RSSMaingizo zote "Syria" Kundi

UFAHAMU WA UISLAMU

PREFACE
RICHARD YOUNGS
MICHAEL EMERSON

Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.

Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.

Uislamu, WAISLAMU, NA KANUNI YA UCHAGUZI I N MASHARIKI YA KATI

James Piscatori

Kwa wazo ambalo wakati eti umefika, Òdemokrasia hufunika hali ya kushangaza

idadi ya maswali ambayo hayajajibiwa na, katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, imezalisha

kiasi cha ajabu cha joto. Je, ni neno maalum la kitamaduni, kutafakari Magharibi

Uzoefu wa Ulaya kwa karne kadhaa? Do non-Western societies possess

their own standards of participation and accountabilityÑand indeed their own

rhythms of developmentÑwhich command attention, if not respect? Does Islam,

with its emphasis on scriptural authority and the centrality of sacred law, allow

for flexible politics and participatory government?

The answers to these questions form part of a narrative and counter-narrative

that themselves are an integral part of a contested discourse. The larger story

concerns whether or not ÒIslamÓ constitutes a threat to the West, and the supplementary

story involves IslamÕs compatibility with democracy. The intellectual

baggage, to change the metaphor, is scarcely neutral. The discussion itself has

become acutely politicised, caught in the related controversies over Orientalism,

the exceptionalism of the Middle East in particular and the Muslim world in general,

and the modernism of religious ÒfundamentalistÓ movements.

Uislamu wa Kisiasa na Sera ya Kigeni ya Ulaya

POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY

MICHAEL EMERSON

RICHARD YOUNGS

Since 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, Umoja wa Ulaya (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) kwamba kimsingi jitoe kwenye mazungumzo na ushiriki wa kina wote(sio vurugu) watendaji wa kisiasa na asasi za kiraia ndani ya nchi za Kiarabu. Walakini wachambuzi wengi na watunga sera sasa wanalalamika juu ya nyara fulani katika mjadala wa dhana na maendeleo ya sera. Imebainika kuwa Uislamu wa kisiasa ni mazingira yanayobadilika, hali zilizoathiriwa sana za anuwai, lakini mjadala mara nyingi unaonekana kukwama kwenye swali rahisi la 'ni Waislam kidemokrasia?’Wachambuzi wengi wa kujitegemea hata hivyo wametetea ushirikiana na Waislam, lakini uhusiano wa kweli kati ya serikali za Magharibi na mashirika ya Kiisilamu bado ni mdogo .

Ndugu Waislamu Wa wastani

Robert S. Leiken

Steven Brooke

The Muslim Brotherhood is the world’s oldest, largest, and most influential Islamist organization. It is also the most controversial,
condemned by both conventional opinion in the West and radical opinion in the Middle East. American commentators have called the Muslim Brothers “radical Islamists” and “a vital component of the enemy’s assault forcedeeply hostile to the United States.” Al Qaeda’s Ayman al-Zawahiri sneers at them for “lur[ing] thousands of young Muslim men into lines for electionsinstead of into the lines of jihad.” Jihadists loathe the Muslim Brotherhood (known in Arabic as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimeen) for rejecting global jihad and embracing democracy. These positions seem to make them moderates, kitu sana Marekani, fupi juu ya washirika katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, hutafuta.
Lakini Ikhwan pia inashambulia Merika. sera za kigeni, haswa msaada wa Washington kwa Israeli, na maswali yanakaa juu ya dhamira yake halisi kwa mchakato wa kidemokrasia. Zaidi ya mwaka uliopita, tumekutana na kadhaa ya viongozi wa Udugu na wanaharakati kutoka Misri, Ufaransa, Jordan, Spain, Syria,Tunisia, na Uingereza.

Kuimarisha Mahusiano ya Amerika na Syria: Kutumia Magari ya Kidiplomasia ya Ancillary

Benjamin E. Nguvu,

Andrew Akhlaghi,

Steven Rotchtin

Matarajio ya utulivu mkubwa katika Mashariki ya Kati kwa kiasi kikubwa hutegemea uwezo wa kuleta Syria katika majadiliano ya kidiplomasia na usalama kama mdau mwenye tija., inayohitaji thaw katika hali ya chini ya kawaida ya Merika. - Mahusiano ya Siria. Wakati wa Syria
umuhimu kama hali ya msingi kwa mchakato wa amani ya Mashariki ya Kati ulikubaliwa katika 2006 Ripoti ya Kikundi cha Utafiti cha Iraq,1 ambayo ilitaka mabadiliko kutoka kwa vizuizi kwenda kwa motisha katika kutafuta matokeo ya kujenga, tu katika miezi michache iliyopita kumekuwa na mabadiliko katika mwonekano wa Washington. Mikutano ya hivi karibuni kati ya U.S. viongozi na wenzao huko Dameski, na hata tangazo la kurudisha U.S. balozi nchini Syria, imesababisha uvumi ulioenea katika duru za sera kwamba thawl ya kidiplomasia iko mbele.
Ripoti hii inachambua mwenendo muhimu katika hali ya kijamii na kisiasa ya Syria na kitaifa ambayo kwa sasa inafanya kazi kuifanya Syria kuwa mshirika wa asili wa Merika.

SERA NA MAELEZO YA Mazoezi

Kenneth Roth

Leo, virtually every government wants to be seen as a democracy, but many resist allowing the basic human rights that would make democracy meaningful because that might jeopardize their grasp on power. Instead, governments use a variety of subterfuges to manage or undermine the electoral process. Their task is facilitated by the lack of a broadly accepted definition of ‘democracy’ akin to the detailed rules of international human rights law. But much of the problem lies in the fact that, because of commercial or strategic interests, the world’s established democracies often close their eyes to electoral manipulation, making it easier for sham democrats to pass themselves off as the real thing. That acquiescence undermines the efforts to promote human rights because it can be more difficult for human rights organizations to stigmatize a government for its human rights violations when that government can hold itself up as an accepted ‘democracy.’ The challenge facing the human rights movement is to highlight the ploys used by dictatorial regimes to feign democratic rule and to build pressure on the established democracies to refuse to admit these pretenders into the club of democracies on the cheap. Keywords: civil society, democracy promotion, dictatorship, uchaguzi,
electoral manipulation, political violence Rarely has democracy been so acclaimed yet so breached, so promoted yet so disrespected, so important yet so disappointing. Democracy has become the key to legitimacy. Few governments want to be seen as undemocratic. Yet the credentials of the claimants have not kept pace with democracy’s
growing popularity. These days, even overt dictators aspire to the status conferred by the democracy label. Determined not to let mere facts stand in their way, these rulers have mastered the art of democratic rhetoric which bears
little relationship to their practice of governing.
This growing tendency poses an enormous challenge to the human rights movement. Human rights groups can hardly oppose the promotion of democracy, but they must be wary that the embrace of democracy not become a subterfuge for avoiding the more demanding standards of international human rights law. Human rights groups must especially insist that their natural governmental allies – the established democracies – not allow competing interests and short-sighted strategies to stand in the way of their
embrace of a richer, more meaningful concept of democracy.

Kutoka kwa Harakati za Waasi na Chama cha Siasa

Alastair Crooke

Maoni yaliyoshikiliwa na wengi huko Magharibi kwamba mabadiliko kutoka kwa harakati ya upinzani ya silaha kwenda kwa chama cha kisiasa inapaswa kuwa sawa, inapaswa kutanguliwa na kukataa vurugu, inapaswa kuwezeshwa na asasi za kiraia na kudhibitiwa na wanasiasa wenye wastani haina ukweli mdogo kwa kesi ya Harakati ya Upinzani wa Kiislamu (Hamas). Hii haimaanishi kwamba Hamas haikuwa chini ya mabadiliko ya kisiasa: ina. Lakini mabadiliko hayo yamepatikana licha ya juhudi za Magharibi na sio kuwezeshwa na juhudi hizo. Wakati unabaki harakati za kupinga, Hamas imekuwa serikali ya Mamlaka ya Palestina na imebadilisha mkao wake wa kijeshi. Lakini mabadiliko haya yamechukua njia tofauti na ile iliyoainishwa katika mifano ya jadi ya utatuzi wa migogoro. Hamas na vikundi vingine vya Kiislam vinaendelea kujiona kama harakati za kupinga, lakini wanazidi kuona matarajio kwamba mashirika yao yanaweza kubadilika kuwa mikondo ya kisiasa ambayo inazingatia upinzani usiokuwa na vurugu. Vielelezo vya kawaida vya utatuzi wa migogoro hutegemea sana uzoefu wa Magharibi katika utatuzi wa mizozo na mara nyingi hupuuza tofauti za njia katika historia ya Kiislam ya kuleta amani.. Haishangazi, njia ya Hamas kwa mazungumzo ya kisiasa ni tofauti kwa mtindo na ile ya Magharibi. Pia, kama harakati ya Kiislam ambayo inashirikiana na macho pana ya athari za Magharibi kwa jamii zao, Hamas ina mahitaji ya uhalali na uhalali katika eneo bunge lake ambayo inazingatia umuhimu unaohusishwa na kudumisha uwezo wa kijeshi. Sababu hizi, pamoja na athari kubwa ya mzozo wa muda mrefu kwenye saikolojia ya jamii (kipengele ambacho hupokea umakini mdogo katika modeli za Magharibi ambazo huweka uzito wa mapema kwenye uchambuzi wa kisiasa), inapendekeza kuwa mchakato wa mabadiliko kwa Hamas umekuwa tofauti sana na mabadiliko ya harakati za silaha katika uchambuzi wa jadi. In addition, mazingira magumu ya mzozo wa Israeli na Palestina huipa uzoefu wa Hamas sifa zake maalum.Hamas iko katikati ya mabadiliko muhimu, lakini mikondo ya kisiasa ndani ya Israeli, na ndani ya mkoa, fanya matokeo ya mabadiliko haya yasitabiriki. Mengi itategemea mwendo wa sera ya Magharibi ("Vita Vya Ulimwengu Juu ya Ugaidi") na jinsi sera hiyo inavyoathiri vikundi vya Waislamu wa uamsho kama Hamas, vikundi ambavyo vimejitolea kwa uchaguzi, mageuzi na utawala bora.

INQUIRY KATIKA FEAR WESTERN

Dan Jahn

If one can point to an overarching characteristic of our time, concern with justice would surely be
near the top of the list. Never in the history of man has there been such a quest for justice, a quest
pursued by both individuals and groups in all walks of life and around the world. In this quest,
religions have played a vital role, while at the same time, religious movements are continually misunderstood
and mis-characterized by opposing groups. The Muslim movements which the Western
media refer to as representative of a dangerous Islamic fundamentalism with militant overtones
is one example where a misunderstanding has resulted in widespread fear and prohibited
what could potentially be a useful partnership. It is not an exaggeration to say that upon hearing
the words ‘Muslim Brotherhood’, many otherwise educated Westerners tend to think only of a
terrorist organization, and it is not inconceivable to think that some Muslims may in fact look at
the World Council of Churches as yet another example of Western imperialism. The truth is that
although Islamic fundamentalism or perhaps more appropriately ‘revivalism’ does have its extremists,
a major focal point of some Muslim movements is an attempt to balance the scales of
social justice in much the same way that the Christians of the West–through the World Council of
Churches–are attempting to rectify situations of poverty, abuse of human rights and other social
issues. This is not to dismiss the violence inherent in some Islamic fundamentalist movements,
merely to show that the terrorist like activities of these movements are emphatically not the
movements’ main program of action, and are, for instance in the case of the Muslim Brotherhood,
more a reaction to events of the time that many organizations, including the Brotherhood,
responded to in a violent manner.

Kupanda katika Mashariki ya Kati: uharibifu wa kudumu kwa amani na demokrasia

Paolo Cotta

The rapid and dangerous escalation of war operations in the Middle East has resulted in a very significant loss of life among Lebanese, Palestinians and Israelis, and serious damage to civilian infrastructures. Major operations began with a low-level conflict around Gaza,that involved the launching of some missiles into Israel, some (more deadly) Israeli retaliation on Gaza, and the attack on an Israeli military post outside Gaza to which Israel reacted swiftly and very strongly. In the chain reaction that followed, admittedly Israel’ sintention was, and is, to inflict on the other side a far heavier punishment than that taken by Israel—which may appear as a militarily sound posture aimed at avoiding incidents andattacks, lakini, in fact, it is the civilian population that has been mainly affected. Matokeo,the suffering of the Lebanese and Palestinian civilian populations (in terms of deaths,wounded and destroyed infrastructures) has to date been largely disproportionate to that of Israel. When, in the case of Palestine, this discrimination already follows about 40 years of discrimination in the same direction, hostility and adversarial relations are bound toincrease. So while Israel’s heavy deterrence through punishment may work temporarily and occasionally in preventing or reducing attacks, the general sentiment of hostility in the region is increased, and creates in the long range a bigger obstacle to peace.

Upinzani wa Syria

Joshua Landis

Joe Pace


For decades, Marekani. policy toward Syria has been single-mindedly focused on Syria’s president, Hafiz al-Asad, from 1970 kwa 2000, followed by his son Bashar. Because they perceived the Syrian opposition to be too weak and anti-American, Marekani. officials preferred to work with the Asad regime. Washington thus had no relations with the Syrian opposition until its invasion of Iraq in 2003. hata hivyo, the Bush administration reached out only to Washington-based opponents of the Syrian regime. They were looking for a Syrian counterpart to Ahmad Chalabi, the pro-U.S. Iraqi opposition leader who helped build the case for invading Iraq.
Washington was not interested in engaging Islamists, whom it considered the only opposition with a demonstrated popular base in Syria. As for the secular opposition in Syria, Marekani. embassy officials in Damascus considered them to “have a weak back bench,” without a popular constituency or connection to Syrian youth.2 Moreover, contact between opposition members and embassy officials could be dangerous for opponents of the regime and leave them open to accusations of treason. For these reasons, the difficult terrain of opposition figures within Syria remained terra incognita.

Kutatua Shida ya Waislamu wa Amerika

Shadi Hamid

Marekani. juhudi za kukuza demokrasia katika Mashariki ya Kati zimezimwa kwa muda mrefu na "tanziko la Uislamu": kwa nadharia, tunataka demokrasia, lakini, kwa vitendo, wanahofia kuwa vyama vya Kiislamu vitakuwa wanufaika wakuu wa ufunguzi wowote wa kisiasa. Dhihirisho la kusikitisha zaidi la hili lilikuwa ni mjadala wa Algeria wa 1991 na 1992, wakati Marekani iliposimama kimya wakati jeshi lenye msimamo mkali wa kidini likifuta uchaguzi baada ya chama cha Kiislamu kushinda wingi wa wabunge.. Hivi karibuni zaidi, utawala wa Bush uliachana na "ajenda ya uhuru" baada ya Waislam kufanya vyema katika uchaguzi katika eneo lote., ikiwa ni pamoja na Misri, Saudi Arabia, na maeneo ya Palestina.
Lakini hata hofu yetu ya vyama vya Kiislamu - na matokeo ya kukataa kujihusisha navyo - yenyewe imekuwa haiendani., kuwa kweli kwa baadhi ya nchi lakini si nyingine. Kadiri nchi inavyoonekana kuwa muhimu kwa masilahi ya usalama wa kitaifa wa Amerika, Umoja wa Mataifa haukuwa tayari kukubali makundi ya Kiislamu kuwa na nafasi kubwa ya kisiasa huko. Hata hivyo, katika nchi zinazoonekana kuwa hazifai kimkakati, na ambapo chini iko hatarini, Merika mara kwa mara imechukua njia tofauti zaidi. Lakini ni pale ambapo zaidi ni hatarini kwamba kutambua jukumu la Waislam wasio na vurugu ni muhimu zaidi., na, hapa, Sera ya Marekani inaendelea kudorora.
Katika mkoa mzima, Marekani imeunga mkono kikamilifu tawala za kiimla na kutoa mwanga wa kijani kwa kampeni za ukandamizaji dhidi ya makundi kama vile Egypt Muslim Brotherhood., vuguvugu kongwe na lenye ushawishi mkubwa zaidi wa kisiasa katika eneo hilo. Mwezi Machi 2008, wakati wa kile wachunguzi wengi wanaona kuwa kipindi kibaya zaidi cha ukandamizaji dhidi ya Udugu tangu miaka ya 1960., Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje wa Marekani Condoleezza Rice aliondoa a $100 milioni iliyoidhinishwa na bunge kupunguza misaada ya kijeshi kwa Misri.

Ushauri wa Kimataifa wa Wasomi Waislamu juu ya Uislamu & Siasa

Stimson Center & Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Sera

This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, Misri, India,Indonesia, Kenya, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sudan na Sri Lanka zinazowakilisha wasomi,mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali na mizinga. Miongoni mwa waliohudhuria ni baadhi ya viongozi wa zamani wa serikali na mbunge mmoja aliyeketi. Washiriki pia walichaguliwa kujumuisha wigo wa itikadi za nje ya nchi, wakiwemo wa kidini na wa kidunia, kiutamaduni, wahafidhina wa kisiasa na kiuchumi, waliberali na wenye itikadi kali. Mandhari zifuatazo zilibainisha mjadala:1. Magharibi na Marekani (Bi)Kuelewa Kuna kutofaulu kwa Magharibi kwa nchi za Magharibi kuelewa anuwai tajiri ya mikondo ya kiakili na mikondo katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na katika fikra za Kiislamu.. Kinachoendelea katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu si upinzani rahisi dhidi ya Magharibi kwa msingi wa manung'uniko (ingawa kuna malalamiko), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)tabia ya mwingine na nia yake. Imechangia hisia ya mshikamano wa kiislamu usio na kifani tangu kumalizika kwa Ukhalifa baada ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Kidunia.. Pia imetoa kuzorota kwa sera ya Marekani, na kupungua kwa nguvu za Amerika, ushawishi na uaminifu. hatimaye, Upinzani wa pande mbili wa Marekani wa ugaidi na maslahi yake ya kitaifa umefanya ule wa zamani kuwa chombo cha rufaa kwa wale wenye nia ya kupinga nchi za Magharibi..

Mabadiliko ya Kisiasa katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu

Dina Shehata

Mwaka 2007 iliashiria mwisho wa muda mfupi wa ukombozi wa kisiasa katika ulimwengu wa Kiarabu ambao ulianza muda mfupi baada ya kukalia kwa mabavu Iraki na ambao ulitokana kimsingi na shinikizo za nje kwa serikali za Kiarabu kufanya mageuzi na demokrasia.. Shinikizo la nje wakati wa 2003-2006 kipindi hicho kilizua mwanya wa kisiasa ambao wanaharakati kote kanda waliutumia kushinikiza madai ya muda mrefu ya mageuzi ya kisiasa na kikatiba. Kukabiliwa na mchanganyiko wa shinikizo la nje na la ndani la kutaka mageuzi., Tawala za Kiarabu zililazimishwa kufanya baadhi ya makubaliano kwa wapinzani wao.Nchini Misri, kwa ombi la Rais, Bunge lilipitisha marekebisho ya katiba ili kuruhusu uchaguzi wa urais wenye ushindani wa moja kwa moja. Mnamo Septemba 2005, Misri ilishuhudia uchaguzi wake wa kwanza wenye ushindani kuwahi kutokea na kama ilivyotarajiwa Mubarak alichaguliwa kwa muhula wa tano kwa 87% ya kura.. Kwa kuongezea,wakati wa Novemba 2005 uchaguzi wa wabunge,ambazo zilikuwa huru kuliko chaguzi zilizopita, Muslim Brotherhood, vuguvugu kubwa zaidi la upinzani nchini Misri, alishinda 88 viti. Hii ilikuwa ni idadi kubwa zaidi ya viti vilivyoshinda na kundi la upinzani nchini Misri tangu 1952 mapinduzi.Vile vile, mwezi Januari 2006 Uchaguzi wa wabunge wa Palestina, Hamas ilishinda viti vingi.Hamas iliweza kuweka udhibiti wa Baraza la Wabunge wa Palestina ambalo lilikuwa linatawaliwa na Fatah tangu kuanzishwa kwa Mamlaka ya Ndani ya Palestina. 1996. Nchini Lebanon, kufuatia mauaji ya Rafiq Hariri tarehe 14 Februari2005, muungano wa vikosi vya kisiasa vinavyomuunga mkono Hariri uliweza kupitia uhamasishaji wa watu wengi na msaada kutoka nje kulazimisha wanajeshi wa Syria kuondoka Lebanon na serikali inayounga mkono Syria kujiuzulu.. Uchaguzi ulifanyika, na muungano wa Februari 14 uliweza kushinda wingi wa kura na kuunda serikali mpya.Nchini Morocco., Mfalme Mohamed VI alisimamia uanzishwaji wa kamati ya ukweli na maridhiano ambayo ilitaka kushughulikia malalamiko ya wale walionyanyaswa chini ya utawala wa baba yake.Nchi za Baraza la Ushirikiano la Ghuba. (GCC) pia chini ya ilichukua baadhi ya mageuzi muhimu wakati wa 2003-2006 kipindi. katika 2003 Qatar ilitangaza katiba iliyoandikwa kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia yake. Mnamo 2005, Saudi Arabia iliitisha uchaguzi wa manispaa kwa mara ya kwanza katika miongo mitano. Na katika 2006, Bahrain ilifanya uchaguzi wa bunge ambapo jumuiya ya Shiite ya AlWefaqwon 40% ya viti.. Baadaye, naibu waziri mkuu wa kwanza wa Kishia nchini Bahrain aliteuliwa.Matukio haya, ambayo ilikuja kujulikana kama ‘Arab Spring,' ilisababisha baadhi ya watu wenye matumaini kuamini kwamba ulimwengu wa Kiarabu ulikuwa ukingoni mwa mabadiliko ya kidemokrasia sawa na yale yaliyotokea Amerika ya Kusini na Mashariki na Ulaya ya Kati katika miaka ya 1980 na 1990.. Hata hivyo, ndani 2007, kama ukombozi wa kisiasa ulisababisha mgawanyiko mkubwa na ukandamizaji upya,matumaini haya yaliondolewa. Kushindwa kwa fursa za kufungua 2003-2006 kipindi cha kuunda msukumo endelevu kuelekea demokrasia kinaweza kutokana na mambo kadhaa. Kudorora kwa hali ya usalama nchini Iraq na kushindwa kwa Merika kuunda serikali thabiti na ya kidemokrasia kumepunguza uungaji mkono wa juhudi za kukuza demokrasia ndani ya utawala wa Amerika na kusisitiza maoni ya wale walioshikilia kuwa usalama na uthabiti lazima uje kabla ya demokrasia.. Kwa kuongezea, mafanikio ya uchaguzi ya Waislam nchini Misri na Palestina yalipunguza zaidi uungaji mkono wa nchi za Magharibi kwa juhudi za kukuza demokrasia katika eneo hilo kwani wakuu wa vuguvugu hili walionekana kuwa kinyume na maslahi ya Magharibi..

Changamoto kwa Demokrasia katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu na Kiislamu

Alon Ben-Meir

President Bush’s notions that democratizing Iraq will have a ripple effect on the rest ofthe Arab world, bringing prosperity and peace to the region, and that democracy is the panaceafor Islamic terrorism are unsubstantiated as well as grossly misleading. Even a cursory review of the Arab political landscape indicates that the rise of democracy will not automatically translateinto the establishment of enduring liberal democracies or undermine terrorism in the region. Thesame conclusion may be generally made for the Muslim political landscape. kwa kweli, given theopportunity to compete freely and fairly in elections, Islamic extremist organizations will mostlikely emerge triumphant. In the recent elections in Lebanon and Egypt, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood respectively, won substantial gains, and in Palestine Hamas won thenational Parliamentary elections handedly. That they did so is both a vivid example of the today’spolitical realities and an indicator of future trends. And if current sentiments in the Arab statesoffer a guide, any government formed by elected Islamist political parties will be more antagonistic to the West than the authoritarian regimes still in power. In addition, there are noindications that democracy is a prerequisite to defeating terrorism or any empirical data tosupport the claim of linkage between existing authoritarian regimes and terrorism.

Asasi za Kiraia na Demokrasia katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu

Saad Eddin Ibrahim
Even if Islam is the Answer, Arab Muslims are the Problem

In May 2008, the Arab nation experienced a number of fires, or rather, armed conflicts—ndani

Lebanon, Iraq, Palestina, Yemen, and Somalia. In these conflicts,

the warring parties used Islam as the instrument for mobilization

and amassing support. Collectively, Muslims are

waging war against Muslims.

After some Muslims raised the slogan of “Islam is the solution,”

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

became apparent “their Islam is the problem.” No sooner have some of them acquired weapons,

than they raised it against the state and its ruling regime regardless of

whether that regime was ruling in the name of Islam or not.

We have

seen this in recent years between the followers of Osama bin Laden

and the Al-Qaeda organization on the one hand, and the authorities in

the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, on the other. We have also seen an

explosive example of this phenomenon in Morocco, whose king rules in the name of Islam and

whose title is the ‘Prince of the Faithful.Thus each Muslim faction kills other Muslims in the

name of Islam.
A quick glance at the contents of the media confirms how the

term Islam and its associated symbols have become mere tools in the hands of these Muslims.

Prominent examples of these Islam-exploiting factions are:
Muslim Brotherhood, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and Jamiat al-Islamiyya, in Egypt

Hamas and the Islamic Jihad Movement, in Palestine Hezbollah, Fatah al-Islam,

and Jamiat al-Islammiyya, in Lebanon The Houthi Zayadi rebels and the Islamic Reform Grouping

(Islah), inYemen The Islamic courts, in Somalia The Islamic Front ,

Kulinganisha TATU MUSLIM brotherhoods: SYRIA, JORDAN, EGYPT

Barry Rubin

bendera wa mapinduzi ya Kiislamu katika Mashariki ya Kati leo ina kiasi kikubwa kupita kwa makundi kufadhiliwa na au inayotokana na Muslim Brotherhood. Makala hii yanaendelea uchunguzi utangulizi wa makundi matatu muhimu Muslim Brotherhood na kulinganisha siasa zao, interrelations, na mbinu. kila, bila shaka, ni ilichukuliwa na hali ya pekee landet.Europeiska bendera wa mapinduzi ya Kiislamu katika Mashariki ya Kati leo ina kiasi kikubwa kupita kwa makundi kufadhiliwa na au inayotokana na Muslim Brotherhood. Makala hii yanaendelea uchunguzi utangulizi wa makundi matatu muhimu Muslim Brotherhood na kulinganisha siasa zao, interrelations, na mbinu. kila, bila shaka, ni ilichukuliwa na hali ya pekee country.First, ni muhimu kuelewa sera Brotherhood kuelekea na mahusiano na makundi yote mawili ya jihadi (al-Qaida, mtandao Zarqawi, na wengine kama vile Hizb al-Tahrir na Hamas) na wananadharia (kama vile Abu Mus'ab al-Suri na Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi).Brotherhoods hawana mahusiano yanayoendelea na Hizb al-Tahrir-jambo ambalo huchukuliwa kuwa ndogo, cultish kundi ya kutokuwa na umuhimu. Mbali nchini Jordan, wamekuwa na mawasiliano kidogo na hayo katika all.Regarding al-Qaida-wote nadharia yake na ugaidi wake miundombinu-brotherhoods kupitisha ujumla wa militancy yake, mashambulizi ya Marekani, na itikadi (au kuheshimu kiitikadi yake), lakini wanaona kama mpinzani.