Maingizo zote "Palestina" Kundi
Arab Kesho
Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'
Oktoba 6, 1981, Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan' 1973 Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan',Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.,moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., na hisia yangu ya wajibu wa uandishi wa habari ilinisukuma kwenda kujua kama Sadat alikuwa hai au amekufa.
| Septemba 26, 2010 | Maoni 0
Ufeministi KATI secularism na Uislam: Kesi ya PALESTINE
Dk, Islah Jad
Uchaguzi wa wabunge uliofanyika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza nchini 2006 kuliingiza madarakani vuguvugu la Kiislamu la Hamas, ambayo iliendelea kuunda wengi wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina na pia serikali ya kwanza yenye wingi wa Hamas. Uchaguzi huu ulisababisha kuteuliwa kwa waziri wa kwanza mwanamke wa Hamas, ambaye alikua Waziri wa Masuala ya Wanawake. Kati ya Machi 2006 na Juni 2007, mawaziri wawili tofauti wa kike wa Hamas walichukua wadhifa huu, lakini wote wawili walipata ugumu wa kuisimamia Wizara kwa vile wengi wa watumishi wake hawakuwa wanachama wa Hamas bali walikuwa wa vyama vingine vya siasa, na wengi walikuwa wanachama wa Fatah, harakati kubwa inayodhibiti taasisi nyingi za Mamlaka ya Palestina. Kipindi cha mvutano kati ya wanawake wa Hamas katika Wizara ya Masuala ya Wanawake na wanachama wa kike wa Fatah kilifikia kikomo kufuatia Hamas kuchukua mamlaka katika Ukanda wa Gaza na matokeo yake kuanguka kwa serikali yake katika Ukingo wa Magharibi - mapambano. ambayo wakati mwingine ilichukua zamu ya vurugu. Sababu moja iliyotajwa baadaye kuelezea mapambano haya ilikuwa tofauti kati ya mazungumzo ya kidunia ya ufeministi na mazungumzo ya Kiislamu juu ya maswala ya wanawake.. Katika muktadha wa Palestina kutokubaliana huku kulichukua sura ya hatari kwani ilitumika kuhalalisha kuendeleza mapambano ya kisiasa ya umwagaji damu., kuondolewa kwa wanawake wa Hamas kwenye nyadhifa au nyadhifa zao, na migawanyiko ya kisiasa na kijiografia iliyokuwepo wakati huo katika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza unaokaliwa kwa mabavu..
Mapambano haya yanazua maswali kadhaa muhimu: tuiadhibu vuguvugu la Kiislamu ambalo limeingia madarakani, au tuzingatie sababu zilizopelekea Fateh kushindwa katika medani ya kisiasa? Je, ufeministi unaweza kutoa mfumo wa kina kwa wanawake, bila kujali misimamo yao ya kijamii na kiitikadi? Je, mazungumzo ya msingi wa pamoja kwa wanawake yanaweza kuwasaidia kutambua na kukubaliana juu ya malengo yao ya pamoja? Je! Ubaba upo tu katika itikadi ya Kiislamu, na si katika utaifa na uzalendo? Tunamaanisha nini kwa ufeministi? Je, kuna ufeministi mmoja tu, au ufeministi kadhaa? Tunamaanisha nini kwa Uislamu – ni vuguvugu linalojulikana kwa jina hili au dini, falsafa, au mfumo wa kisheria? Tunahitaji kwenda chini ya masuala haya na kuyazingatia kwa makini, na lazima tukubaliane nao ili baadaye tuamue, kama watetezi wa haki za wanawake, ikiwa ukosoaji wetu wa ubaba uelekezwe kwenye dini (imani), ambayo yanapaswa kufungiwa ndani ya moyo wa muumini na kutoruhusiwa kutawala ulimwengu kwa ujumla, au sheria, ambayo inahusiana na madhehebu mbalimbali ya imani ambayo yanaeleza mfumo wa kisheria uliomo ndani ya Quran na maneno ya Mtume – Sunnah.
| Septemba 19, 2010 | Maoni 0
Kiislamu WANAWAKE harakati katika ulichukua PALESTINE
Mahojiano na Khaled Amayreh
Mahojiano na Sameera Al-Halayka
Sameera Al-Halayka ni mjumbe aliyechaguliwa wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina. Alikuwa
alizaliwa katika kijiji cha Shoyoukh karibu na Hebroni 1964. Ana BA katika Sharia (Islamic
Jurisprudence) kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Hebron. Alifanya kazi kama mwandishi wa habari kutoka 1996 kwa 2006 lini
aliingia katika Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina kama mjumbe aliyechaguliwa 2006 uchaguzi.
Ameolewa na ana watoto saba.
Q: Kuna hisia ya jumla katika baadhi ya nchi za magharibi ambayo wanawake hupokea
matibabu duni ndani ya vikundi vya upinzani vya Kiislamu, kama vile Hamas. Je, hii ni kweli?
Jinsi gani wanaharakati wanawake wanachukuliwa katika Hamas?
Haki na wajibu wa wanawake wa Kiislamu hutoka kwanza kabisa kutoka kwa Sharia au sheria ya Kiislamu.
Sio vitendo vya hiari au hisani au ishara tunazopokea kutoka kwa Hamas au mtu yeyote
mwingine. Hivyo, kuhusu ushiriki wa kisiasa na uanaharakati, wanawake kwa ujumla
haki na wajibu sawa na wanaume. Baada ya yote, wanawake wanatengeneza angalau 50 asilimia ya
jamii. Kwa maana fulani, wao ni jamii nzima kwa sababu wanazaa, na kuinua,
kizazi kipya.
Kwa hiyo, Ninaweza kusema kwamba hadhi ya wanawake ndani ya Hamas inalingana naye kikamilifu
hadhi katika Uislamu wenyewe. Hii ina maana kwamba yeye ni mshirika kamili katika ngazi zote. Kwa kweli, ingekuwa
dhulma na dhuluma kwa Muislamu (au Muislamu ukipenda) mwanamke kuwa mshirika katika mateso
huku akiwa ametengwa katika mchakato wa kufanya maamuzi. Hii ndiyo sababu jukumu la mwanamke katika
Hamas daima imekuwa waanzilishi.
Q: Je, unahisi kuwa kuibuka kwa harakati za kisiasa za wanawake ndani ya Hamas ni
maendeleo ya asili ambayo yanapatana na dhana za Kiislamu za kitambo
kuhusu hadhi na nafasi ya mwanamke, au ni jibu la lazima tu
shinikizo za usasa na mahitaji ya hatua za kisiasa na kuendelea
Uvamizi wa Israeli?
Hakuna maandishi katika sheria za Kiislamu wala katika hati ya Hamas ambayo inawazuia wanawake kutoka
ushiriki wa kisiasa. Naamini kinyume chake ni kweli — kuna aya nyingi za Quran
na maneno ya Mtume Muhammad (s.a.w.w.) ya kuwataka wanawake kujishughulisha na siasa na umma
masuala yanayowahusu Waislamu. Lakini pia ni kweli kwamba kwa wanawake, kama ilivyo kwa wanaume, harakati za kisiasa
si lazima bali ni hiari, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huamuliwa kwa kuzingatia uwezo wa kila mwanamke,
sifa na hali ya mtu binafsi. Hakuna kidogo, kuonyesha kujali umma
mambo ni wajibu kwa kila Mwislamu mwanamume na mwanamke. Mtume
Muhammad alisema: "Yeyote asiyejali mambo ya Waislamu sio Muislamu."
Kwa kuongezea, Wanawake wa Kiislam wa Palestina wanapaswa kuzingatia mambo yote ya msingi
akaunti wakati wa kuamua kujiunga na siasa au kujihusisha na harakati za kisiasa.
| Septemba 19, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika
Arab Insight
Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?
khalil al-anani
"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.
| Septemba 15, 2010 | Maoni 0
MIZIZI ya mbaya
IBRAHIM KALIN
In the aftermath of September 11, the long and checkered relationship between Islam and the West entered a new phase. The attacks were interpreted as the fulfillment of a prophecy that had been in the consciousness of the West for a long time, i.e., the coming of Islam as a menacing power with a clear intent to destroy Western civilization. Representations of Islam as a violent, wapiganaji, and oppressive religious ideology extended from television programs and state offices to schools and the internet. It was even suggested that Makka, the holiest city of Islam, be “nuked” to give a lasting lesson to all Muslims. Although one can look at the widespread sense of anger, hostility, and revenge as a normal human reaction to the abominable loss of innocent lives, the demonization of Muslims is the result of deeper philosophical and historical issues.
In many subtle ways, the long history of Islam and the West, from the theological polemics of Baghdad in the eighth and ninth centuries to the experience of convivencia in Andalusia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, informs the current perceptions and qualms of each civilization vis-à-vis the other. This paper will examine some of the salient features of this history and argue that the monolithic representations of Islam, created and sustained by a highly complex set of image-producers, think-tanks, wasomi, lobbyists, policy makers, and media, dominating the present Western conscience, have their roots in the West’s long history with the Islamic world. It will also be argued that the deep-rooted misgivings about Islam and Muslims have led and continue to lead to fundamentally flawed and erroneous policy decisions that have a direct impact on the current relations of Islam and the West. The almost unequivocal identification of Islam with terrorism and extremism in the minds of many Americans after September 11 is an outcome generated by both historical misperceptions, which will be analyzed in some detail below, and the political agenda of certain interest groups that see confrontation as the only way to deal with the Islamic world. It is hoped that the following analysis will provide a historical context in which we can make sense of these tendencies and their repercussions for both worlds.
| Septemba 07, 2010 | Maoni 0
Kazi, Ukoloni, Ubaguzi wa rangi?
The Human Sciences Research Council
The Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa commissioned this study to test the hypothesis posed by Professor John Dugard in the report he presented to the UN Human Rights Council in January 2007, in his capacity as UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel (yaani, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, na
Gaza, hereafter OPT). Professor Dugard posed the question: Israel is clearly in military occupation of the OPT. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., elements of the occupation constitute forms of colonialism and of apartheid, which are contrary to international law. What are the legal consequences of a regime of prolonged occupation with features of colonialism and apartheid for the occupied people, the Occupying Power and third States?
In order to consider these consequences, this study set out to examine legally the premises of Professor Dugard’s question: is Israel the occupant of the OPT, na, ikiwa ni hivyo, do elements of its occupation of these territories amount to colonialism or apartheid? South Africa has an obvious interest in these questions given its bitter history of apartheid, which entailed the denial of selfdetermination
to its majority population and, during its occupation of Namibia, the extension of apartheid to that territory which South Africa effectively sought to colonise. These unlawful practices must not be replicated elsewhere: other peoples must not suffer in the way the populations of South Africa and Namibia have suffered.
To explore these issues, an international team of scholars was assembled. The aim of this project was to scrutinise the situation from the nonpartisan perspective of international law, rather than engage in political discourse and rhetoric. This study is the outcome of a fifteen-month collaborative process of intensive research, consultation, writing and review. It concludes and, it is to be hoped, persuasively argues and clearly demonstrates that Israel, since 1967, has been the belligerent Occupying Power in the OPT, and that its occupation of these territories has become a colonial enterprise which implements a system of apartheid. Belligerent occupation in itself is not an unlawful situation: it is accepted as a possible consequence of armed conflict. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., under the law of armed conflict (also known as international humanitarian law), occupation is intended to be only a temporary state of affairs. International law prohibits the unilateral annexation or permanent acquisition of territory as a result of the threat or use of force: should this occur, no State may recognise or support the resulting unlawful situation. In contrast to occupation, both colonialism and apartheid are always unlawful and indeed are considered to be particularly serious breaches of international law because they are fundamentally contrary to core values of the international legal order. Colonialism violates the principle of self-determination,
which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has affirmed as ‘one of the essential principles of contemporary international law’. All States have a duty to respect and promote self-determination. Apartheid is an aggravated case of racial discrimination, which is constituted according to the International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973,
hereafter ‘Apartheid Convention’) by ‘inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them’. The practice of apartheid, moreover, is an international crime.
Professor Dugard in his report to the UN Human Rights Council in 2007 suggested that an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel’s conduct should be sought from the ICJ. This advisory opinion would undoubtedly complement the opinion that the ICJ delivered in 2004 on the Legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the occupied Palestinian territories (hereafter ‘the Wall advisory opinion’). This course of legal action does not exhaust the options open to the international community, nor indeed the duties of third States and international organisations when they are appraised that another State is engaged in the practices of colonialism or apartheid.
| Septemba 07, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI:
Msingi wa Cordoba
Abdullah Faliq
Intro ,
Licha ya kuwa mjadala wa kudumu na tata, Arches Kila mara huchunguza tena kutoka kwa misingi ya kitheolojia na ya vitendo, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, wengine hubaki na matumaini kidogo juu ya mabadiliko ya itikadi na njia katika uwanja wa kimataifa. Wakati mvutano na uaminifu mwingi kati ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na USA unaweza kuhusishwa na njia ya kukuza demokrasia, kawaida hupendelea udikteta na serikali za vibaraka ambazo hulipa huduma ya mdomo kwa maadili ya kidemokrasia na haki za binadamu, tetemeko la ardhi la 9/11 kweli imesisitiza mashaka zaidi kupitia msimamo wa Amerika juu ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Imeunda ukuta wa uzembe kama unavyopatikana na worldpublicopinion.org, kulingana na ambayo 67% Wamisri wanaamini kwamba ulimwenguni Amerika inacheza jukumu "hasi hasi".
Jibu la Amerika limekuwa sawa. Kwa kumchagua Obama, wengi kote ulimwenguni wanaweka matumaini yao kwa kuendeleza vita kidogo, lakini sera nzuri za kigeni kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili, ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?
Kwa kuongezea, inaweza kuwa muhimu kuwa broker mwaminifu katika maeneo ya muda mrefu ya confts icts? Kuorodhesha utaalam na ufahamu wa profauti
c wasomi, wasomi, waandishi wa habari wenye uzoefu na wanasiasa, Arches Kila mwaka huonyesha uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia na jukumu la Amerika - na vile vile mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na Obama, katika kutafuta msingi wa pamoja. Anas Altikriti, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Taasisi ya Th e Cordoba hutoa kamari ya ufunguzi wa mjadala huu, ambapo anaelezea matumaini na changamoto ambazo zinategemea njia ya Obama. Kufuatia Altikriti, mshauri wa zamani wa Rais Nixon, Dr Robert Crane ameondoa uchambuzi kamili wa kanuni ya Kiislam ya haki ya uhuru. Anwar Ibrahim, Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa zamani wa Malaysia, huimarisha majadiliano na ukweli wa vitendo wa kutekeleza demokrasia katika jamii kubwa za Waislamu, yaani, nchini Indonesia na Malaysia.
Pia tuna Dr Shireen Hunter, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Georgetown, Marekani, ambaye anachunguza nchi za Kiislamu ambazo ziko nyuma katika demokrasia na kisasa. Hii inakamilishwa na mwandishi wa ugaidi, Maelezo ya Dk Nafeez Ahmed juu ya mzozo wa baada ya usasa na
kufa kwa demokrasia. Dk Daud Abdullah (Mkurugenzi wa Mashariki ya Kati Media Monitor), Alan Hart (aliyekuwa mwandishi wa ITN na BBC Panorama; mwandishi wa Uzayuni: Adui wa Kweli wa Wayahudi) na Asem Sondos (Mhariri wa Sawt Al Omma ya kila wiki ya Misri) zingatia Obama na jukumu lake dhidi ya demokrasia-kukuza katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, pamoja na uhusiano wa Marekani na Israel na Muslim Brotherhood.
Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje atangaza, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed anakisia juu ya mustakabali wa Uislamu na Demokrasia; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– mwanachama wa Sinn Féin ambaye alivumilia miaka minne gerezani kwa shughuli za Republican na mpiganiaji wa Guildford 4 na Birmingham 6, anafikiria juu ya safari yake ya hivi karibuni huko Gaza ambapo alishuhudia athari za ukatili na udhalimu uliopatikana dhidi ya Wapalestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Mkurugenzi wa Kituo cha Utafiti wa Ukadiriaji na Unyanyasaji wa Kisiasa wa kisasa anajadili changamoto za kutafiti kwa kina ugaidi wa kisiasa; Dk Khalid al-Mubarak, mwandishi na mwandishi wa michezo, inazungumzia matarajio ya amani katika Darfur; na mwandishi wa habari na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu Ashur Shamis anaangalia vibaya demokrasia na siasa za Waislamu leo.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you
| Septemba 07, 2010 | Maoni 0
amani Marekani Hamas sera vitalu Mashariki ya Kati
Henry Siegman
Imeshindwa mazungumzo baina ya nchi zaidi ya hizi siku za nyuma 16 Miaka umeonyesha kuwa Mashariki ya Kati amani wa haiwezi kufikiwa na vyama vya wenyewe. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions. Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed. Israel’s government believes that the US Congress will not permit an American president to issue such parameters and demand their acceptance. What hope there is for the bilateral talks that resume in Washington DC on September 2 depends entirely on President Obama proving that belief to be wrong, and on whether the “bridging proposals” he has promised, should the talks reach an impasse, are a euphemism for the submission of American parameters. Such a US initiative must offer Israel iron-clad assurances for its security within its pre-1967 borders, but at the same time must make it clear these assurances are not available if Israel insists on denying Palestinians a viable and sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza. This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded. If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Kwa bahati mbaya, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.”
But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it.
| Septemba 07, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislam upya
Matta Azzam
Kuna siasa na usalama mgogoro jirani kile ni inajulikana kama Uislam, mgogoro ambao utangulizi Hutangulia muda 9/11. Katika kipindi cha 25 miaka, kumekuwa na msisitizo tofauti juu ya jinsi ya kuelezea na kupambana Uislam. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji..
imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 Julai 2005 it became more apparent that some young people were asserting religious commitment as a way of expressing ethnicity. The links between Muslims across the globe and their perception that Muslims are vulnerable have led many in very diff erent parts of the world to merge their own local predicaments into the wider Muslim one, having identifi ed culturally, either primarily or partially, with a broadly defi ned Islam.
| Septemba 06, 2010 | Maoni 0
Usahihi katika vita vya ulimwengu juu ya hofu:
Sherifa Zuhur
Seven years after the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks, many experts believe al-Qa’ida has regained strength and that its copycats or affiliates are more lethal than before. The National Intelligence Estimate of 2007 asserted that al-Qa’ida is more dangerous now than before 9/11.1 Al-Qa’ida’s emulators continue to threaten Western, Middle Eastern, and European nations, as in the plot foiled in September 2007 in Germany. Bruce Riedel states: Thanks largely to Washington’s eagerness to go into Iraq rather than hunting down al Qaeda’s leaders, the organization now has a solid base of operations in the badlands of Pakistan and an effective franchise in western Iraq. Its reach has spread throughout the Muslim world and in Europe . . . Osama bin Laden has mounted a successful propaganda campaign. . . . His ideas now attract more followers than ever.
It is true that various salafi-jihadist organizations are still emerging throughout the Islamic world. Why have heavily resourced responses to the Islamist terrorism that we are calling global jihad not proven extremely effective?
Moving to the tools of “soft power,” what about the efficacy of Western efforts to bolster Muslims in the Global War on Terror (GWOT)? Why has the United States won so few “hearts and minds” in the broader Islamic world? Why do American strategic messages on this issue play so badly in the region? Why, despite broad Muslim disapproval of extremism as shown in surveys and official utterances by key Muslim leaders, has support for bin Ladin actually increased in Jordan and in Pakistan?
This monograph will not revisit the origins of Islamist violence. It is instead concerned with a type of conceptual failure that wrongly constructs the GWOT and which discourages Muslims from supporting it. They are unable to identify with the proposed transformative countermeasures because they discern some of their core beliefs and institutions as targets in
this endeavor.
Several deeply problematic trends confound the American conceptualizations of the GWOT and the strategic messages crafted to fight that War. These evolve from (1) post-colonial political approaches to Muslims and Muslim majority nations that vary greatly and therefore produce conflicting and confusing impressions and effects; na (2) residual generalized ignorance of and prejudice toward Islam and subregional cultures. Add to this American anger, fear, and anxiety about the deadly events of 9/11, and certain elements that, despite the urgings of cooler heads, hold Muslims and their religion accountable for the misdeeds of their coreligionists, or who find it useful to do so for political reasons.
| Septemba 06, 2010 | Maoni 0
NDUGU WAISLAMU WA MISRI: KUPINGANA AU KUUNGANISHWA?
Research
The Society of Muslim Brothers’ success in the November-December 2005 elections for the People’s Assembly sent shockwaves through Egypt’s political system. In response, the regime cracked down on the movement, harassed other potential rivals and reversed its fledging reform process. This is dangerously short-sighted. There is reason to be concerned about the Muslim Brothers’ political program, and they owe the people genuine clarifications about several of its aspects. But the ruling National Democratic
Party’s (NDP) refusal to loosen its grip risks exacerbating tensions at a time of both political uncertainty surrounding the presidential succession and serious socio-economic unrest. Though this likely will be a prolonged, gradual process, the regime should take preliminary steps to normalise the Muslim Brothers’ participation in political life. The Muslim Brothers, whose social activities have long been tolerated but whose role in formal politics is strictly limited, won an unprecedented 20 per cent of parliamentary seats in the 2005 uchaguzi. They did so despite competing for only a third of available seats and notwithstanding considerable obstacles, including police repression and electoral fraud. This success confirmed their position as an extremely wellorganised and deeply rooted political force. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., it underscored the weaknesses of both the legal opposition and ruling party. The regime might well have wagered that a modest increase in the Muslim Brothers’ parliamentary representation could be used to stoke fears of an Islamist takeover and thereby serve as a reason to stall reform. If so, the strategy is at heavy risk of backfiring.
| Septemba 05, 2010 | Maoni 0
Iraq na Baadaye ya Uislamu wa Kisiasa
James Piscatori
Sixty-five years ago one of the greatest scholars of modern Islam asked the simple question, “whither Islam?”, where was the Islamic world going? It was a time of intense turmoil in both the Western and Muslim worlds – the demise of imperialism and crystallisation of a new state system outside Europe; the creation and testing of the neo- Wilsonian world order in the League of Nations; the emergence of European Fascism. Sir Hamilton Gibb recognised that Muslim societies, unable to avoid such world trends, were also faced with the equally inescapable penetration of nationalism, secularism, and Westernisation. While he prudently warned against making predictions – hazards for all of us interested in Middle Eastern and Islamic politics – he felt sure of two things:
(a) the Islamic world would move between the ideal of solidarity and the realities of division;
(b) the key to the future lay in leadership, or who speaks authoritatively for Islam.
Today Gibb’s prognostications may well have renewed relevance as we face a deepening crisis over Iraq, the unfolding of an expansive and controversial war on terror, and the continuing Palestinian problem. In this lecture I would like to look at the factors that may affect the course of Muslim politics in the present period and near-term future. Although the points I will raise are likely to have broader relevance, I will draw mainly on the case of the Arab world.
Assumptions about Political Islam There is no lack of predictions when it comes to a politicised Islam or Islamism. ‘Islamism’ is best understood as a sense that something has gone wrong with contemporary Muslim societies and that the solution must lie in a range of political action. Often used interchangeably with ‘fundamentalism’, Islamism is better equated with ‘political Islam’. Several commentators have proclaimed its demise and the advent of the post-Islamist era. They argue that the repressive apparatus of the state has proven more durable than the Islamic opposition and that the ideological incoherence of the Islamists has made them unsuitable to modern political competition. The events of September 11th seemed to contradict this prediction, yet, unshaken, they have argued that such spectacular, virtually anarchic acts only prove the bankruptcy of Islamist ideas and suggest that the radicals have abandoned any real hope of seizing power.
| Septemba 04, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu na Demokrasia
ITAC
kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia: inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia.
kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia (kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia) kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s
| Septemba 04, 2010 | Maoni 0
Utawala wa changamoto, Ukoloni, na Disunity: Siasa ya Kiislamu ya Kurekebisha Harakati ya Afghani al-na Rida
Ahmed Ali Salem
The decline of the Muslim world preceded European colonization of most
Muslim lands in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first
quarter of the twentieth century. Hasa, the Ottoman Empire’s
power and world status had been deteriorating since the seventeenth century.
But, more important for Muslim scholars, it had ceased to meet
some basic requirements of its position as the caliphate, the supreme and
sovereign political entity to which all Muslims should be loyal.
Kwa hiyo, some of the empire’s Muslim scholars and intellectuals called
for political reform even before the European encroachment upon
Muslim lands. The reforms that they envisaged were not only Islamic, lakini
also Ottomanic – from within the Ottoman framework.
These reformers perceived the decline of the Muslim world in general,
and of the Ottoman Empire in particular, to be the result of an increasing
disregard for implementing the Shari`ah (Islamic law). Hata hivyo, since the
late eighteenth century, an increasing number of reformers, sometimes supported
by the Ottoman sultans, began to call for reforming the empire along
modern European lines. The empire’s failure to defend its lands and to
respond successfully to the West’s challenges only further fueled this call
for “modernizing” reform, which reached its peak in the Tanzimat movement
in the second half of the nineteenth century.
Other Muslim reformers called for a middle course. On the one hand,
they admitted that the caliphate should be modeled according to the Islamic
sources of guidance, especially the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s
teachings (Sunnah), and that the ummah’s (the world Muslim community)
unity is one of Islam’s political pillars. On the other hand, they realized the
need to rejuvenate the empire or replace it with a more viable one. Kwa kweli,
their creative ideas on future models included, but were not limited to, the
following: replacing the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire with an Arab-led
caliphate, building a federal or confederate Muslim caliphate, establishing
a commonwealth of Muslim or oriental nations, and strengthening solidarity
and cooperation among independent Muslim countries without creating
a fixed structure. These and similar ideas were later referred to as the
Muslim league model, which was an umbrella thesis for the various proposals
related to the future caliphate.
Two advocates of such reform were Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and
Muhammad `Abduh, both of whom played key roles in the modern
Islamic political reform movement.1 Their response to the dual challenge
facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization
and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to
revive the ummah by observing the Islamic revelation and benefiting
from Europe’s achievements. Hata hivyo, they disagreed on certain aspects
na mbinu, as well as the immediate goals and strategies, of reform.
While al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political reform,
`Abduh, once one of his close disciples, developed his own ideas, ambayo
emphasized education and undermined politics.
| Septemba 02, 2010 | Maoni 0
Visiwa vya Waislamu
Max L. Jumla
This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.
| Agosti 27, 2010 | Maoni 0
Demokrasia katika Mawazo ya Kisiasa ya Kiislamu
Azzam S. Tamimi
Democracy has preoccupied Arab political thinkers since the dawn of the modern Arab renaissance about two centuries ago. Since then, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, the father of Egyptian democracy according to Lewis Awad,[3] who shortly after his return to Cairo from Paris published his first book, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, ndani 1834. The book summarized his observations of the manners and customs of the modern French,[4] and praised the concept of democracy as he saw it in France and as he witnessed its defence and reassertion through the 1830 Revolution against King Charles X.[5] Tahtawi tried to show that the democratic concept he was explaining to his readers was compatible with the law of Islam. Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu:
Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu . . . Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu. Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu: Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu[6] Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu (1810- 99), Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, Alilinganisha wingi wa kisiasa na aina za wingi wa kiitikadi na kifiqhi zilizokuwepo katika uzoefu wa Kiislamu, ndani 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.
| Agosti 27, 2010 | Maoni 0
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