RSSУсе запісы ў "Егіпет" Катэгорыя

дэмакратыя, Elections and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood

Israel Elad-Altman

The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last two years has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up for dissent. With U.S. and European support, local opposition groups have been able to take initiative, advance their causes and extract concessions from the state. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood movement (мегабайт), which has been officially outlawed as a political organization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities
and new risks.
Western governments, including the government of the United States, are considering the MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advance democracy in their countries, and perhaps also in eradicating Islamist terrorism. Could the Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), two Islamist parties that, according to some analysts, are successfully adapting to the rules of liberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with, respectively, Europe and a “pagan” Asia?
This article examines how the MB has responded to the new reality, how it has handled the ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the past two years. To what extent has the movement accommodated its outlook to new circumstances? What are its objectives and its vision of the political order? How has it reacted to U.S. overtures and to the reform and democratization campaign?
How has it navigated its relations with the Egyptian regime on one hand, and other opposition forces on the other, as the country headed toward two dramatic elections in autumn 2005? To what extent can the MB be considered a force that might lead Egypt
toward liberal democracy?



The Society of Muslim Brothers’ success in the November-December 2005 elections for the People’s Assembly sent shockwaves through Egypt’s political system. In response, the regime cracked down on the movement, harassed other potential rivals and reversed its fledging reform process. This is dangerously short-sighted. There is reason to be concerned about the Muslim Brothers’ political program, and they owe the people genuine clarifications about several of its aspects. But the ruling National Democratic
Party’s (NDP) refusal to loosen its grip risks exacerbating tensions at a time of both political uncertainty surrounding the presidential succession and serious socio-economic unrest. Though this likely will be a prolonged, gradual process, the regime should take preliminary steps to normalise the Muslim Brothers’ participation in political life. The Muslim Brothers, whose social activities have long been tolerated but whose role in formal politics is strictly limited, won an unprecedented 20 per cent of parliamentary seats in the 2005 выбары. They did so despite competing for only a third of available seats and notwithstanding considerable obstacles, including police repression and electoral fraud. This success confirmed their position as an extremely wellorganised and deeply rooted political force. At the same time, it underscored the weaknesses of both the legal opposition and ruling party. The regime might well have wagered that a modest increase in the Muslim Brothers’ parliamentary representation could be used to stoke fears of an Islamist takeover and thereby serve as a reason to stall reform. If so, the strategy is at heavy risk of backfiring.

Iraq and the Future of Political Islam

Джэймс Piscatori

Sixty-five years ago one of the greatest scholars of modern Islam asked the simple question, “whither Islam?, where was the Islamic world going? It was a time of intense turmoil in both the Western and Muslim worlds – the demise of imperialism and crystallisation of a new state system outside Europe; the creation and testing of the neo- Wilsonian world order in the League of Nations; the emergence of European Fascism. Sir Hamilton Gibb recognised that Muslim societies, unable to avoid such world trends, were also faced with the equally inescapable penetration of nationalism, секулярызм, and Westernisation. While he prudently warned against making predictions – hazards for all of us interested in Middle Eastern and Islamic politics – he felt sure of two things:
(a) the Islamic world would move between the ideal of solidarity and the realities of division;
(b) the key to the future lay in leadership, or who speaks authoritatively for Islam.
Today Gibb’s prognostications may well have renewed relevance as we face a deepening crisis over Iraq, the unfolding of an expansive and controversial war on terror, and the continuing Palestinian problem. In this lecture I would like to look at the factors that may affect the course of Muslim politics in the present period and near-term future. Although the points I will raise are likely to have broader relevance, I will draw mainly on the case of the Arab world.
Assumptions about Political Islam There is no lack of predictions when it comes to a politicised Islam or Islamism. ‘Islamism’ is best understood as a sense that something has gone wrong with contemporary Muslim societies and that the solution must lie in a range of political action. Often used interchangeably with ‘fundamentalism’, Islamism is better equated with ‘political Islam’. Several commentators have proclaimed its demise and the advent of the post-Islamist era. They argue that the repressive apparatus of the state has proven more durable than the Islamic opposition and that the ideological incoherence of the Islamists has made them unsuitable to modern political competition. The events of September 11th seemed to contradict this prediction, yet, unshaken, they have argued that such spectacular, virtually anarchic acts only prove the bankruptcy of Islamist ideas and suggest that the radicals have abandoned any real hope of seizing power.

Islam and Democracy


If one reads the press or listens to commentators on international affairs, it is often said – and even more often implied but not said – that Islam is not compatible with democracy. In the nineties, Samuel Huntington set off an intellectual firestorm when he published The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, in which he presents his forecasts for the world – writ large. In the political realm, he notes that while Turkey and Pakistan might have some small claim to “democratic legitimacy” all other “… Muslim countries were overwhelmingly non-democratic: monarchies, one-party systems, military regimes, personal dictatorships or some combination of these, usually resting on a limited family, clan, or tribal base”. The premise on which his argument is founded is that they are not only ‘not like us’, they are actually opposed to our essential democratic values. He believes, as do others, that while the idea of Western democratization is being resisted in other parts of the world, the confrontation is most notable in those regions where Islam is the dominant faith.
The argument has also been made from the other side as well. An Iranian religious scholar, reflecting on an early twentieth-century constitutional crisis in his country, declared that Islam and democracy are not compatible because people are not equal and a legislative body is unnecessary because of the inclusive nature of Islamic religious law. A similar position was taken more recently by Ali Belhadj, an Algerian high school teacher, preacher and (in this context) leader of the FIS, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s

Islam and Islamism in Afghanistan

Kristin Мендоса

The last half-century in particular has seen the recurrent use of religious Islam as

ідэалогія, often referred to as political Islam or Islamism, in groups espousing the

establishment of an Islamic state. Attention was drawn to Afghanistan when it became

the rallying point for Islamists in the 1980s. Аднак, the earlier appearance of an

Islamist movement in Afghanistan in the 1960s and its subsequent development offer an

instructive, unique lesson in understanding Islam and Islamism in Afghan society.

This overview of the Islamist movement in Afghanistan is divided into three

parts: It begins by defining the differing manifestations of Islam in Afghanistan,

indicating how Islamism differs from or draws upon each manifestation in constructing

its own vision. Тады, the broader context of Islamism elsewhere in the Muslim world is

discussed and analyzed. Although the theoretical basis for Islamism was constructed in

the 1960s by Abu ‘Ala Mawdudi in Pakistan and Sayyid Qutb in Egypt, this paper will

show that the Islamist movement in Afghanistan did not mirror those in either of these

countries. To this end, this paper reviews the thought of the above-mentioned

theoreticians of Islamism, and outlines historical and social conditions that colored the

implementation of their models in their respective countries. This leads back to a

discussion of the Afghan context, which makes up the final part of the paper. It is

necessary to review salient aspects of the traditional structure of Afghan society, and the

role Islam has historically played in Afghanistan to understand how the Islamist

experience was shaped and constrained by this structure, as well as how the Islamist

experience has altered it.
As Afghanistan is now faced with the monumental task of rebuilding a state and

legal system, Islamists are attempting to influence the reconstruction. This overview will

underscore for those observing and participating in this process the importance of

understanding the Afghan Islamist perspective, its historical underpinnings, and current


Аспрэчванне аўтарытарызму, каланіялізм, і раз'яднанасць: Рухі ісламскай палітычнай рэформы Аль-Афгані і Рыды

Ахмед Алі Салем

Заняпад мусульманскага свету папярэднічаў еўрапейскай каланізацыі большасці

Мусульманскія землі ў апошняй чвэрці ХІХ стагоддзя і ў першай
чвэрць ХХ ст. У прыватнасці, Асманскай імперыі
магутнасць і сусветны статус пагаршаліся з XVII ст.
Але, больш важны для мусульманскіх навукоўцаў, яно перастала сустракацца

некаторыя асноўныя патрабаванні да яго становішчы халіфата, вярхоўны і
суверэнная палітычная адзінка, якой павінны быць лаяльнымі ўсе мусульмане.
Таму, заклікалі некаторыя мусульманскія навукоўцы і інтэлектуалы імперыі
за палітычную рэформу яшчэ да еўрапейскага замаху
Мусульманскія землі. Рэформы, якія яны прадугледжвалі, былі не толькі ісламскімі, але
таксама асманскі - унутры асманскіх рамак.

Гэтыя рэфарматары ўспрынялі заняпад мусульманскага свету ў цэлым,

і Асманскай імперыі ў прыватнасці, быць вынікам павелічэння

ігнараванне рэалізацыі шарыяту (Ісламскае права). Аднак, з часоў

канец ХVІІІ ст, усё большая колькасць рэфарматараў, часам падтрымліваецца

асманскімі султанамі, пачаў заклікаць да рэфармавання імперыі разам

сучасныя еўрапейскія лініі. Няздольнасць імперыі абараніць свае землі і да

паспяхова адказаць на выклікі Захаду, толькі падсілкоўваючы гэты заклік

за "мадэрнізацыю" рэформы, які дасягнуў свайго піку ў руху Танзімат

у другой палове ХІХ ст.

Іншыя мусульманскія рэфарматары выказаліся за сярэдні курс. З аднаго боку,

яны прызналі, што халіфат павінен быць змадэляваны ў адпаведнасці з ісламскім

крыніцы кіраўніцтва, асабліва Каран і прарока Мухамеда

вучэнні (Сунна), і што ўмма (сусветная мусульманская абшчына)

адзінства - адзін з палітычных слупоў ісламу. З другога боку, яны зразумелі

трэба амаладзіць імперыю альбо замяніць яе больш жыццяздольнай. Сапраўды,

уключаны іх творчыя ідэі адносна будучых мадэляў, але не абмяжоўваліся, the

наступныя: замена Асманскай імперыі на чале з Турцыяй на арабскую

халіфат, пабудова федэральнага альбо канфедэратыўнага мусульманскага халіфата, устанаўленне

садружнасць мусульманскіх ці ўсходніх нацый, і ўмацаванне салідарнасці

і супрацоўніцтва паміж незалежнымі мусульманскімі краінамі без стварэння

нерухомая структура. Гэтыя і падобныя ідэі пазней называліся

Мадэль мусульманскай лігі, што было галоўным тэзісам для розных прапаноў

звязаны з будучым халіфатам.

Два прыхільнікі такой рэформы былі Джамал ад-Дзін аль-Афгані і

Мухамад `Абдух, абодва яны адыгралі ключавую ролю ў сучасным

Ісламскі рух за палітычныя рэформы.1 Іх адказ на двайны выклік

перад мусульманскім светам у канцы XIX стагоддзя - еўрапейская каланізацыя

і мусульманскі заняпад - быў збалансаваны. Іх канчатковай мэтай было

адрадзіць уму, назіраючы за ісламскім адкрыццём і атрымліваючы карысць

з дасягненняў Еўропы. Аднак, яны разышліся па некаторых аспектах

і метады, а таксама непасрэдныя мэты і стратэгіі, рэформы.

У той час як аль-Афгані заклікаў і змагаўся ў асноўным за палітычныя рэформы,

`Абдух, калісьці адзін з яго блізкіх вучняў, распрацоўваў уласныя ідэі, якія

падкрэсліваў адукацыю і падрываў палітыку.

Egypt at the Tipping Point ?

David B. Ottaway
In the early 1980s, I lived in Cairo as bureau chief of The Washington Post covering such historic events as the withdrawal of the last
Israeli forces from Egyptian territory occupied during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war and the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat by Islamic fanatics in October 1981.
The latter national drama, which I witnessed personally, had proven to be a wrenching milestone. It forced Sadat’s successor, Хосні Мубарак, to turn inwards to deal with an Islamist challenge of unknown proportions and effectively ended Egypt’s leadership role in the Arab world.
Mubarak immediately showed himself to be a highly cautious, unimaginative leader, maddeningly reactive rather than pro-active in dealing with the social and economic problems overwhelming his nation like its explosive population growth (1.2 million more Egyptians a year) and economic decline.
In a four-part Washington Post series written as I was departing in early 1985, I noted the new Egyptian leader was still pretty much
a total enigma to his own people, offering no vision and commanding what seemed a rudderless ship of state. The socialist economy
inherited from the era of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952 to 1970) was a mess. The country’s currency, the pound, was operating
on eight different exchange rates; its state-run factories were unproductive, uncompetitive and deep in debt; and the government was heading for bankruptcy partly because subsidies for food, electricity and gasoline were consuming one-third ($7 billion) of its budget. Cairo had sunk into a hopeless morass of gridlocked traffic and teeming humanity—12 million people squeezed into a narrow band of land bordering the Nile River, most living cheek by jowl in ramshackle tenements in the city’s ever-expanding slums.

Арганізацыйная пераемнасць у братоў-мусульман Егіпта

Тесс Лі Eisenhart

Як найстарэйшы і найбольш вядомы апазіцыйны рух у Егіпце, таварыства а

Браты-мусульмане ", аль-іхван аль-муслімен, ужо даўно ставіць выклік паслядоўным свецкім
рэжымаў, прапаноўваючы ўсебаковае бачанне ісламскай дзяржавы і шырокую сацыяльную
сацыяльныя паслугі. З моманту свайго заснавання ў в 1928, брацтва (Брат) квітнела ў
паралельны рэлігійны і сацыяльны сектар паслуг, як правіла, пазбягаючы прамой канфрантацыі з
кіруючыя рэжымы.1 Зусім нядаўна за апошнія два дзесяцігоддзі, Аднак, брацтва мае
сутыкнуўся з партыйнасцю ў фармальнай палітычнай сферы. Гэты эксперымент завяршыўся
выбары васьмідзесяці васьмі братоў у Народны сход у 2005 г. - самыя буйныя
апазіцыйны блок у сучаснай гісторыі Егіпта - і наступныя арышты амаль
1,000 Браты.2 Выбарчы прасоўванне ў асноўную палітыку забяспечвае дастаткова ежы
для навукоўцаў, каб праверыць тэорыі і зрабіць прагнозы пра будучыню егіпцяніна
рэжым: выпадзе гэта ісламісцкай апазіцыі ці застанецца маяком секулярызму ў
Арабскі свет?
Гэты тэзіс ухіляецца ад такіх шырокіх спекуляцый. Замест гэтага, яно даследуе

ступень адаптацыі "Братоў-мусульман" як арганізацыі ў мінулым


Dr,Мухамад Бадзі

In the name of Allah, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate Praise be to Allah and Blessing on His messenger, companions and followers
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
I greet you with the Islamic greeting; Peace be upon you and God’s mercy and blessings;
It is the will of Allah that I undertake this huge responsibility which Allah has chosen for me and a request from the MB Movement which I respond to with the support of Allah. With the support of my Muslim Brothers I look forward to achieving the great goals, we devoted ourselves to, solely for the sake of Allah.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
At the outset of my speech I would like to address our teacher, older brother, and distinguished leader Mr. Mohamed Mahdy Akef, the seventh leader of the MB group a strong, dedicated and enthusiastic person who led the group’s journey amid storms and surpassed all its obstacles, thus providing this unique and outstanding model to all leaders and senior officials in the government, associations and other parties by fulfilling his promise and handing over the leadership after only one term, words are not enough to express our feelings to this great leader and guide and we can only sayMay Allah reward you all the best”.
We say to our beloved Muslim brothers who are spread around the globe, it is unfortunate for us to have this big event happening while you are not among us for reasons beyond our control, however we feel that your souls are with us sending honest and sincere smiles and vibes.
As for the beloved ones who are behind the bars of tyranny and oppression for no just reason other than reiterating Allah is our God, and for seeking the dignity, pride and development of their country, we sincerely applaud and salute them for their patience, steadfastness and sacrifices which we are sure will not be without gain. We pray that those tyrants and oppressors salvage their conscience and that we see you again in our midst supporting our cause, may Allah bless and protect you all.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
As you are aware, the main goal of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (мегабайт) is comprehensive modification, which deals with all kinds of corruption through reform and change. “I only desire (your) betterment to the best of my power; and my success (in my task) can only come from Allah.” (Hud-88) and through cooperation with all powers of the nation and those with high spirits who are sincere to their religion and nation.
The MB believes that Allah has placed all the foundations necessary for the development and welfare of nations in the great Islam; Таму, Islam is their reference towards reform, which starts from the disciplining and training of the souls of individuals, followed by regulating families and societies by strengthening them, preceded by bringing justice to it and the continuous jihad to liberate the nation from any foreign dominance or intellectual, spiritual, cultural hegemony and economic, political or military colonialism, as well as leading the nation to development, prosperity and assuming its appropriate place in the world.



The First Islamic State
On the foundation of this virtuous Qur’anic social order the first Islamic state arose, having unshakeable faith in гэта, meticulously applying it, and spreading it throughout the world, so that the first Khilafah used to say: ‘If I should lose a camel’s lead, I would find it in Allah’s Book.’. He fought those who refused to pay zakah, regarding them as apostates because they had overthrown one of the pillars of this order, saying: ‘By Allah, if they refused me a lead which they would hand over to the Apostle of Allah (PBUH), I would fight them as soon as I have a sword in my hand!’ For unity, in all its meanings and manifestations, pervaded this new forthcoming nation.
Complete social unity arose from making the Qur’anic order and it’s language universal, while complete political unity was under the shadow of the Amir Al-Mumineen and beneath the standard of the Khilafah in the capital.
The fact that the Islamic ideology was one of decentralisation of the armed forces, the state treasuries, і provincial governors proved to be no obstacle to this, since all acted according to a single creed and a unified and comprehensive control. The Qur’anic principles dispelled and laid to rest the superstitious idolatry prevalent in the Arabian Peninsula and Persia. They banished guileful Judaism and confined it to a narrow province, putting an end to its religious and political authority. They struggled with Christianity such that its influence was greatly diminished in the Asian and African continents, confined only to Europe under the guard of the Byzantine Empire in Constantinople. Thus the Islamic state became the centre of spiritual and political dominance within the two largest continents. This state persisted in its attacks against the third continent, assaulting Constantinople from the east and besieging it until the siege grew wearisome. Then it came at it from the west,
plunging into Spain, with its victorious soldiers reaching the heart of France and penetrating as far as northern and southern Italy. It established an imposing state in Western Europe, radiant with science and knowledge.
потым, it ended the conquest of Constantinople itself and the confined Christianity within the restricted area of Central Europe. Islamic fleets ventured into the depths of the Mediterranean and Red seas, both became Islamic lakes. And so the armed forces of the Islamic state assumed supremacy of the seas both in the East and West, enjoying absolute mastery over land and sea. These Islamic nations had already combined and incorporated many things from other civilisations, but they triumphed through the strength of their faith and the solidness of their system over others. They Arabised them, or succeeded in doing so to a degree, and were able to sway them and convert them to the splendour, beauty and vitality of their language and religion. The Muslims were free to adopt anything beneficial from other civilisations, insofar as it did not have adverse effects on their social and political unity.

Roots Of Nationalism In The Muslim World

Shabir Ahmed

The Muslim world has been characterised by failure, disunity, bloodshed, oppression and backwardness. At present, no Muslim country in the world can rightly claim to be a leader in any field of human activity. Сапраўды, the non-Muslims of the East and the West
now dictate the social, economic and political agenda for the Muslim Ummah.
Акрамя таго, the Muslims identify themselves as Turkish, араб, African and Pakistani. If this is not enough, Muslims are further sub-divided within each country or continent. Напрыклад, in Pakistan people are classed as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balauchis and
Pathans. The Muslim Ummah was never faced with such a dilemma in the past during Islamic rule. They never suffered from disunity, widespread oppression, stagnation in science and technology and certainly not from the internal conflicts that we have witnessed this century like the Iran-Iraq war. So what has gone wrong with the Muslims this century? Why are there so many feuds between them and why are they seen to be fighting each other? What has caused their weakness and how will they ever recover from the present stagnation?
There are many factors that contributed to the present state of affairs, but the main ones are the abandoning of the Arabic language as the language of understanding Islam correctly and performing ijtihad, the absorption of foreign cultures such as the philosophies of the Greeks, Persian and the Hindus, the gradual loss of central authority over some of the provinces, and the rise of nationalism since the 19th Century.
This book focuses on the origins of nationalism in the Muslim world. Nationalism did not arise in the Muslim world naturally, nor did it came about in response to any hardships faced by the people, nor due to the frustration they felt when Europe started to dominate the world after the industrial revolution. Rather, nationalism was implanted in the minds of the Muslims through a well thought out scheme by the European powers, after their failure to destroy the Islamic State by force. The book also presents the Islamic verdict on nationalism and practical steps that can be taken to eradicate the disease of nationalism from the Muslim Ummah so as to restore it back to its former glory.

A Muslim Archipelago

Max L. брута

This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.

Дэмакратыя ў ісламскай палітычнай думкі

Аззам S. Тамими

Дэмакратыя паглынутая арабскія палітычныя мысляры яшчэ на світанку сучаснага арабскага адраджэння каля двух стагоддзяў таму. З таго часу, the concept of democracy has changed and developed under the influence of a variety of social and political developments.The discussion of democracy in Arab Islamic literature can be traced back to Rifa’a Tahtawi, the father of Egyptian democracy according to Lewis Awad,[3] who shortly after his return to Cairo from Paris published his first book, Takhlis Al-Ibriz Ila Talkhis Bariz, у 1834. The book summarized his observations of the manners and customs of the modern French,[4] and praised the concept of democracy as he saw it in France and as he witnessed its defence and reassertion through the 1830 Revolution against King Charles X.[5] Tahtawi tried to show that the democratic concept he was explaining to his readers was compatible with the law of Islam. He compared political pluralism to forms of ideological and jurisprudential pluralism that existed in the Islamic experience:
Religious freedom is the freedom of belief, of opinion and of sect, provided it does not contradict the fundamentals of religion . . . The same would apply to the freedom of political practice and opinion by leading administrators, who endeavour to interpret and apply rules and provisions in accordance with the laws of their own countries. Kings and ministers are licensed in the realm of politics to pursue various routes that in the end serve one purpose: good administration and justice.[6] One important landmark in this regard was the contribution of Khairuddin At-Tunisi (1810- 99), leader of the 19th-century reform movement in Tunisia, who, у 1867, formulated a general plan for reform in a book entitled Aqwam Al-Masalik Fi Taqwim Al- Mamalik (The Straight Path to Reforming Governments). The main preoccupation of the book was in tackling the question of political reform in the Arab world. While appealing to politicians and scholars of his time to seek all possible means in order to improve the status of the
community and develop its civility, he warned the general Muslim public against shunning the experiences of other nations on the basis of the misconception that all the writings, inventions, experiences or attitudes of non-Muslims should be rejected or disregarded.
Khairuddin further called for an end to absolutist rule, which he blamed for the oppression of nations and the destruction of civilizations.

секулярызм, герменеўтыка, і Імперыя: Палітыка ісламскай рэфармацыі

Саба Махмуд

З вераснёўскіх падзей 11, 2001, супраць

на фоне двух дзесяцігоддзяў узыходжання сусветнай рэлігійнай палітыкі, тэрмінова
заклікі да аднаўлення секулярызму дасягнулі крэшэнда, які не можа
быць праігнараваным. Найбольш відавочнай мэтай гэтых рэзкіх заклікаў з'яўляецца іслам, асабліва
тыя практыкі і дыскурсы ў ісламе, якія падазраюцца ў развіцці фундаменталізму
і ваяўнічасць. Гэта стала рысай для левых і лібералаў
звязаць лёс дэмакратыі ў мусульманскім свеце з інстытуцыяналізацыяй

секулярызму - і як палітычная дактрына, і як палітычная этыка. Гэтая муфта
у цяперашні час шырока адгукаецца ў дыскурсе, які ідзе ад ЗША. Дзяржава
Кафедра, асабліва ў праграмных намаганнях па пераўтварэнні і пераўтварэнні
"Іслам знутры". У гэтым нарысе, Я вывучу абедзве канкрэтныя канцэпцыі
секулярызму, які ляжыць у аснове цяперашняга кансенсусу, якім павінен быць іслам
рэфармаваная - што яе секулярызацыя з'яўляецца неабходным крокам у дасягненні "дэмакратыі"
мусульманскі свет - і стратэгічныя сродкі, з дапамогай якіх гэта праграмнае бачанне
інстытут сёння. Паколькі секулярызм - гэта катэгорыя, якая гістарычна змяняецца
з стракатай генеалогіяй, мая мэта не забяспечыць аўтарытэтнае вызначэнне
секулярызму альбо прасачыць яго гістарычныя пераўтварэнні ў межах ЗША ці
Мусульманскі свет. Мая мэта тут больш абмежаваная: Я хачу намаляваць канкрэтнае
разуменне секулярызму, на якім ляжаць сучасныя амерыканскія дыскурсы
Іслам, разуменне, якое глыбока сфарміравана ў ЗША. бяспека і знешняя палітыка
праблемы ў мусульманскім свеце.

Ісламская палітычная культура, дэмакратыя, і правы чалавека

Daniel E. цана

Сцвярджалася, што іслам спрыяе аўтарытарызму, супярэчыць

каштоўнасці заходніх грамадстваў, і істотна ўплывае на важныя палітычныя вынікі

у мусульманскіх народаў. Такім чынам, навукоўцы, каментатары, і ўрада

чыноўнікі часта ўказваюць на наступны "ісламскі фундаменталізм"

ідэалагічная пагроза ліберальным дэмакратыям. Гэта меркаванне, Аднак, заснавана ў першую чаргу

па аналізе тэкстаў, Ісламская палітычная тэорыя, і спецыяльныя даследаванні

асобных краін, якія не ўлічваюць іншыя фактары. Гэта маё сцвярджэнне

што тэксты і традыцыі ісламу, як у іншых рэлігій,

можа выкарыстоўвацца для падтрымкі розных палітычных сістэм і палітык. Краіна

канкрэтныя і апісальныя даследаванні не дапамагаюць нам знайсці заканамернасці, якія дапамогуць

мы тлумачым розныя ўзаемасувязі паміж ісламам і палітыкай ва ўсім свеце

краіны мусульманскага свету. такім чынам, новы падыход да вывучэння

патрабуецца сувязь паміж ісламам і палітыкай.
Прапаную, шляхам строгай ацэнкі адносін паміж ісламам,

дэмакратыя, і правы чалавека на міждзяржаўным узроўні, гэта занадта шмат

акцэнт робіцца на сіле ісламу як палітычнай сілы. Я першы

выкарыстоўваць параўнальныя тэматычныя даследаванні, якія сканцэнтраваны на фактарах, звязаных з узаемадзеяннем

паміж ісламскімі групоўкамі і рэжымамі, эканамічныя ўплывы, этнічныя расколы,

і развіццё грамадства, каб растлумачыць дысперсію ўплыву

Іслам у палітыцы васьмі дзяржаў.

The Prelude to the Islamic State

Muhammad Ibn Katebur Rahman

We have been given Islam as guidance and his guidance is divided in to, acts of worship wholly between Allah and His servants and acts of achieving aims to attain the Islamic sovereignty on earth. Acts of worship are Salat, Saum, Zabh, etc which have no rational reasons for its existence. Then there are acts which have reasons for its existence such as spending wealth, джыхад, speaking truth, fighting injustice, preventing zina, drugs, interests, etc which are there for the benefit and well being of societies and nations. Each intelligent worshipper in order to achieve these goals of universal benefits therefore must always seek ways to attain it and one of it is theological and political unity. In order to envision the gateways in the world to implement and realize these universal interests we then must know about the changing world, we must know about the age of information. We must know about its nature, behavior, progression which includes knowing about politics, гісторыі, тэхналогіі, science, ваенныя, культуры, philosophies, psychology of nations, people of power and values, places of interest and value, resources of earth, international law, інтэрнэт, humanity with its divisions on basis of wealth, power and their place in history and progression. Our Prophet (saas) stated that the knowledge is a lost property of a believer and indeed this knowledge is all those knowledge which by knowing benefits Islam and the Muslims both in world and hereafter. The intelligent among us especially the clerics, therefore study books and organizes people of knowledge on basis of their respective expertise so that they can give efficient and effective solutions for the attainment of those Islamic universal benefits. The Islamic politics is just there to realize these universal benefits, to humanity on whole and Muslims in particular