L-Iskrizzjonijiet kollha fil- "Il-Marokk" Kategorija
L-Għarab Għarbi
DAVID B. OTTAWAY
Ottubru 6, 1981, kien maħsub li jkun jum ta’ ċelebrazzjoni fl-Eġittu. Immarka l-anniversarju tal-akbar mument ta’ rebħa tal-Eġittu fi tliet kunflitti Għarab-Iżraeljani, meta l-armata underdog tal-pajjiż imbuttat tul il-Kanal ta 'Suez fil-ġranet tal-ftuħ tal- 1973 Il-Gwerra ta’ Yom Kippur u bagħtet truppi Iżraeljani tkebbib f’irtir. Fuq jibred, filgħodu bla sħab, l-istadium tal-Kajr kien ippakkjat bil-familji Eġizzjani li kienu ġew biex jaraw il-militar jissawwab il-hardware tiegħu.Fuq l-istand tar-reviżjoni, President Anwar el-Sadat,il-perit tal-gwerra, raw b'sodisfazzjon kif irġiel u magni parad quddiemu. Kont fil-qrib, korrispondent barrani li għadu kif wasal.F’daqqa waħda, wieħed mit-trakkijiet tal-armata waqaf direttament quddiem l-istand tar-reviżjoni eżatt kif sitt ġettijiet Mirage ħarġu fuq rashom fi prestazzjoni akrobatika, pittura s-sema bi traċċi twal aħmar, isfar, vjola,u duħħan aħdar. Sadat qam bil-wieqfa, milli jidher qed jipprepara biex jiskambja tislima ma’ kontinġent ieħor ta’ truppi Eġizzjani. Huwa għamel lilu nnifsu mira perfetta għal erba’ assassini Iżlamiċi li qabżu minn fuq it-trakk, daħlet fuq il-podju, u mifni ġismu bil-balal. Hekk kif il-qattiela komplew għal dik li dehret eternità biex isprejjaw l-istand bin-nar fatali tagħhom, Jien ikkunsidrajt għal instant jekk għandux nolqot l-art u nirriskjax li niġi maqtula sal-mewt minn spettaturi ippanikjati jew jekk nibqax bil-mixi u nirriskja li nieħu balla mitlufa. L-istint qalli biex nibqa’ fuq saqajja, u s-sens ta’ dmir ġurnalistiku tiegħi ġegħluni biex immur insir naf jekk Sadat kienx ħaj jew mejjet.
Iżlam, Iżlam politiku u l-Amerika
Għarfien Għarbi
Hija "Fratellanza" ma 'l-Amerika Possibbli?
khalil al-anani
L-ISLAM, DEMOKRAZIJA & L-Istati Uniti:
Fondazzjoni Cordoba
Abdullah Faliq |
Intro ,
Iżlamiżmu rivedut
MAHA AZZAM
Challenging Authoritarianism, Kolonjaliżmu, and Disunity: The Islamic Political Reform Movements of al-Afghani and Rida
Ahmed Ali Salem
These reformers perceived the decline of the Muslim world in general,
and of the Ottoman Empire in particular, to be the result of an increasing
disregard for implementing the Shari`ah (Islamic law). Madankollu, since the
late eighteenth century, an increasing number of reformers, sometimes supported
by the Ottoman sultans, began to call for reforming the empire along
modern European lines. The empire’s failure to defend its lands and to
respond successfully to the West’s challenges only further fueled this call
for “modernizing” reform, which reached its peak in the Tanzimat movement
in the second half of the nineteenth century.
Other Muslim reformers called for a middle course. On the one hand,
they admitted that the caliphate should be modeled according to the Islamic
sources of guidance, especially the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s
teachings (Sunnah), and that the ummah’s (the world Muslim community)
unity is one of Islam’s political pillars. Minn naha l-ohra, they realized the
need to rejuvenate the empire or replace it with a more viable one. Tabilħaqq,
their creative ideas on future models included, but were not limited to, il
following: replacing the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire with an Arab-led
caliphate, building a federal or confederate Muslim caliphate, establishing
a commonwealth of Muslim or oriental nations, and strengthening solidarity
and cooperation among independent Muslim countries without creating
a fixed structure. These and similar ideas were later referred to as the
Muslim league model, which was an umbrella thesis for the various proposals
related to the future caliphate.
Two advocates of such reform were Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and
Muhammad `Abduh, both of whom played key roles in the modern
Islamic political reform movement.1 Their response to the dual challenge
facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization
and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to
revive the ummah by observing the Islamic revelation and benefiting
from Europe’s achievements. Madankollu, they disagreed on certain aspects
and methods, as well as the immediate goals and strategies, of reform.
While al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political reform,
`Abduh, once one of his close disciples, developed his own ideas, which
emphasized education and undermined politics.
Partiti tal-Oppożizzjoni Iżlamiċi u l-Potenzjal għall-Impenn tal-UE
Toby Archer
Heidi Huuhtanen
STRATEĠIJI GĦALL-IMPENĠĠ TAL-IŻLAM POLITIKU
SHADI HAMID
AMANDA KADLEC
MOVIMENTI IŻLAMISTI U L-PROĊESS DEMOKRATIKU FID-DINJA Għarbija: Nesploraw iż-Żoni Griżi
Nathan J. Kannella, Amr Hamzawy,
Marina Ottaway
RADIKALIZZAZZJONI IŻLAMISTA
Kwistjonijiet relatati mal-Iżlam politiku jkomplu jippreżentaw sfidi għall-politiki barranin Ewropej fil-Lvant Nofsani u l-Afrika ta' Fuq (MENA). Hekk kif il-politika tal-UE fittxet li tilqa’ ma’ sfidi bħal dawn matul l-aħħar għaxar snin jew hekk, l-Islam politiku nnifsu evolva. L-esperti jindikaw il-kumplessità u l-varjetà dejjem tikber ta 'xejriet fi ħdan l-Iżlam politiku. Xi organizzazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi saħħew l-impenn tagħhom għal normi demokratiċi u impenjaw ruħhom bis-sħiħ fil-paċi, politika nazzjonali prinċipali. Oħrajn jibqgħu miżżewġin ma’ mezzi vjolenti. U oħrajn għaddew lejn forma aktar kwietista tal-Iżlam, diżingaġġat mill-attività politika. L-Iżlam politiku fir-reġjun MENA ma jippreżenta l-ebda tendenza uniformi għal dawk li jfasslu l-politika Ewropej. Id-dibattitu analitiku kiber madwar il-kunċett ta’ ‘radikalizzazzjoni’. Dan imbagħad wassal għal riċerka dwar il-fatturi li jmexxu 'd-diżradikalizzazzjoni', u bil-maqlub, ‘ri-radikalizzazzjoni’. Ħafna mill-kumplessità ġejja mill-fehma mifruxa ħafna li dawn it-tliet fenomeni qed iseħħu fl-istess ħin. Anke t-termini nfushom huma kkontestati. Ħafna drabi ġie rrimarkat li d-dikotomija moderat-radikali tonqos bis-sħiħ milli taqbad l-isfumaturi tax-xejriet fl-Islam politiku. Xi analisti jilmentaw ukoll li t-taħdit dwar ‘radikaliżmu’ huwa ideoloġikament mgħobbi. Fil-livell tat-terminoloġija, nifhmu li r-radikalizzazzjoni hija assoċjata mal-estremiżmu, iżda l-fehmiet ivarjaw fuq iċ-ċentralità tal-kontenut reliġjuż–fundamentalist tiegħu versus politiku, u fuq jekk ir-rieda li wieħed jirrikorri għall-vjolenza hijiex implikata jew le.
Differenzi bħal dawn huma riflessi fil-fehmiet li għandhom l-Iżlamisti nfushom, kif ukoll fil-perċezzjonijiet tal-barranin.
Iżlam Politiku u Politika Barranija Ewropea
L-IŻLAM POLITIKU U L-POLITIKA EWROPEA TAL-Viċinat
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Peress li 2001 u l-avvenimenti internazzjonali li seħħew in-natura tar-relazzjoni bejn il-Punent u l-Iżlam politiku saret kwistjoni ta' definizzjoni għall-politika barranija. F'dawn l-aħħar snin sar ammont konsiderevoli ta' riċerka u analiżi dwar il-kwistjoni tal-Iżlam politiku. Dan għen biex jikkoreġi xi wħud mis-suppożizzjonijiet simplistiċi u allarmisti li qabel kienu miżmuma fil-Punent dwar in-natura tal-valuri u l-intenzjonijiet Iżlamiċi.. Parallel għal dan, l-Unjoni Ewropea (UE) żviluppat għadd ta’ inizjattivi ta’ politika primarjament il-Politika Ewropea tal-Viċinat(ENP) li fil-prinċipju jimpenjaw ruħhom għal djalogu u impenn aktar profond kollha(mhux vjolenti) atturi politiċi u organizzazzjonijiet tas-soċjetà ċivili fil-pajjiżi Għarab. Madankollu ħafna analisti u dawk li jfasslu l-politika issa jilmentaw minn ċertu trofew kemm fid-dibattitu kunċettwali kif ukoll fl-iżvilupp tal-politika. Ġie stabbilit li l-Iżlam politiku huwa pajsaġġ li qed jinbidel, affettwati ħafna minn firxa ta’ ċirkostanzi, imma d-dibattitu ta’ spiss jidher li żamm fuq il-kwistjoni simplistika ta’ ‘huma l-Iżlamisti demokratiċi?’ Ħafna analisti indipendenti madankollu kienu favur l-involviment mal-Iżlamisti, iżda l-avviċinament attwali bejn il-gvernijiet tal-Punent u l-organizzazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi għadu limitat .
Moviment Iżlamiku: Political Freedom & Demokrazija
Dr.Yusuf al-Qaradawi
It is the duty of the (Iżlamiku) Movement in the coming phase tostand firm against totalitarian and dictatorial rule, political despotism and usurpation of people’s rights. The Movement should always stand by political freedom, as represented by true,not false, demokrazija. It should flatly declare it refusal of tyrantsand steer clear of all dictators, even if some tyrant appears to havegood intentions towards it for some gain and for a time that is usually short, as has been shown by experience.The Prophet (SAWS) said, “ When you see my Nation fall victim to fear and does not say to a wrong –doer, “You are wrong”, thenyou may lose hope in them.” So how about a regime that forces people to say to a conceited wrongdoer, “How just, how great you are. O our hero, our savior and our liberator!”The Quran denounces tyrants such as Numrudh, Pharaoh, Haman and others, but it also dispraises those who follow tyrants andobey their orders. This is why Allah dispraises the people of Noahby saying, “ But they follow (m en) whose wealth and childrengive them no increase but only loss.” [Surat Nuh; 21]Allah also says of Ad, people of Hud, “ And followed thecommand of every powerful, obstinate transgressor”. [Surat Hud:59]See also what the Quran says about the people of Pharaoh, “ Butthey followed the command of Pharaoh, and the command ofPharaoh was not rightly guided.[Surat Hud: 97] “Thus he made fools of his people, and they obeyed him: truly they were a people rebellious (against Allah).” [Surat Az-Zukhruf: 54]A closer look at the history of the Muslim Nation and the IslamicMovement in modern times should show clearly that the Islamicidea, the Islamic Movement and the Islamic Awakening have never flourished or borne fruit unless in an atmosphere ofdemocracy and freedom, and have withered and become barren only at the times of oppression and tyranny that trod over the willof the peoples which clung to Islam. Such oppressive regimesimposed their secularism, socialism or communism on their peoples by force and coercion, using covert torture and publicexecutions, and employing those devilish tools that tore flesh,shed blood, crushed bone and destroyed the soul.We saw these practices in many Muslim countries, including Turkey, L-Eġittu, Is-Sirja, Iraq, (the former) South Yemen, Somaliaand northern African States for varying periods of time, depending on the age or reign of the dictator in each country.On the other hand, we saw the Islamic Movement and the Islamic Awakening bear fruit and flourish at the times of freedom and democracy, and in the wake of the collapse of imperial regimes that ruled peoples with fear and oppression.Therefore, I would not imagine that the Islamic Movement could support anything other than political freedom and democracy.The tyrants allowed every voice to be raised, except the voice ofIslam, and let every trend express itself in the form of a politicalparty or body of some sort, except the Islamic current which is theonly trend that actually speaks for this Nation and expresses it screed, values, essence and very existence.
Radical Islam in the Maghreb
Carlos Echeverría Jesús
The development of a radical Islamist movement has been a major featureof Algerian political life since the mid-1970s, especially after the death of PresidentHouari Boumediène, the Republic’s first president, in December 1978.1 Boumediènehad adopted a policy of Arabization that included phasing out the French language.French professors were replaced by Arabic speakers from Egypt, Il-Libanu, andSyria, many of them members of the Muslim Brotherhood.The troubles began in 1985, when the Mouvement islamique algérien (MIA),founded to protest the single-party socialist regime, began attacking police stations.Escalating tensions amid declining oil prices culminated in the Semoule revolt inOctober 1988. More than 500 people were killed in the streets of Algiers in thatrevolt, and the government was finally forced to undertake reforms. Fil 1989 itlegalized political parties, including the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), and over thenext two years the Islamists were able to impose their will in many parts of thecountry, targeting symbols of Western “corruption” such as satellite TV dishes thatbrought in European channels, alcohol, and women who didn’t wear the hiyab (theIslam veil). FIS victories in the June 1990 municipal elections and in the first roundof the parliamentary elections held in December 1991 generated fears of animpending Islamist dictatorship and led to a preemptive interruption of the electoralprocess in January 1992. The next year saw an increase in the violence that hadbegun in 1991 with the FIS’s rhetoric in support of Saddam Hussein in the GulfWar, the growing presence of Algerian “Afghans”—Algerian volunteer fightersreturning from the war against the Soviets in Afghanistan—and the November 1991massacre of border guards at Guemmar, on the border between Algeria andTunisia.2Until mid-1993, victims of MIA, Islamic Salvation Army–AIS (the FIS’sarmed wing), and Islamic Armed Group (GIA) violence were mostly policemen,soldiers, and terrorists. Later that year the violence expanded to claim both foreignand Algerian civilians. In September 1993, the bodies of seven foreigners werefound in various locations around the country.3 Dozens of judges, doctors,intellectuals, and journalists were also murdered that year. In October 1993 Islamistsvowed to kill any foreigner remaining in Algeria after December 1; more than 4,000foreigners left in November 1993.
il 500 l-iktar Musulmani influwenti
John Esposito
Ibrahim Kalin
Il-pubblikazzjoni li għandek f'idejk hija l-ewwel waħda minn dak li nittamaw li tkun serje annwali li tipprovdi tieqa għall-movers u shakers tad-dinja Musulmana. Aħna stinkajna biex nenfasizzaw nies li huma influwenti bħala Musulmani, thatis, nies li l-influwenza tagħhom hija derivata mill-prattika tagħhom tal-Iżlam jew mill-fatt li huma Musulmani. Aħna naħsbu li dan jagħti ħarsa siewja lejn il-modi differenti li l-Musulmani jħallu impatt fuq id-dinja, u juri wkoll id-diversità ta 'kif in-nies jgħixu bħala Musulmani llum. L-influwenza hija kunċett delikat. It-tifsira tagħha ġejja mill-kelma Latina influens li tfisser li tidħol, li tipponta lejn idea astroloġika antika li forzi li ma jidhrux (bhal themoon) jaffettwaw lill-umanità. Iċ-ċifri fuq din il-lista għandhom il-ħila li jaffettwaw ukoll lill-umanità. F’varjetà ta ’modi differenti kull persuna fuq din il-lista għandha influwenza fuq il-ħajja ta’ numru kbir ta ’nies fuq l-art. Il 50 il-figuri l-aktar influwenti huma profilati. L-influwenza tagħhom ġejja minn varjetà ta 'sorsi; madankollu huma magħqudin bil-fatt li kull wieħed jaffettwa meded kbar ta 'umanità 500 mexxejja 15 kategoriji — Akkademiku, Politiku,Amministrattiv, Nisel, Predikaturi, Nisa, Żgħażagħ, Filantropija, Żvilupp,Xjenza u Teknoloġija, Arti u Kultura, Midja, Radikali, Netwerks Iżlamiċi Internazzjonali, u Kwistjonijiet tal-Ġurnata - biex jgħinuk tifhem it-tipi differenti ta 'modi li l-Islam u l-Musulmani jħallu impatt fuq id-dinja llum. Żewġ listi komposti juru kif l-influwenza taħdem b'modi differenti: In-Netwerks Iżlamiċi Internazzjonali juri nies li huma fil-kap ta 'netwerks transnazzjonali importanti tal-Musulmani, u Kwistjonijiet tal-Ġurnata jenfasizzaw individwi li l-importanza tagħhom hija dovuta għal kwistjonijiet kurrenti li jaffettwaw lill-umanità.
TRAVELS AMONG EUROPE’S MUSLIM NEIGHBOURS
JOOST LAGENDIJK
“A ring of friends surrounding the Union […], from Morocco to Russia”.This is how, in late 2002, the then President of the European Commission, Romano Prodi, described the key challenge facing Europe following the planned enlargement of 2004. The accession process had built up momentum, and the former communist countries of Central Europe had been stabilised and were transforming themselves into democracies. EU membership was not directly on the agenda for countries beyond the enlargement horizon, madankollu. How could Europe prevent new dividing lines forming at its borders? How could the European Union guarantee stability, security and peace along its perimeter? Those questions were perhaps most pertinent to the EU’s southern neighbours. Peress li 11 Settembru 2001, partikolarment, our relations with the Islamic world have been imbued with a sense of urgency. Political developments in our Islamic neighbour countries bordering the Mediterranean could have a tremendous impact on European security. Although the area is nearby, the political distance is great. Amid threatening language about a ‘clash of civilisations’, the EU quickly drew the conclusion that conciliation and cooperation, rather than confrontation, constituted the best strategy for dealing with its southern neighbours.
Priorities of The Islamic Movement in The Coming Phase
Yusuf Al-Qardhawi
What Do We Mean By Islamic Movement?
Permezz “Moviment Iżlamiku”, I mean that organized, collective work, undertaken by thepeople, to restore Islam to the leadership of society, and to the helm of life all walksof life.Before being anything else, the Islamic Movement is work: persistent, industriouswork, not just words to be said, speeches and lectures to be delivered, or books andarticles are indeed required, they are merely parts of a movement, not themovement itself (Allah the Almighty says, Work, and Allah, His Messenger and thebelievers will see your work} [Surat al-Tawba: 1 05].The Islamic Movement is a popular work performed for Allah’s sakeThe Islamic movement is a popular work based mainly on self-motivation andpersonal conviction. It is a work performed out of faith and for nothing other thanthe sake of Allah, in the hope of being rewarded by Him, not by humans.The core of this self-motivation is that unrest which a Muslim feels when theAwakening visits him and he feels a turmoil deep inside him, as a result of thecontradiction between his faith on the one hand and the actual state of affairs of hisnation on the other. It is then that he launches himself into action, driven by his lovefor his religion, his devotion to Allah, His Messenger, the Quran and the MuslimNation, and his feeling of his, and his people’s, neglect of their duty. Meta tagħmel hekk, heis also stimulated by his keenness to discharge his duty, eliminate deficiencies,contribute to the revival of the neglected faridas [enjoined duties] of enforcing theSharia [Islamic Law] sent down by Allah; unifying the Muslim nation around the HolyQuran; supporting Allah’s friends and fighting Allah’s foes; liberating Muslimterritories from all aggression or non-Muslim control; reinstating the Islamiccaliphate system to the leadership anew as required by Sharia, and renewing theobligation to spread the call of Islam, enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrongand strive in Allah’s cause by deed, by word or by heart – the latter being theweakest of beliefs – so that the word of Allah may be exalted to the heights.
Building bridges not walls
Alex Glennie
Since the terror attacks of 11 Settembru 2001 there has been an explosion of interest inpolitical Islamism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Until fairly recently,analysts have understandably focused on those actors that operate at the violent end of theIslamist spectrum, including Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, some of the sectarian parties in Iraq andpolitical groups with armed wings like Hamas in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT)and Hezbollah in Lebanon.However, this has obscured the fact that across the MENA region contemporary politics arebeing driven and shaped by a much more diverse collection of ‘mainstream’ Islamistmovements. We define these asgroups that engage or seek to engage in the legal political processes oftheir countries and that have publicly eschewed the use of violence tohelp realise their objectives at the national level, even where they arediscriminated against or repressed.This definition would encompass groups like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Party ofJustice and Development (PJD) in Morocco and the Islamic Action Front (IAF) in Jordan.These non-violent Islamist movements or parties often represent the best organised andmost popular element of the opposition to the existing regimes in each country, and as suchthere has been increasing interest on the part of western policymakers in the role that theymight play in democracy promotion in the region. Yet discussions on this issue appear tohave stalled on the question of whether it would be appropriate to engage with these groupson a more systematic and formal basis, rather than on the practicalities of actually doing so.This attitude is partly linked to a justifiable unwillingness to legitimise groups that mighthold anti-democratic views on women’s rights, political pluralism and a range of other issues.It also reflects pragmatic considerations about the strategic interests of western powers inthe MENA region that are perceived to be threatened by the rising popularity and influenceof Islamists. For their part, Islamist parties and movements have shown a clear reluctance toforge closer ties with those western powers whose policies in the region they stronglyoppose, not least for fear of how the repressive regimes they operate within might react.This project’s focus on non-violent political Islamist movements should not be misinterpretedas implicit support for their political agendas. Committing to a strategy of more deliberateengagement with mainstream Islamist parties would involve significant risks and tradeoffs forNorth American and European policymakers. Madankollu, we do take the position that thetendency of both sides to view engagement as a zero sum ‘all or nothing’ game has beenunhelpful, and needs to change if a more constructive dialogue around reform in the MiddleEast and North Africa is to emerge.