of Akef and his predecessors, which helped them resolve or at least postpone some organizational disputes. The second reason is that Akef, who presided over a major political opening of the group in which its various intellectual orientations were clearly manifested, has the ability to manage diversity. This has been clear in his relations with leaders of the organization’s different currents and generations and his ability to bridge gaps between them. No candidate for the post seems to possess this skill, except perhaps Deputy Guide Khairat al-Shater, whose chances seem nil because he is currently imprisoned.

ISLÁM, DEMOKRACIE & SPOJENÉ STÁTY AMERICKÉ

Cordoba nadace


In spite of it being both a perennial anda complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practicalgrounds, důležitá debata o vztahu a kompatibilitě mezi islámem a demokracií, jak se odráží v programu naděje a změny Baracka Obamy. Zatímco mnozí oslavují Obamův nástup do Oválné pracovny jako národní katarzi pro USA, othersremain less optimistic of a shift in ideologyand approach in the international arena.While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA canbe attributed to the approach of promotingdemocracy, typically favoring dictatorshipsand puppet regimes that pay lip-service todemocratic values and human rights, the aftershockof 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivingsfurther through America’s position onpolitical Islam. It has created a wall of negativityas found by worldpublicopinion.org,podle kterého 67% of Egyptians believethat globally America is playing a “mainlynegative” role.America’s response has thus been apt. Byelecting Obama, many around the world arepinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent,but fairer foreign policy towards theMuslim world. Test pro Obamu, jak diskutujeme,je to, jak Amerika a její spojenci prosazují demokracii. Bude to usnadňující nebo vnucující?navíc, can it importantly be an honestbroker in prolonged zones of conflicts?

Muslimské bratrstvo v Belgii

Steve Merley,
Senior Analyst


Globální muslimské bratrstvo je v Evropě přítomno od té doby 1960 když SaidRamadan, vnuk Hassana Al-Banna, založil mešitu v Mnichově.1 Od té doby,Bratrské organizace byly založeny téměř ve všech zemích EU, stejně jako nečlenské země EU, jako je Rusko a Turecko. Navzdory působení pod jinými jmény, některé z organizací ve větších zemích jsou uznávány jako součást globálního Muslimského bratrství. Například, Unie islámských organizací ve Francii (UOIF) je obecně považována za součást Muslimského bratrstva ve Francii. Síť je také známá v některých menších zemích, jako je Nizozemsko, kde nedávná zpráva Nadace NEFA podrobně popisuje aktivity Muslimského bratrstva v této zemi.2 Sousední Belgie se také stala důležitým centrem Muslimského bratrstva v Evropě. A 2002 zpráva zpravodajského výboru belgického parlamentu vysvětlila, jak Bratrstvo působí v Belgii:"Státní bezpečnostní služba od té doby sleduje aktivity Mezinárodního muslimského bratrstva v Belgii." 1982. The International MuslimBrotherhood has had a clandestine structure for nearly 20 let. The identityof the members is secret; they operate in the greatest discretion. They seek tospread their ideology within the Islamic community of Belgium and they aimin particular at the young people of the second and third generation ofimmigrants. In Belgium as in other European countries, they try to take controlof the religious, social, and sports associations and establish themselves asprivileged interlocutors of the national authorities in order to manage Islamicaffairs. The Muslim Brotherhood assumes that the national authorities will bepressed more and more to select Muslim leaders for such management and,v tomto kontextu, they try to insert within the representative bodies, individualsinfluenced by their ideology.

Muslimské bratrstvo v Evropě

T vám Brigi maršál
Shumuliyyat al-islám (Islám zahrnuje všechny aspekty života) je prvním z dvaceti principů stanovených v
zakladatel hnutí Muslimské bratrstvo, Hassan al-Banna, naučit své následovníky správnému porozumění
islámu. I když tento princip, obvykle se překládá jako „komplexní způsob života,„Stále zůstává nedílnou součástí
k učení členů Bratrstva, jak v Egyptě, tak v Evropě, je to kupodivu dost
ani komentováno ve vědeckých referencích, ani širší veřejností. Když federace islámské
Organizace v Evropě (FIOE, zastupující hnutí Muslimské bratrstvo na evropské úrovni) v lednu představila evropskou muslimskou chartu mezinárodnímu tisku 2008, nikdo neurčil tuto „univerzální dimenzi“ svého chápání islámu navzdory potenciálnímu napětí nebo dokonce neslučitelnosti, politické i politické
právní, že tento koncept může mít v diskurzu o integraci a občanství. Co tradičně říkají muslimští bratři o tomto konceptu a jak ospravedlňují svou výzvu k němu? Jaké jsou jeho složky
a rozsah jeho použití? Existují nějaké významné úpravy konceptu při pokusu o jeho kontextualizaci v rámci pluralitní Evropy?

Muslimské bratrstvo v USA. Síť

Zeyno Baran


Washington DC. se náhle velmi zajímal o Muslimské bratrstvo. Američtí tvůrci politik diskutují o tom, zda zapojit nenásilné prvky sítě Muslimského bratrstva, uvnitř i vně Spojených států, v naději, že taková angažovanost posílí tyto „umírněné“ proti násilným wahhábistickým a salafistickým skupinám, jako je al-Káida. bohužel, tato strategie je založena na mylném předpokladu: že „umírněné“ islamistické skupiny budou čelit a oslabit své násilné spoluvěřící, okradl je o základnu podpory.
Tato strategie menšího ze dvou zla připomíná důvody, které vedly k rozhodnutí éry studené války podpořit afghánské mudžáhidy proti sovětské armádě. V krátkodobém horizontu, Spojené státy. spojenectví s mudžáhidy skutečně pomohlo Americe v jejím boji proti Sovětskému svazu. Z dlouhodobého hlediska, nicméně, U.S. podpora vedla k zmocnění nebezpečného a mocného protivníka. Při výběru svých spojenců, Spojené státy. si nemůže dovolit povýšit krátkodobé taktické úvahy nad dlouhodobější strategické. A co je nejdůležitější, Spojené státy. musí vzít v úvahu ideologii potenciálních partnerů.
Ačkoli se různé islamistické skupiny hádají o taktiku a často se navzájem znají nepřátelsky, všichni se shodují na koncovce: svět diktovaný politickým islámem. Strategie „rozděl a panuj“ Spojenými státy je bude jen přibližovat k sobě.