Maingizo zote "Syria" Kundi
UFAHAMU WA UISLAMU
Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.
Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.
Uislamu, WAISLAMU, NA KANUNI YA UCHAGUZI I N MASHARIKI YA KATI
James Piscatori
Uislamu wa Kisiasa na Sera ya Kigeni ya Ulaya
POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Since 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, Umoja wa Ulaya (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) kwamba kimsingi jitoe kwenye mazungumzo na ushiriki wa kina wote(sio vurugu) watendaji wa kisiasa na asasi za kiraia ndani ya nchi za Kiarabu. Walakini wachambuzi wengi na watunga sera sasa wanalalamika juu ya nyara fulani katika mjadala wa dhana na maendeleo ya sera. Imebainika kuwa Uislamu wa kisiasa ni mazingira yanayobadilika, hali zilizoathiriwa sana za anuwai, lakini mjadala mara nyingi unaonekana kukwama kwenye swali rahisi la 'ni Waislam kidemokrasia?’Wachambuzi wengi wa kujitegemea hata hivyo wametetea ushirikiana na Waislam, lakini uhusiano wa kweli kati ya serikali za Magharibi na mashirika ya Kiisilamu bado ni mdogo .
Ndugu Waislamu Wa wastani
Robert S. Leiken
Steven Brooke
Kuimarisha Mahusiano ya Amerika na Syria: Kutumia Magari ya Kidiplomasia ya Ancillary
Benjamin E. Nguvu,
Andrew Akhlaghi,
Steven Rotchtin
SERA NA MAELEZO YA Mazoezi
Kenneth Roth
Kutoka kwa Harakati za Waasi na Chama cha Siasa
Alastair Crooke
Maoni yaliyoshikiliwa na wengi huko Magharibi kwamba mabadiliko kutoka kwa harakati ya upinzani ya silaha kwenda kwa chama cha kisiasa inapaswa kuwa sawa, inapaswa kutanguliwa na kukataa vurugu, inapaswa kuwezeshwa na asasi za kiraia na kudhibitiwa na wanasiasa wenye wastani haina ukweli mdogo kwa kesi ya Harakati ya Upinzani wa Kiislamu (Hamas). Hii haimaanishi kwamba Hamas haikuwa chini ya mabadiliko ya kisiasa: ina. Lakini mabadiliko hayo yamepatikana licha ya juhudi za Magharibi na sio kuwezeshwa na juhudi hizo. Wakati unabaki harakati za kupinga, Hamas imekuwa serikali ya Mamlaka ya Palestina na imebadilisha mkao wake wa kijeshi. Lakini mabadiliko haya yamechukua njia tofauti na ile iliyoainishwa katika mifano ya jadi ya utatuzi wa migogoro. Hamas na vikundi vingine vya Kiislam vinaendelea kujiona kama harakati za kupinga, lakini wanazidi kuona matarajio kwamba mashirika yao yanaweza kubadilika kuwa mikondo ya kisiasa ambayo inazingatia upinzani usiokuwa na vurugu. Vielelezo vya kawaida vya utatuzi wa migogoro hutegemea sana uzoefu wa Magharibi katika utatuzi wa mizozo na mara nyingi hupuuza tofauti za njia katika historia ya Kiislam ya kuleta amani.. Haishangazi, njia ya Hamas kwa mazungumzo ya kisiasa ni tofauti kwa mtindo na ile ya Magharibi. Pia, kama harakati ya Kiislam ambayo inashirikiana na macho pana ya athari za Magharibi kwa jamii zao, Hamas ina mahitaji ya uhalali na uhalali katika eneo bunge lake ambayo inazingatia umuhimu unaohusishwa na kudumisha uwezo wa kijeshi. Sababu hizi, pamoja na athari kubwa ya mzozo wa muda mrefu kwenye saikolojia ya jamii (kipengele ambacho hupokea umakini mdogo katika modeli za Magharibi ambazo huweka uzito wa mapema kwenye uchambuzi wa kisiasa), inapendekeza kuwa mchakato wa mabadiliko kwa Hamas umekuwa tofauti sana na mabadiliko ya harakati za silaha katika uchambuzi wa jadi. In addition, mazingira magumu ya mzozo wa Israeli na Palestina huipa uzoefu wa Hamas sifa zake maalum.Hamas iko katikati ya mabadiliko muhimu, lakini mikondo ya kisiasa ndani ya Israeli, na ndani ya mkoa, fanya matokeo ya mabadiliko haya yasitabiriki. Mengi itategemea mwendo wa sera ya Magharibi ("Vita Vya Ulimwengu Juu ya Ugaidi") na jinsi sera hiyo inavyoathiri vikundi vya Waislamu wa uamsho kama Hamas, vikundi ambavyo vimejitolea kwa uchaguzi, mageuzi na utawala bora.
INQUIRY KATIKA FEAR WESTERN
Kupanda katika Mashariki ya Kati: uharibifu wa kudumu kwa amani na demokrasia
Paolo Cotta
The rapid and dangerous escalation of war operations in the Middle East has resulted in a very significant loss of life among Lebanese, Palestinians and Israelis, and serious damage to civilian infrastructures. Major operations began with a low-level conflict around Gaza,that involved the launching of some missiles into Israel, some (more deadly) Israeli retaliation on Gaza, and the attack on an Israeli military post outside Gaza to which Israel reacted swiftly and very strongly. In the chain reaction that followed, admittedly Israel’ sintention was, and is, to inflict on the other side a far heavier punishment than that taken by Israel—which may appear as a militarily sound posture aimed at avoiding incidents andattacks, lakini, in fact, it is the civilian population that has been mainly affected. Matokeo,the suffering of the Lebanese and Palestinian civilian populations (in terms of deaths,wounded and destroyed infrastructures) has to date been largely disproportionate to that of Israel. When, in the case of Palestine, this discrimination already follows about 40 years of discrimination in the same direction, hostility and adversarial relations are bound toincrease. So while Israel’s heavy deterrence through punishment may work temporarily and occasionally in preventing or reducing attacks, the general sentiment of hostility in the region is increased, and creates in the long range a bigger obstacle to peace.
Upinzani wa Syria
Joshua Landis
Joe Pace
Kutatua Shida ya Waislamu wa Amerika
Ushauri wa Kimataifa wa Wasomi Waislamu juu ya Uislamu & Siasa
Stimson Center & Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Sera
This two-day discussion brought together experts and scholars from Bangladesh, Misri, India,Indonesia, Kenya, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sudan na Sri Lanka zinazowakilisha wasomi,mashirika yasiyo ya kiserikali na mizinga. Miongoni mwa waliohudhuria ni baadhi ya viongozi wa zamani wa serikali na mbunge mmoja aliyeketi. Washiriki pia walichaguliwa kujumuisha wigo wa itikadi za nje ya nchi, wakiwemo wa kidini na wa kidunia, kiutamaduni, wahafidhina wa kisiasa na kiuchumi, waliberali na wenye itikadi kali. Mandhari zifuatazo zilibainisha mjadala:1. Magharibi na Marekani (Bi)Kuelewa Kuna kutofaulu kwa Magharibi kwa nchi za Magharibi kuelewa anuwai tajiri ya mikondo ya kiakili na mikondo katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na katika fikra za Kiislamu.. Kinachoendelea katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu si upinzani rahisi dhidi ya Magharibi kwa msingi wa manung'uniko (ingawa kuna malalamiko), but are newal of thought and culture and an aspiration to seek development and to modernize withoutlosing their identity. This takes diverse forms, and cannot be understood in simple terms. There is particular resentment towards Western attempts to define the parameters of legitimate Islamicdiscourse. There is a sense that Islam suffers from gross over generalization, from its champions asmuch as from its detractors. It is strongly urged that in order to understand the nature of the Muslim renaissance, the West should study all intellectual elements within Muslim societies, and not only professedly Islamic discourse.US policy in the aftermath of 9/11 has had several effects. It has led to a hardening andradicalization on both sides of the Western-Muslim encounter. It has led to mutual broad brush(mis)tabia ya mwingine na nia yake. Imechangia hisia ya mshikamano wa kiislamu usio na kifani tangu kumalizika kwa Ukhalifa baada ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Kidunia.. Pia imetoa kuzorota kwa sera ya Marekani, na kupungua kwa nguvu za Amerika, ushawishi na uaminifu. hatimaye, Upinzani wa pande mbili wa Marekani wa ugaidi na maslahi yake ya kitaifa umefanya ule wa zamani kuwa chombo cha rufaa kwa wale wenye nia ya kupinga nchi za Magharibi..
Mabadiliko ya Kisiasa katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu
Dina Shehata
Mwaka 2007 iliashiria mwisho wa muda mfupi wa ukombozi wa kisiasa katika ulimwengu wa Kiarabu ambao ulianza muda mfupi baada ya kukalia kwa mabavu Iraki na ambao ulitokana kimsingi na shinikizo za nje kwa serikali za Kiarabu kufanya mageuzi na demokrasia.. Shinikizo la nje wakati wa 2003-2006 kipindi hicho kilizua mwanya wa kisiasa ambao wanaharakati kote kanda waliutumia kushinikiza madai ya muda mrefu ya mageuzi ya kisiasa na kikatiba. Kukabiliwa na mchanganyiko wa shinikizo la nje na la ndani la kutaka mageuzi., Tawala za Kiarabu zililazimishwa kufanya baadhi ya makubaliano kwa wapinzani wao.Nchini Misri, kwa ombi la Rais, Bunge lilipitisha marekebisho ya katiba ili kuruhusu uchaguzi wa urais wenye ushindani wa moja kwa moja. Mnamo Septemba 2005, Misri ilishuhudia uchaguzi wake wa kwanza wenye ushindani kuwahi kutokea na kama ilivyotarajiwa Mubarak alichaguliwa kwa muhula wa tano kwa 87% ya kura.. Kwa kuongezea,wakati wa Novemba 2005 uchaguzi wa wabunge,ambazo zilikuwa huru kuliko chaguzi zilizopita, Muslim Brotherhood, vuguvugu kubwa zaidi la upinzani nchini Misri, alishinda 88 viti. Hii ilikuwa ni idadi kubwa zaidi ya viti vilivyoshinda na kundi la upinzani nchini Misri tangu 1952 mapinduzi.Vile vile, mwezi Januari 2006 Uchaguzi wa wabunge wa Palestina, Hamas ilishinda viti vingi.Hamas iliweza kuweka udhibiti wa Baraza la Wabunge wa Palestina ambalo lilikuwa linatawaliwa na Fatah tangu kuanzishwa kwa Mamlaka ya Ndani ya Palestina. 1996. Nchini Lebanon, kufuatia mauaji ya Rafiq Hariri tarehe 14 Februari2005, muungano wa vikosi vya kisiasa vinavyomuunga mkono Hariri uliweza kupitia uhamasishaji wa watu wengi na msaada kutoka nje kulazimisha wanajeshi wa Syria kuondoka Lebanon na serikali inayounga mkono Syria kujiuzulu.. Uchaguzi ulifanyika, na muungano wa Februari 14 uliweza kushinda wingi wa kura na kuunda serikali mpya.Nchini Morocco., Mfalme Mohamed VI alisimamia uanzishwaji wa kamati ya ukweli na maridhiano ambayo ilitaka kushughulikia malalamiko ya wale walionyanyaswa chini ya utawala wa baba yake.Nchi za Baraza la Ushirikiano la Ghuba. (GCC) pia chini ya ilichukua baadhi ya mageuzi muhimu wakati wa 2003-2006 kipindi. katika 2003 Qatar ilitangaza katiba iliyoandikwa kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia yake. Mnamo 2005, Saudi Arabia iliitisha uchaguzi wa manispaa kwa mara ya kwanza katika miongo mitano. Na katika 2006, Bahrain ilifanya uchaguzi wa bunge ambapo jumuiya ya Shiite ya AlWefaqwon 40% ya viti.. Baadaye, naibu waziri mkuu wa kwanza wa Kishia nchini Bahrain aliteuliwa.Matukio haya, ambayo ilikuja kujulikana kama ‘Arab Spring,' ilisababisha baadhi ya watu wenye matumaini kuamini kwamba ulimwengu wa Kiarabu ulikuwa ukingoni mwa mabadiliko ya kidemokrasia sawa na yale yaliyotokea Amerika ya Kusini na Mashariki na Ulaya ya Kati katika miaka ya 1980 na 1990.. Hata hivyo, ndani 2007, kama ukombozi wa kisiasa ulisababisha mgawanyiko mkubwa na ukandamizaji upya,matumaini haya yaliondolewa. Kushindwa kwa fursa za kufungua 2003-2006 kipindi cha kuunda msukumo endelevu kuelekea demokrasia kinaweza kutokana na mambo kadhaa. Kudorora kwa hali ya usalama nchini Iraq na kushindwa kwa Merika kuunda serikali thabiti na ya kidemokrasia kumepunguza uungaji mkono wa juhudi za kukuza demokrasia ndani ya utawala wa Amerika na kusisitiza maoni ya wale walioshikilia kuwa usalama na uthabiti lazima uje kabla ya demokrasia.. Kwa kuongezea, mafanikio ya uchaguzi ya Waislam nchini Misri na Palestina yalipunguza zaidi uungaji mkono wa nchi za Magharibi kwa juhudi za kukuza demokrasia katika eneo hilo kwani wakuu wa vuguvugu hili walionekana kuwa kinyume na maslahi ya Magharibi..
Changamoto kwa Demokrasia katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu na Kiislamu
Alon Ben-Meir
President Bush’s notions that democratizing Iraq will have a ripple effect on the rest ofthe Arab world, bringing prosperity and peace to the region, and that democracy is the panaceafor Islamic terrorism are unsubstantiated as well as grossly misleading. Even a cursory review of the Arab political landscape indicates that the rise of democracy will not automatically translateinto the establishment of enduring liberal democracies or undermine terrorism in the region. Thesame conclusion may be generally made for the Muslim political landscape. kwa kweli, given theopportunity to compete freely and fairly in elections, Islamic extremist organizations will mostlikely emerge triumphant. In the recent elections in Lebanon and Egypt, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood respectively, won substantial gains, and in Palestine Hamas won thenational Parliamentary elections handedly. That they did so is both a vivid example of the today’spolitical realities and an indicator of future trends. And if current sentiments in the Arab statesoffer a guide, any government formed by elected Islamist political parties will be more antagonistic to the West than the authoritarian regimes still in power. In addition, there are noindications that democracy is a prerequisite to defeating terrorism or any empirical data tosupport the claim of linkage between existing authoritarian regimes and terrorism.
Asasi za Kiraia na Demokrasia katika Ulimwengu wa Kiarabu
Kulinganisha TATU MUSLIM brotherhoods: SYRIA, JORDAN, EGYPT
Barry Rubin
bendera wa mapinduzi ya Kiislamu katika Mashariki ya Kati leo ina kiasi kikubwa kupita kwa makundi kufadhiliwa na au inayotokana na Muslim Brotherhood. Makala hii yanaendelea uchunguzi utangulizi wa makundi matatu muhimu Muslim Brotherhood na kulinganisha siasa zao, interrelations, na mbinu. kila, bila shaka, ni ilichukuliwa na hali ya pekee landet.Europeiska bendera wa mapinduzi ya Kiislamu katika Mashariki ya Kati leo ina kiasi kikubwa kupita kwa makundi kufadhiliwa na au inayotokana na Muslim Brotherhood. Makala hii yanaendelea uchunguzi utangulizi wa makundi matatu muhimu Muslim Brotherhood na kulinganisha siasa zao, interrelations, na mbinu. kila, bila shaka, ni ilichukuliwa na hali ya pekee country.First, ni muhimu kuelewa sera Brotherhood kuelekea na mahusiano na makundi yote mawili ya jihadi (al-Qaida, mtandao Zarqawi, na wengine kama vile Hizb al-Tahrir na Hamas) na wananadharia (kama vile Abu Mus'ab al-Suri na Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi).Brotherhoods hawana mahusiano yanayoendelea na Hizb al-Tahrir-jambo ambalo huchukuliwa kuwa ndogo, cultish kundi ya kutokuwa na umuhimu. Mbali nchini Jordan, wamekuwa na mawasiliano kidogo na hayo katika all.Regarding al-Qaida-wote nadharia yake na ugaidi wake miundombinu-brotherhoods kupitisha ujumla wa militancy yake, mashambulizi ya Marekani, na itikadi (au kuheshimu kiitikadi yake), lakini wanaona kama mpinzani.