Semua Entries dalam "Suriah" Kategori
The Besok Arab
DAVID B. OTTAWAY
Oktober 6, 1981, dimaksudkan untuk menjadi hari perayaan di Mesir. Ini menandai peringatan momen kemenangan terbesar Mesir dalam tiga konflik Arab-Israel, ketika tentara yang diunggulkan negara itu melintasi Terusan Suez pada hari-hari pembukaan 1973 Perang Yom Kippur dan mengirim pasukan Israel mundur. keren, pagi tak berawan, stadion Kairo penuh sesak dengan keluarga Mesir yang datang untuk melihat militer menopang perangkat kerasnya. Di stan peninjauan, Presiden Anwar el-Sadat,arsitek perang, menyaksikan dengan puas saat pria dan mesin berparade di hadapannya. Saya berada di dekatnya, koresponden asing yang baru tiba. Tiba-tiba, salah satu truk tentara berhenti tepat di depan tribun peninjauan tepat ketika enam jet Mirage menderu di atas dalam pertunjukan akrobatik, melukis langit dengan jejak merah panjang, kuning, ungu,dan asap hijau. Sadat berdiri, tampaknya bersiap untuk saling memberi hormat dengan satu lagi kontingen pasukan Mesir. Dia menjadikan dirinya target sempurna bagi empat pembunuh Islam yang melompat dari truk, menyerbu podium, dan membanjiri tubuhnya dengan peluru. Saat para pembunuh melanjutkan untuk apa yang tampak selamanya untuk menyemprot stand dengan api mematikan mereka, Saya mempertimbangkan sejenak apakah akan jatuh ke tanah dan berisiko diinjak-injak sampai mati oleh penonton yang panik atau tetap berjalan dan berisiko terkena peluru nyasar.. Naluri menyuruhku untuk tetap berdiri, dan rasa kewajiban jurnalistik saya mendorong saya untuk mencari tahu apakah Sadat masih hidup atau sudah mati.
| September 26, 2010 | Komentar 0
Islam, Politik Islam dan Amerika
Arab Insight
Apakah "Persaudaraan" dengan Amerika Mungkin??
khalil al-anani
"Tidak ada kesempatan untuk berkomunikasi dengan AS. administrasi selama Amerika Serikat mempertahankan pandangannya lama Islam sebagai bahaya nyata, pandangan yang menempatkan Amerika Serikat di kapal yang sama dengan musuh Zionis. Kami tidak memiliki gagasan yang terbentuk sebelumnya tentang orang-orang Amerika atau AS. masyarakat dan organisasi sipil serta lembaga pemikirnya. Kami tidak memiliki masalah berkomunikasi dengan orang-orang Amerika tetapi tidak ada upaya yang memadai untuk mendekatkan kami,” kata Dr. Issam al-Iryan, kepala departemen politik Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam sebuah wawancara telepon.
Kata-kata Al-Iryan merangkum pandangan Ikhwanul Muslimin tentang rakyat Amerika dan AS. pemerintah. Anggota Ikhwanul Muslimin lainnya akan setuju, seperti mendiang Hassan al-Banna, yang mendirikan grup di 1928. Al- Banna memandang Barat sebagian besar sebagai simbol kerusakan moral. Salafi lain – sebuah aliran pemikiran Islam yang mengandalkan nenek moyang sebagai model teladan – telah mengambil pandangan yang sama tentang Amerika Serikat., tetapi tidak memiliki fleksibilitas ideologis yang dianut oleh Ikhwanul Muslimin. Sementara Ikhwanul Muslimin percaya untuk melibatkan Amerika dalam dialog sipil, kelompok ekstremis lain tidak melihat gunanya dialog dan mempertahankan bahwa kekuatan adalah satu-satunya cara untuk berurusan dengan Amerika Serikat.
| September 15, 2010 | Komentar 0
ISLAM, DEMOKRASI & THE USA:
Yayasan Cordoba
Abdullah Faliq
pengantar ,
Terlepas dari itu menjadi perdebatan abadi dan kompleks, Arches Quarterly memeriksa kembali dari dasar teologis dan praktis, perdebatan penting tentang hubungan dan kompatibilitas antara Islam dan Demokrasi, seperti yang digemakan dalam agenda harapan dan perubahan Barack Obama. Sementara banyak yang merayakan naiknya Obama ke Oval Office sebagai katarsis nasional untuk AS, yang lain tetap kurang optimis terhadap perubahan ideologi dan pendekatan di arena internasional. Sementara sebagian besar ketegangan dan ketidakpercayaan antara dunia Muslim dan AS dapat dikaitkan dengan pendekatan mempromosikan demokrasi, biasanya mendukung kediktatoran dan rezim boneka yang memberikan lip service pada nilai-nilai demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia, gempa susulan 9/11 telah benar-benar memperkuat keraguan lebih jauh melalui posisi Amerika tentang Islam politik. Itu telah menciptakan dinding negatif seperti yang ditemukan oleh worldpublicopinion.org, yg mana 67% orang Mesir percaya bahwa secara global Amerika memainkan peran "terutama negatif".
Tanggapan Amerika dengan demikian telah tepat. Dengan memilih Obama, banyak di seluruh dunia menggantungkan harapan mereka untuk mengembangkan perang yang tidak terlalu agresif, tetapi kebijakan luar negeri yang lebih adil terhadap dunia Muslim. Ujian bagi Obama, saat kita berdiskusi, adalah bagaimana Amerika dan sekutunya mempromosikan demokrasi. Apakah itu memfasilitasi atau memaksakan?
Lagi pula, dapatkah itu menjadi broker yang jujur di zona konflik yang berkepanjangan?? Mendaftar keahlian dan wawasan produktif
c ulama, akademisi, jurnalis dan politisi kawakan, Arches Quarterly mengungkap hubungan antara Islam dan Demokrasi dan peran Amerika – serta perubahan yang dibawa oleh Obama, dalam mencari kesamaan. Anas Altikriti, CEO Yayasan Th e Cordoba memberikan langkah awal untuk diskusi ini, di mana dia merefleksikan harapan dan tantangan yang ada di jalan Obama. Mengikuti Altikriti, mantan penasihat Presiden Nixon, Dr Robert Crane menawarkan analisis menyeluruh tentang prinsip Islam tentang hak atas kebebasan. Anwar Ibrahim, mantan Wakil Perdana Menteri Malaysia, memperkaya diskusi dengan realitas praktis penerapan demokrasi di masyarakat yang mayoritas Muslim, yaitu, di Indonesia dan Malaysia.
Kami juga memiliki Dr Shireen Hunter, dari Universitas Georgetown, AS, yang mengeksplorasi negara-negara Muslim yang tertinggal dalam demokratisasi dan modernisasi. Hal ini dilengkapi oleh penulis terorisme, Penjelasan Dr Nafeez Ahmed tentang krisis postmodernitas dan
matinya demokrasi. dr. daud abdullah (Direktur Pemantau Media Timur Tengah), Alan Hart (mantan koresponden ITN dan BBC Panorama; penulis Zionisme: Musuh Sejati Orang Yahudi) dan Asem Sondos (Editor mingguan Sawt Al Omma Mesir) berkonsentrasi pada Obama dan perannya dalam mempromosikan demokrasi di dunia Muslim, serta hubungan AS dengan Israel dan Ikhwanul Muslimin.
Menteri Luar Negeri, Maladewa, Ahmed Shaheed berspekulasi tentang masa depan Islam dan Demokrasi; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– seorang anggota Sinn Féin yang menjalani empat tahun penjara karena kegiatan Republik Irlandia dan juru kampanye untuk Guildford 4 dan Birmingham 6, merefleksikan perjalanannya baru-baru ini ke Gaza di mana dia menyaksikan dampak kebrutalan dan ketidakadilan yang dijatuhkan terhadap warga Palestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Direktur Pusat Kajian Radikalisasi dan Kekerasan Politik Kontemporer membahas tantangan mengkaji secara kritis teror politik; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, penulis dan dramawan, membahas prospek perdamaian di Darfur; dan akhirnya jurnalis dan aktivis hak asasi manusia Ashur Shamis melihat secara kritis demokratisasi dan politisasi umat Islam saat ini.
Kami berharap semua ini menjadi bacaan yang komprehensif dan sumber refleksi tentang isu-isu yang mempengaruhi kita semua dalam fajar harapan baru..
Terima kasih
| September 07, 2010 | Komentar 0
US Hamas kebijakan blok perdamaian Timur Tengah
Henry Siegman
pembicaraan bilateral gagal selama masa lalu ini 16 tahun telah menunjukkan bahwa perdamaian kesepakatan Timur Tengah tidak pernah dapat dicapai oleh para pihak sendiri. Pemerintah Israel percaya bahwa mereka dapat menentang kecaman internasional atas proyek kolonial ilegal mereka di Tepi Barat karena mereka dapat mengandalkan AS untuk menentang sanksi internasional. Pembicaraan bilateral yang tidak dibingkai oleh parameter yang dirumuskan AS (berdasarkan resolusi Dewan Keamanan, kesepakatan Oslo, Inisiatif Perdamaian Arab, “peta jalan” dan perjanjian Israel-Palestina sebelumnya) tidak bisa berhasil. Pemerintah Israel percaya bahwa Kongres AS tidak akan mengizinkan seorang presiden Amerika untuk mengeluarkan parameter seperti itu dan menuntut penerimaan mereka. Apa harapan untuk pembicaraan bilateral yang dilanjutkan di Washington DC pada bulan September? 2 sepenuhnya bergantung pada Presiden Obama yang membuktikan bahwa kepercayaan itu salah, dan apakah "proposal menjembatani" yang dia janjikan, haruskah pembicaraan mencapai jalan buntu, adalah eufemisme untuk penyerahan parameter Amerika. Inisiatif AS semacam itu harus menawarkan jaminan berlapis besi kepada Israel untuk keamanannya di dalam perbatasan pra-1967, tetapi pada saat yang sama harus memperjelas bahwa jaminan ini tidak tersedia jika Israel bersikeras menyangkal Palestina sebagai negara yang layak dan berdaulat di Tepi Barat dan Gaza.. Makalah ini berfokus pada hambatan utama lainnya untuk perjanjian status permanen: tidak adanya lawan bicara Palestina yang efektif. Mengatasi keluhan sah Hamas – dan seperti yang dicatat dalam laporan CENTCOM baru-baru ini, Hamas memiliki keluhan yang sah – dapat mengarah pada pengembaliannya ke pemerintahan koalisi Palestina yang akan memberi Israel mitra perdamaian yang kredibel. Jika penjangkauan itu gagal karena penolakan Hamas, kemampuan organisasi untuk mencegah kesepakatan wajar yang dinegosiasikan oleh partai politik Palestina lainnya akan sangat terhambat. Jika pemerintahan Obama tidak akan memimpin inisiatif internasional untuk menentukan parameter kesepakatan Israel-Palestina dan secara aktif mempromosikan rekonsiliasi politik Palestina, Eropa harus melakukannya, dan berharap Amerika akan mengikuti. Sayangnya, tidak ada peluru perak yang dapat menjamin tujuan “dua negara yang hidup berdampingan dalam damai dan keamanan.”
Tapi jalan Presiden Obama saat ini benar-benar menghalanginya.
| September 07, 2010 | Komentar 0
ISLAM DAN ATURAN HUKUM
Birgit Krawietz
Helmut Reifeld
In our modern Western society, state-organised legal sys-tems normally draw a distinctive line that separates religion and the law. Conversely, there are a number of Islamic re-gional societies where religion and the laws are as closely interlinked and intertwined today as they were before the onset of the modern age. Pada waktu bersamaan, the proportion in which religious law (shariah in Arabic) and public law (qanun) are blended varies from one country to the next. What is more, the status of Islam and consequently that of Islamic law differs as well. According to information provided by the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC), there are currently 57 Islamic states worldwide, defined as countries in which Islam is the religion of (1) the state, (2) the majority of the population, atau (3) a large minority. All this affects the development and the form of Islamic law.
| September 06, 2010 | Komentar 0
Budaya Politik Islam, Demokrasi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia
Daniel E. Harga
Telah berpendapat bahwa Islam memfasilitasi otoriterisme, bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai masyarakat Barat, dan signifikan mempengaruhi hasil politik penting di negara-negara Muslim. Karenanya, sarjana, komentator, dan pejabat pemerintah sering menunjuk ke''''fundamentalisme Islam sebagai ancaman ideologis di samping demokrasi liberal. This view, Namun, is based primarily on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions, can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the countries of the Muslim world. Karenanya, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam, demokrasi, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages, and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of Islam on politics across eight nations. I argue that much of the power
attributed to Islam as the driving force behind policies and political systems in Muslim nations can be better explained by the previously mentioned factors. I also find, contrary to common belief, that the increasing strength of Islamic political groups has often been associated with modest pluralization of political systems.
I have constructed an index of Islamic political culture, based on the extent to which Islamic law is utilized and whether and, jika begitu, how,Western ideas, institutions, and technologies are implemented, to test the nature of the relationship between Islam and democracy and Islam and human rights. This indicator is used in statistical analysis, which includes a sample of twenty-three predominantly Muslim countries and a control group of twenty-three non-Muslim developing nations. In addition to comparing
Islamic nations to non-Islamic developing nations, statistical analysis allows me to control for the influence of other variables that have been found to affect levels of democracy and the protection of individual rights. The result should be a more realistic and accurate picture of the influence of Islam on politics and policies.
| September 06, 2010 | Komentar 0
Menantang Otoritarianisme, Kolonialisme, dan Perpecahan: Gerakan Reformasi Politik Islam al-Afghani dan Ridha
Ahmed Ali Salem
The decline of the Muslim world preceded European colonization of most
Muslim lands in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first
quarter of the twentieth century. Khususnya, the Ottoman Empire’s
power and world status had been deteriorating since the seventeenth century.
But, more important for Muslim scholars, it had ceased to meet
some basic requirements of its position as the caliphate, the supreme and
sovereign political entity to which all Muslims should be loyal.
Oleh karena itu, some of the empire’s Muslim scholars and intellectuals called
for political reform even before the European encroachment upon
Muslim lands. The reforms that they envisaged were not only Islamic, tapi
also Ottomanic – from within the Ottoman framework.
These reformers perceived the decline of the Muslim world in general,
and of the Ottoman Empire in particular, to be the result of an increasing
disregard for implementing the Shari`ah (Hukum Islam). Namun, since the
late eighteenth century, an increasing number of reformers, sometimes supported
by the Ottoman sultans, began to call for reforming the empire along
modern European lines. The empire’s failure to defend its lands and to
respond successfully to the West’s challenges only further fueled this call
for “modernizing” reform, which reached its peak in the Tanzimat movement
in the second half of the nineteenth century.
Other Muslim reformers called for a middle course. Di satu sisi,
they admitted that the caliphate should be modeled according to the Islamic
sources of guidance, especially the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s
teachings (Sunnah), and that the ummah’s (the world Muslim community)
unity is one of Islam’s political pillars. Di sisi lain, they realized the
need to rejuvenate the empire or replace it with a more viable one. Memang,
their creative ideas on future models included, but were not limited to, yang
following: replacing the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire with an Arab-led
caliphate, building a federal or confederate Muslim caliphate, establishing
a commonwealth of Muslim or oriental nations, and strengthening solidarity
and cooperation among independent Muslim countries without creating
a fixed structure. These and similar ideas were later referred to as the
Muslim league model, which was an umbrella thesis for the various proposals
related to the future caliphate.
Two advocates of such reform were Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and
Muhammad `Abduh, both of whom played key roles in the modern
Islamic political reform movement.1 Their response to the dual challenge
facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization
and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to
revive the ummah by observing the Islamic revelation and benefiting
from Europe’s achievements. Namun, they disagreed on certain aspects
dan metode, as well as the immediate goals and strategies, of reform.
While al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political reform,
`Abduh, once one of his close disciples, developed his own ideas, yang
emphasized education and undermined politics.
| September 02, 2010 | Komentar 0
Mesir di Tipping Point ?
David B. Ottaway
Pada awal 1980-an, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 untuk 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, electricity and gasoline were consuming one-third ($7 billion) of its budget. Cairo had sunk into a hopeless morass of gridlocked traffic and teeming humanity—12 million people squeezed into a narrow band of land bordering the Nile River, most living cheek by jowl in ramshackle tenements in the city’s ever-expanding slums.
| September 02, 2010 | Komentar 0
A Kepulauan Muslim
Max L. Kotor
This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.
| Agustus 27, 2010 | Komentar 0
Demokrasi dalam Pemikiran Politik Islam
Azzam S. Tamimi
Democracy has preoccupied Arab political thinkers since the dawn of the modern Arab renaissance about two centuries ago. Since then, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, bapak demokrasi Mesir menurut Lewis Awad,[3] yang tak lama setelah kembali ke Kairo dari Paris menerbitkan buku pertamanya, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, di 1834. Buku itu merangkum pengamatannya tentang tata krama dan kebiasaan orang Prancis modern,[4] dan memuji konsep demokrasi seperti yang dia lihat di Prancis dan saat dia menyaksikan pembelaan dan penegasannya melalui 1830 Revolusi melawan Raja Charles X.[5] Tahtawi mencoba menunjukkan bahwa konsep demokrasi yang ia jelaskan kepada para pembacanya sesuai dengan hukum Islam. Ia membandingkan pluralisme politik dengan bentuk-bentuk pluralisme ideologis dan yurisprudensi yang ada dalam pengalaman Islam:
Kebebasan beragama adalah kebebasan berkeyakinan, pendapat dan sekte, asalkan tidak bertentangan dengan asas-asas agama . . . The same would apply to the freedom of political practice and opinion by leading administrators, who endeavour to interpret and apply rules and provisions in accordance with the laws of their own countries. Kings and ministers are licensed in the realm of politics to pursue various routes that in the end serve one purpose: good administration and justice.[6] One important landmark in this regard was the contribution of Khairuddin At-Tunisi (1810- 99), leader of the 19th-century reform movement in Tunisia, siapa, di 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.
| Agustus 27, 2010 | Komentar 0
Budaya Politik Islam, Demokrasi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia
Daniel E. Harga
Telah berpendapat bahwa Islam memfasilitasi otoriterisme, contradicts the
values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes
in Muslim nations. Karenanya, sarjana, komentator, and government
officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next
ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, Namun, is based primarily
on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies
of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention
that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,
can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country
specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help
us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the
countries of the Muslim world. Karenanya, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,
demokrasi, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much
emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first
use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay
between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,
and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of
Islam on politics across eight nations.
| Agustus 24, 2010 | Komentar 0
Budaya Politik Islam, Demokrasi, dan Hak Asasi Manusia
Daniel E. Harga
Telah berpendapat bahwa Islam memfasilitasi otoriterisme, contradicts the
values of Western societies, and significantly affects important political outcomes
in Muslim nations. Karenanya, sarjana, komentator, and government
officials frequently point to ‘‘Islamic fundamentalism’’ as the next
ideological threat to liberal democracies. This view, Namun, is based primarily
on the analysis of texts, Islamic political theory, and ad hoc studies
of individual countries, which do not consider other factors. It is my contention
that the texts and traditions of Islam, like those of other religions,
can be used to support a variety of political systems and policies. Country
specific and descriptive studies do not help us to find patterns that will help
us explain the varying relationships between Islam and politics across the
countries of the Muslim world. Karenanya, a new approach to the study of the
connection between Islam and politics is called for.
I suggest, through rigorous evaluation of the relationship between Islam,
demokrasi, and human rights at the cross-national level, that too much
emphasis is being placed on the power of Islam as a political force. I first
use comparative case studies, which focus on factors relating to the interplay
between Islamic groups and regimes, economic influences, ethnic cleavages,
and societal development, to explain the variance in the influence of
Islam on politics across eight nations.
| Agustus 22, 2010 | Komentar 0
Pihak Oposisi Islam dan Potensi Engagement Uni Eropa
Toby Archer
Heidi Huuhtanen
In light of the increasing importance of Islamist movements in the Muslim world and
the way that radicalisation has influenced global events since the turn of the century, dia
is important for the EU to evaluate its policies towards actors within what can be loosely
termed the ‘Islamic world’. It is particularly important to ask whether and how to engage
with the various Islamist groups.
This remains controversial even within the EU. Some feel that the Islamic values that
lie behind Islamist parties are simply incompatible with western ideals of democracy and
hak asasi manusia, while others see engagement as a realistic necessity due to the growing
domestic importance of Islamist parties and their increasing involvement in international
affairs. Another perspective is that democratisation in the Muslim world would increase
European security. The validity of these and other arguments over whether and how the
EU should engage can only be tested by studying the different Islamist movements and
their political circumstances, country by country.
Democratisation is a central theme of the EU’s common foreign policy actions, as laid
out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union. Many of the states considered in this
report are not democratic, or not fully democratic. In most of these countries, Islamis
parties and movements constitute a significant opposition to the prevailing regimes, dan
in some they form the largest opposition bloc. European democracies have long had to
deal with governing regimes that are authoritarian, but it is a new phenomenon to press
for democratic reform in states where the most likely beneficiaries might have, from the
EU’s point of view, different and sometimes problematic approaches to democracy and its
related values, such as minority and women’s rights and the rule of law. These charges are
often laid against Islamist movements, so it is important for European policy-makers to
have an accurate picture of the policies and philosophies of potential partners.
Experiences from different countries tends to suggest that the more freedom Islamist
parties are allowed, the more moderate they are in their actions and ideas. In many
cases Islamist parties and groups have long since shifted away from their original aim
of establishing an Islamic state governed by Islamic law, and have come to accept basic
democratic principles of electoral competition for power, the existence of other political
competitors, and political pluralism.
| Agustus 21, 2010 | Komentar 0
Politik Islam di Timur Tengah
Apakah Knudsen
This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly
referred to as “political Islam”. Laporan ini memberikan penekanan khusus untuk Timur Tengah, di
particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may
be considered polar opposites: demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. In the third section the report
reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East
(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and
that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been
engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up
arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is
widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even
Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political
parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Namun, the Islamist
revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to
account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a
reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative
theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the
powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.
The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that
portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old
Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist
movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This
importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded
along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their
adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on
understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only
of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.
| Agustus 20, 2010 | Komentar 0
STRATEGI UNTUK MELAKUKAN POLITIK ISLAM
Shadi HAMID
AMANDA KADLEC
Politik Islam adalah kekuatan politik yang paling aktif di Timur Tengah hari ini. masa depan adalah terkait erat dengan daerah. Jika Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa berkomitmen untuk mendukung reformasi politik di daerah, mereka akan perlu untuk merancang beton, koheren strategi untuk melibatkan kelompok-kelompok Islam. Belum, Amerika Serikat. secara umum telah bersedia untuk membuka dialog dengan gerakan-gerakan ini. Demikian pula, keterlibatan Uni Eropa dengan Islam telah pengecualian, tidak aturan. Dimana tingkat rendah ada kontak, mereka terutama melayani tujuan pengumpulan-informasi, tidak strategis tujuan. Amerika Serikat. dan Uni Eropa memiliki sejumlah program yang menangani pembangunan ekonomi dan politik di wilayah ini - di antara mereka di Timur Tengah Inisiatif Kemitraan (MEPI), Millennium Challenge Corporation (PKS), Uni untuk Mediterania, dan Kebijakan Lingkungan Eropa (EPP) - Namun mereka memiliki sedikit untuk mengatakan tentang bagaimana tantangan oposisi Islam politik pas dengan tujuan regional yang lebih luas. AS. dan Uni Eropa demokrasi bantuan dan program diarahkan hampir seluruhnya baik pemerintah otoriter sendiri atau kelompok-kelompok masyarakat sipil sekuler dengan dukungan minimal dalam masyarakat mereka sendiri.
Waktu yang matang untuk penilaian ulang kebijakan saat ini. Sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001, mendukung demokrasi di Timur Tengah telah mengambil kepentingan yang lebih besar bagi para pembuat kebijakan Barat, yang melihat hubungan antara kurangnya demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. Perhatian yang lebih besar telah dikhususkan untuk memahami variasi dalam Islam politik. Pemerintah Amerika baru yang lebih terbuka untuk memperluas komunikasi dengan dunia Muslim. Sementara itu, sebagian besar organisasi Islam mainstream - termasuk Ikhwanul Muslimin di Mesir, Yordania Front Aksi Islam (IAF), Maroko Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (PJD), Gerakan Konstitusi Islam Kuwait, dan Yaman Islah Partai - telah semakin membuat dukungan bagi reformasi politik dan demokrasi komponen utama dalam platform politik mereka. Selain, banyak telah mengisyaratkan minat yang kuat dalam membuka dialog dengan AS. dan pemerintah Uni Eropa.
Masa depan hubungan antara negara-negara Barat dan Timur Tengah mungkin sebagian besar ditentukan oleh sejauh mana yang pertama melibatkan partai-partai Islam anti kekerasan dalam dialog yang luas tentang kepentingan bersama dan tujuan. Telah ada proliferasi baru-baru ini studi tentang keterlibatan dengan Islamis, tetapi sedikit alamat jelas apa yang mungkin memerlukan dalam praktek. Sebagai Nautré Zoe, mengunjungi rekan-rekan di Dewan Hubungan Luar Negeri Jerman, dikatakan, "Uni Eropa berpikir tentang keterlibatan tetapi tidak benar-benar tahu bagaimana." 1 Dalam harapan mengklarifikasi diskusi, kita membedakan antara tiga tingkat "keterlibatan,"Masing-masing dengan cara yang bervariasi dan berakhir: tingkat rendah kontak, dialog strategis, dan kemitraan.
| Agustus 19, 2010 | Komentar 0
Islam GERAKAN DAN PROSES DEMOKRATIS DI DUNIA ARAB: Menjelajahi Zona Gray
Nathan J. Cokelat, Amr Hamzawy,
Marina Ottaway
Selama dekade terakhir, gerakan Islam telah menetapkan diri sebagai pemain politik utama di Timur Tengah. Bersama dengan pemerintah, Gerakan Islamis, moderat serta radikal, akan menentukan bagaimana politik daerah terungkap di masa mendatang. Mereka telah menunjukkan kemampuan tidak hanya untuk membuat pesan dengan daya tarik populer yang tersebar luas tetapi juga, dan yang paling penting, untuk menciptakan organisasi dengan basis sosial asli dan mengembangkan strategi politik yang koheren. Pihak lain,
umumnya, gagal di semua akun.
Publik di Barat dan, khususnya, Amerika Serikat, baru menyadari pentingnya gerakan Islam setelah peristiwa dramatis, seperti revolusi di Iran dan pembunuhan Presiden Anwar al-Sadat di Mesir. Perhatian telah jauh lebih dipertahankan sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001. Hasil dari, Gerakan Islam secara luas dianggap berbahaya dan bermusuhan. Sementara karakterisasi seperti itu akurat mengenai organisasi di ujung radikal spektrum Islam, yang berbahaya karena kesediaan mereka untuk menggunakan kekerasan tanpa pandang bulu dalam mengejar tujuan mereka, it is not an accurate characterization of the many groups that have renounced or avoided violence. Because terrorist organizations pose an immediate
threat, Namun, policy makers in all countries have paid disproportionate attention to the violent organizations.
It is the mainstream Islamist organizations, not the radical ones, that will have the greatest impact on the future political evolution of the Middle East. Th e radicals’ grandiose goals of re-establishing a caliphate uniting the entire Arab world, or even of imposing on individual Arab countries laws and social customs inspired by a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam are simply too far removed from today’s reality to be realized. Th is does not mean that terrorist groups are not dangerous—they could cause great loss of life even in the pursuit of impossible goals—but that they are unlikely to change the face of the Middle East. Mainstream Islamist organizations are generally a diff erent matter. Th ey already have had a powerful impact on social customs in many countries, halting and reversing secularist trends and changing the way many Arabs dress and behave. And their immediate political goal, to become a powerful force by participating in the normal politics of their country, is not an impossible one. It is already being realized in countries such as Morocco, Jordan, and even Egypt, which still bans all Islamist political organizations but now has eighty-eight Muslim Brothers in the Parliament. Politik, not violence, is what gives mainstream Islamists their infl uence.
| Agustus 18, 2010 | Komentar 0
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