RSSMaingizo zote "Syria" Kundi

Arab Kesho

Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'

Oktoba 6, 1981, Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan' 1973 Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan',Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.,moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., na hisia yangu ya wajibu wa uandishi wa habari ilinisukuma kwenda kujua kama Sadat alikuwa hai au amekufa.

Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika

Arab Insight

Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?

khalil al-anani

"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.

Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI:

Msingi wa Cordoba

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


Licha ya kuwa mjadala wa kudumu na tata, Arches Kila mara huchunguza tena kutoka kwa misingi ya kitheolojia na ya vitendo, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, wengine hubaki na matumaini kidogo juu ya mabadiliko ya itikadi na njia katika uwanja wa kimataifa. Wakati mvutano na uaminifu mwingi kati ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na USA unaweza kuhusishwa na njia ya kukuza demokrasia, kawaida hupendelea udikteta na serikali za vibaraka ambazo hulipa huduma ya mdomo kwa maadili ya kidemokrasia na haki za binadamu, tetemeko la ardhi la 9/11 kweli imesisitiza mashaka zaidi kupitia msimamo wa Amerika juu ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Imeunda ukuta wa uzembe kama unavyopatikana na worldpublicopinion.org, kulingana na ambayo 67% Wamisri wanaamini kwamba ulimwenguni Amerika inacheza jukumu "hasi hasi".
Jibu la Amerika limekuwa sawa. Kwa kumchagua Obama, wengi kote ulimwenguni wanaweka matumaini yao kwa kuendeleza vita kidogo, lakini sera nzuri za kigeni kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili, ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?
Kwa kuongezea, inaweza kuwa muhimu kuwa broker mwaminifu katika maeneo ya muda mrefu ya confts icts? Kuorodhesha utaalam na ufahamu wa profauti
c wasomi, wasomi, waandishi wa habari wenye uzoefu na wanasiasa, Arches Kila mwaka huonyesha uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia na jukumu la Amerika - na vile vile mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na Obama, katika kutafuta msingi wa pamoja. Anas Altikriti, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Taasisi ya Th e Cordoba hutoa kamari ya ufunguzi wa mjadala huu, ambapo anaelezea matumaini na changamoto ambazo zinategemea njia ya Obama. Kufuatia Altikriti, mshauri wa zamani wa Rais Nixon, Dr Robert Crane ameondoa uchambuzi kamili wa kanuni ya Kiislam ya haki ya uhuru. Anwar Ibrahim, Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa zamani wa Malaysia, huimarisha majadiliano na ukweli wa vitendo wa kutekeleza demokrasia katika jamii kubwa za Waislamu, yaani, nchini Indonesia na Malaysia.
Pia tuna Dr Shireen Hunter, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Georgetown, Marekani, ambaye anachunguza nchi za Kiislamu ambazo ziko nyuma katika demokrasia na kisasa. Hii inakamilishwa na mwandishi wa ugaidi, Maelezo ya Dk Nafeez Ahmed juu ya mzozo wa baada ya usasa na
kufa kwa demokrasia. Dk Daud Abdullah (Mkurugenzi wa Mashariki ya Kati Media Monitor), Alan Hart (aliyekuwa mwandishi wa ITN na BBC Panorama; mwandishi wa Uzayuni: Adui wa Kweli wa Wayahudi) na Asem Sondos (Mhariri wa Sawt Al Omma ya kila wiki ya Misri) zingatia Obama na jukumu lake dhidi ya demokrasia-kukuza katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, pamoja na uhusiano wa Marekani na Israel na Muslim Brotherhood.
Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje atangaza, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed anakisia juu ya mustakabali wa Uislamu na Demokrasia; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– mwanachama wa Sinn Féin ambaye alivumilia miaka minne gerezani kwa shughuli za Republican na mpiganiaji wa Guildford 4 na Birmingham 6, anafikiria juu ya safari yake ya hivi karibuni huko Gaza ambapo alishuhudia athari za ukatili na udhalimu uliopatikana dhidi ya Wapalestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Mkurugenzi wa Kituo cha Utafiti wa Ukadiriaji na Unyanyasaji wa Kisiasa wa kisasa anajadili changamoto za kutafiti kwa kina ugaidi wa kisiasa; Dk Khalid al-Mubarak, mwandishi na mwandishi wa michezo, inazungumzia matarajio ya amani katika Darfur; na mwandishi wa habari na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu Ashur Shamis anaangalia vibaya demokrasia na siasa za Waislamu leo.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

amani Marekani Hamas sera vitalu Mashariki ya Kati

Henry Siegman


Imeshindwa mazungumzo baina ya nchi zaidi ya hizi siku za nyuma 16 Miaka umeonyesha kuwa Mashariki ya Kati amani wa haiwezi kufikiwa na vyama vya wenyewe. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions. Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed. Israel’s government believes that the US Congress will not permit an American president to issue such parameters and demand their acceptance. What hope there is for the bilateral talks that resume in Washington DC on September 2 depends entirely on President Obama proving that belief to be wrong, and on whether the “bridging proposals” he has promised, should the talks reach an impasse, are a euphemism for the submission of American parameters. Such a US initiative must offer Israel iron-clad assurances for its security within its pre-1967 borders, but at the same time must make it clear these assurances are not available if Israel insists on denying Palestinians a viable and sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza. This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded. If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Kwa bahati mbaya, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.”
But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it.

Uislamu na UTAWALA WA SHERIA

Birgit Krawietz
Helmut Reifeld

In our modern Western society, state-organised legal sys-tems normally draw a distinctive line that separates religion and the law. Conversely, kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.), kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. 57 kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (1) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., (2) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (3) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa..

Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu

Daniel E. Bei

Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana thamani za jamii za Magharibi, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huathiri matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa katika nchi za Kiislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na viongozi wa serikali mara nyingi wanasema kuwa '' fundamentalism Kiislamu '' kama ya kiitikadi tishio kwa demokrasia huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea hasa uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni hoja yangu kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine, inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Masomo maalum na ya kuelezea ya nchi hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itatusaidia kuelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa katika nchi zote za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu.. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa
uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu, demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, mkazo mkubwa sana umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Kwanza mimi hutumia tafiti za kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila, na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti wa ushawishi wa Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane. Ninasema kuwa nguvu nyingi
kuhusishwa na Uislamu kama nguvu ya kuendesha sera na mifumo ya kisiasa katika mataifa ya Waislamu inaweza kuelezewa vizuri na mambo yaliyotajwa hapo awali. Mimi pia kupata, kinyume na imani ya kawaida, kwamba nguvu inayoongezeka ya vikundi vya siasa vya Kiisilamu mara nyingi imekuwa ikihusishwa na ujumlishaji wa kawaida wa mifumo ya kisiasa.
Nimeunda faharisi ya utamaduni wa kisiasa wa Kiislamu, kulingana na kiwango ambacho sheria ya Kiislamu inatumika na ikiwa na, ikiwa ni hivyo, vipi,Mawazo ya Magharibi, taasisi, na teknolojia zinatekelezwa, kujaribu asili ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na demokrasia na Uislamu na haki za binadamu. Kiashiria hiki kinatumika katika uchambuzi wa takwimu, ambayo inajumuisha sampuli ya nchi ishirini na tatu zenye Waislamu wengi na kikundi cha kudhibiti cha nchi ishirini na tatu zisizo za Kiislamu zinazoendelea. Mbali na kulinganisha
Mataifa ya Kiislamu kwa mataifa yasiyo ya Kiislamu yanayoendelea, uchambuzi wa takwimu unaniruhusu kudhibiti ushawishi wa anuwai zingine ambazo zimepatikana kuathiri viwango vya demokrasia na ulinzi wa haki za mtu binafsi. Matokeo yake yanapaswa kuwa picha halisi na sahihi ya ushawishi wa Uislamu juu ya siasa na sera.

Utawala wa changamoto, Ukoloni, na Disunity: Siasa ya Kiislamu ya Kurekebisha Harakati ya Afghani al-na Rida

Ahmed Ali Salem

The decline of the Muslim world preceded European colonization of most

Muslim lands in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first
quarter of the twentieth century. Hasa, the Ottoman Empire’s
power and world status had been deteriorating since the seventeenth century.
But, more important for Muslim scholars, it had ceased to meet

some basic requirements of its position as the caliphate, the supreme and
sovereign political entity to which all Muslims should be loyal.
Kwa hiyo, some of the empire’s Muslim scholars and intellectuals called
for political reform even before the European encroachment upon
Muslim lands. The reforms that they envisaged were not only Islamic, lakini
also Ottomanic – from within the Ottoman framework.

These reformers perceived the decline of the Muslim world in general,

and of the Ottoman Empire in particular, to be the result of an increasing

disregard for implementing the Shari`ah (Islamic law). Hata hivyo, since the

late eighteenth century, an increasing number of reformers, sometimes supported

by the Ottoman sultans, began to call for reforming the empire along

modern European lines. The empire’s failure to defend its lands and to

respond successfully to the West’s challenges only further fueled this call

for “modernizing” reform, which reached its peak in the Tanzimat movement

in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Other Muslim reformers called for a middle course. On the one hand,

they admitted that the caliphate should be modeled according to the Islamic

sources of guidance, especially the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s

teachings (Sunnah), and that the ummah’s (the world Muslim community)

unity is one of Islam’s political pillars. On the other hand, they realized the

need to rejuvenate the empire or replace it with a more viable one. Kwa kweli,

their creative ideas on future models included, but were not limited to, the

following: replacing the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire with an Arab-led

caliphate, building a federal or confederate Muslim caliphate, establishing

a commonwealth of Muslim or oriental nations, and strengthening solidarity

and cooperation among independent Muslim countries without creating

a fixed structure. These and similar ideas were later referred to as the

Muslim league model, which was an umbrella thesis for the various proposals

related to the future caliphate.

Two advocates of such reform were Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and

Muhammad `Abduh, both of whom played key roles in the modern

Islamic political reform movement.1 Their response to the dual challenge

facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization

and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to

revive the ummah by observing the Islamic revelation and benefiting

from Europe’s achievements. Hata hivyo, they disagreed on certain aspects

na mbinu, as well as the immediate goals and strategies, of reform.

While al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political reform,

`Abduh, once one of his close disciples, developed his own ideas, ambayo

emphasized education and undermined politics.




Misri kwenye Kituo cha Tipping ?

David B. Ottaway
In the early 1980s, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 kwa 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, umeme na petroli vilikuwa vinatumia theluthi moja ($7 umeme na petroli vilikuwa vinatumia theluthi moja) umeme na petroli vilikuwa vinatumia theluthi moja. umeme na petroli vilikuwa vinatumia theluthi moja, umeme na petroli vilikuwa vinatumia theluthi moja.

Visiwa vya Waislamu

Max L. Jumla

This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.

Demokrasia katika Mawazo ya Kisiasa ya Kiislamu

Azzam S. Tamimi

Democracy has preoccupied Arab political thinkers since the dawn of the modern Arab renaissance about two centuries ago. Since then, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, the father of Egyptian democracy according to Lewis Awad,[3] who shortly after his return to Cairo from Paris published his first book, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, ndani 1834. The book summarized his observations of the manners and customs of the modern French,[4] and praised the concept of democracy as he saw it in France and as he witnessed its defence and reassertion through the 1830 Revolution against King Charles X.[5] Tahtawi tried to show that the democratic concept he was explaining to his readers was compatible with the law of Islam. Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu:
Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu . . . Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu. Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu: Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu[6] Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu (1810- 99), Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, ndani 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.

Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu

Daniel E. Bei

Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana na

maadili ya jamii za Magharibi, na inaathiri sana matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa

katika mataifa ya Waislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na serikali

maafisa mara nyingi huelekeza kwa '' misingi ya Kiislam '' kama inayofuata

tishio la kiitikadi kwa demokrasia za huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea kimsingi

juu ya uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda

ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni ubishi wangu

kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine,

inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Nchi

masomo maalum na ya kuelezea hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itasaidia

tunaelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa kote

nchi za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa

uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu,

demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, hiyo sana

mkazo umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Mimi kwanza

tumia masomo ya kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano

kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila,

na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti katika ushawishi wa

Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane.

Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu

Daniel E. Bei

Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana na

maadili ya jamii za Magharibi, na inaathiri sana matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa
katika mataifa ya Waislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na serikali
maafisa mara nyingi huelekeza kwa '' misingi ya Kiislam '' kama inayofuata
tishio la kiitikadi kwa demokrasia za huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea kimsingi
juu ya uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda
ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni ubishi wangu
kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine,
inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Nchi
masomo maalum na ya kuelezea hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itasaidia
tunaelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa kote
nchi za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa
uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu,
demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, hiyo sana
mkazo umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Mimi kwanza
tumia masomo ya kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano
kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila,

na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti katika ushawishi wa

Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane.

Vyama vya Upinzani vya Kiisilamu na Uwezo wa Ushirikiano wa EU

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na.

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

haki za binadamu, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Another perspective is that democratisation in the Muslim world would increase

European security. The validity of these and other arguments over whether and how the

EU should engage can only be tested by studying the different Islamist movements and

their political circumstances, country by country.

Democratisation is a central theme of the EU’s common foreign policy actions, as laid

out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union. Many of the states considered in this

report are not democratic, or not fully democratic. In most of these countries, Islamist

parties and movements constitute a significant opposition to the prevailing regimes, na

in some they form the largest opposition bloc. European democracies have long had to

deal with governing regimes that are authoritarian, but it is a new phenomenon to press

for democratic reform in states where the most likely beneficiaries might have, from the

EU’s point of view, different and sometimes problematic approaches to democracy and its

related values, such as minority and women’s rights and the rule of law. These charges are

often laid against Islamist movements, so it is important for European policy-makers to

have an accurate picture of the policies and philosophies of potential partners.

Experiences from different countries tends to suggest that the more freedom Islamist

parties are allowed, the more moderate they are in their actions and ideas. In many

cases Islamist parties and groups have long since shifted away from their original aim

of establishing an Islamic state governed by Islamic law, and have come to accept basic

democratic principles of electoral competition for power, the existence of other political

competitors, and political pluralism.

Uislamu wa kisiasa katika Mashariki ya Kati

Ni Knudsen

Ripoti hii hutoa utangulizi wa mambo yaliyochaguliwa ya jambo hilo kawaida

inaitwa "Uislamu wa kisiasa". Ripoti hiyo inatoa msisitizo maalum kwa Mashariki ya Kati, ndani

hasa nchi za Levantine, na inaelezea mambo mawili ya harakati ya Kiislam ambayo inaweza

kuzingatiwa kinyume cha polar: demokrasia na vurugu za kisiasa. Katika sehemu ya tatu ripoti hiyo

hupitia baadhi ya nadharia kuu zinazotumiwa kuelezea ufufuo wa Kiislam katika Mashariki ya Kati

(Kielelezo 1). Katika barua, ripoti hiyo inaonyesha kuwa Uislamu hauhitaji kupingana na demokrasia na

kwamba kuna tabia ya kupuuza ukweli kwamba nchi nyingi za Mashariki ya Kati zimekuwa

kushiriki katika ukandamizaji wa kikatili wa harakati za Kiislam, kuwasababisha, wengine wanasema, kuchukua

silaha dhidi ya serikali, na zaidi mara chache, Nchi za kigeni. Matumizi ya vurugu za kisiasa ni

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Vikundi vya Kiislamu vinavyojulikana kwa matumizi ya ghasia vimegeuzwa kuwa siasa za amani

vyama vilivyoshiriki vyema katika chaguzi za manispaa na kitaifa. Hata hivyo, muislamu

uamsho katika Mashariki ya Kati bado haujaelezewa kwa sehemu licha ya nadharia kadhaa zinazotaka

akaunti kwa ukuaji wake na rufaa maarufu. Kwa ujumla, nadharia nyingi zinashikilia kuwa Uislamu ni a

mmenyuko kwa kunyimwa jamaa, hasa ukosefu wa usawa wa kijamii na ukandamizaji wa kisiasa. Mbadala

Nadharia zinatafuta jibu la uamsho wa Uislamu ndani ya mipaka ya dini yenyewe na

yenye nguvu, uwezo wa kusisimua wa ishara za kidini.

Hitimisho linapingana na kupendelea kusonga zaidi ya njia ya "kiza na maangamizi".

inaonyesha Uislamu kama usemi usio halali wa kisiasa na tishio linalowezekana kwa Magharibi (“Mzee

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

MIKAKATI kwa kujihusisha KISIASA UISLAMU

SHADI HAMID

Amanda KADLEC

Political Islam is the single most active political force in the Middle East today. Its future is intimately tied to that of the region. If the United States and the European Union are committed to supporting political reform in the region, they will need to devise concrete, coherent strategies for engaging Islamist groups. Yet, the U.S. has generally been unwilling to open a dialogue with these movements. vile vile, EU engagement with Islamists has been the exception, not the rule. Where low-level contacts exist, they mainly serve information-gathering purposes, not strategic objectives. The U.S. and EU have a number of programs that address economic and political development in the region – among them the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the Union for the Mediterranean, and the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) - lakini hawana la kusema kuhusu jinsi changamoto ya upinzani wa kisiasa wa Kiislamu inavyoingia katika malengo mapana ya kikanda. Marekani. na usaidizi na upangaji wa demokrasia ya Umoja wa Ulaya unaelekezwa karibu kabisa kwa serikali za kimabavu zenyewe au mashirika ya kiraia yasiyo ya kidini yenye usaidizi mdogo katika jamii zao..
Wakati umewadia wa kutathmini upya sera za sasa. Tangu mashambulizi ya kigaidi ya Septemba 11, 2001, kuunga mkono demokrasia ya Mashariki ya Kati kumechukua umuhimu mkubwa kwa watunga sera wa Magharibi, ambao wanaona uhusiano kati ya ukosefu wa demokrasia na vurugu za kisiasa. Umakini mkubwa umetolewa katika kuelewa tofauti ndani ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Utawala mpya wa Marekani uko wazi zaidi katika kupanua mawasiliano na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Wakati huo huo, the vast majority of mainstream Islamist organizations – including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Jordan’s Islamic Action Front (IAF), Morocco’s Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Islamic Constitutional Movement of Kuwait, and the Yemeni Islah Party – have increasingly made support for political reform and democracy a central component in their political platforms. In addition, many have signaled strong interest in opening dialogue with U.S. and EU governments.
The future of relations between Western nations and the Middle East may be largely determined by the degree to which the former engage nonviolent Islamist parties in a broad dialogue about shared interests and objectives. There has been a recent proliferation of studies on engagement with Islamists, but few clearly address what it might entail in practice. As Zoé Nautré, visiting fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations, puts it, “the EU is thinking about engagement but doesn’t really know how.”1 In the hope of clarifying the discussion, we distinguish between three levels of “engagement,” each with varying means and ends: low-level contacts, strategic dialogue, and partnership.

MIENENDO Kiislam na mchakato wa kidemokrasia KATIKA ARAB WORLD: Kuchunguza Kanda Gray

Nathan J. Kahawia, Amr Hamzawy,

Marina Ottaway

Katika muongo uliopita, Islamist movements have established themselves as major political players in the Middle East. Together with the governments, Harakati ya Kiislam, wastani pamoja na radical, will determine how the politics of the region unfold in the foreseeable future. Th ey have shown the ability not only to craft messages with widespread popular appeal but also, na muhimu zaidi, to create organizations with genuine social bases and develop coherent political strategies. Other parties,
by and large, have failed on all accounts.
Th e public in the West and, in particular, the United States, has only become aware of the importance of Islamist movements after dramatic events, such as the revolution in Iran and the assassination of President Anwar al-Sadat in Egypt. Attention has been far more sustained since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Matokeo, Islamist movements are widely regarded as dangerous and hostile. While such a characterization is accurate regarding organizations at the radical end of the Islamist spectrum, which are dangerous because of their willingness to resort to indiscriminate violence in pursuing their goals, it is not an accurate characterization of the many groups that have renounced or avoided violence. Because terrorist organizations pose an immediate
threat, hata hivyo, watunga sera katika nchi zote wametilia maanani sana mashirika yenye vurugu.
Ni tawala mashirika Kiislam, si wale radical, ambayo itakuwa na athari kubwa zaidi katika mageuzi ya baadaye ya kisiasa ya Mashariki ya Kati. Malengo makuu ya wana itikadi kali ya kusimamisha tena ukhalifa unaounganisha ulimwengu wote wa Kiarabu., au hata kuziwekea nchi moja moja za Kiarabu sheria na desturi za kijamii zinazochochewa na tafsiri ya kimsingi ya Uislamu ziko mbali sana na ukweli wa leo kuweza kufikiwa.. Hii haimaanishi kwamba makundi ya kigaidi si hatari—yanaweza kusababisha hasara kubwa ya maisha hata katika kutafuta malengo yasiyowezekana—lakini kwamba hayana uwezekano wa kubadilisha sura ya Mashariki ya Kati.. Mashirika makubwa ya Kiislamu kwa ujumla ni mambo tofauti. Tayari imekuwa na athari kubwa kwa desturi za kijamii katika nchi nyingi, kusimamisha na kugeuza mielekeo ya kisekula na kubadilisha jinsi Waarabu wengi wanavyovaa na kuenenda. Na lengo lao la haraka la kisiasa, kuwa nguvu kubwa kwa kushiriki katika siasa za kawaida za nchi yao, si jambo lisilowezekana. Tayari inatambulika katika nchi kama vile Moroko, Jordan, na hata Misri, ambayo bado inapiga marufuku mashirika yote ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu lakini sasa ina Ndugu themanini na nane wa Kiislamu Bungeni. Siasa, si vurugu, ndicho kinachowapa Waislam wa kawaida athari zao.