L-Iskrizzjonijiet kollha fil- "L-Alġerija" Kategorija
STRATEĠIJI GĦALL-IMPENĠĠ TAL-IŻLAM POLITIKU
SHADI HAMID
AMANDA KADLEC
Partiti Iżlamiċi : Tliet tipi ta 'movimenti
Tamara Cofman
Partiti Iżlamiċi : Barka jew diżastru għad-demokrazija?
Amr Hamzawy
Nathan J. Kannella
The Mismeasure of Political Islam
Martin Kramer
MOVIMENTI IŻLAMISTI U L-PROĊESS DEMOKRATIKU FID-DINJA Għarbija: Nesploraw iż-Żoni Griżi
Nathan J. Kannella, Amr Hamzawy,
Marina Ottaway
L-ISLAM, IŻLAMTI, U L-PRINĊIPJU ELETTORALI FIL-LVANT NOFSANI
James Piscatori
Iżlam Politiku u Politika Barranija Ewropea
L-IŻLAM POLITIKU U L-POLITIKA EWROPEA TAL-Viċinat
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Peress li 2001 u l-avvenimenti internazzjonali li seħħew in-natura tar-relazzjoni bejn il-Punent u l-Iżlam politiku saret kwistjoni ta' definizzjoni għall-politika barranija. F'dawn l-aħħar snin sar ammont konsiderevoli ta' riċerka u analiżi dwar il-kwistjoni tal-Iżlam politiku. Dan għen biex jikkoreġi xi wħud mis-suppożizzjonijiet simplistiċi u allarmisti li qabel kienu miżmuma fil-Punent dwar in-natura tal-valuri u l-intenzjonijiet Iżlamiċi.. Parallel għal dan, l-Unjoni Ewropea (UE) żviluppat għadd ta’ inizjattivi ta’ politika primarjament il-Politika Ewropea tal-Viċinat(ENP) li fil-prinċipju jimpenjaw ruħhom għal djalogu u impenn aktar profond kollha(mhux vjolenti) atturi politiċi u organizzazzjonijiet tas-soċjetà ċivili fil-pajjiżi Għarab. Madankollu ħafna analisti u dawk li jfasslu l-politika issa jilmentaw minn ċertu trofew kemm fid-dibattitu kunċettwali kif ukoll fl-iżvilupp tal-politika. Ġie stabbilit li l-Iżlam politiku huwa pajsaġġ li qed jinbidel, affettwati ħafna minn firxa ta’ ċirkostanzi, imma d-dibattitu ta’ spiss jidher li żamm fuq il-kwistjoni simplistika ta’ ‘huma l-Iżlamisti demokratiċi?’ Ħafna analisti indipendenti madankollu kienu favur l-involviment mal-Iżlamisti, iżda l-avviċinament attwali bejn il-gvernijiet tal-Punent u l-organizzazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi għadu limitat .
What Leads Voters to Support the Opposition under Authoritarianism ?
Michael D.H. Robbins
għaliex m'hemmx demokraziji Għarab ?
Larry Diamond
Demokrazija, Terroriżmu u Politika Amerikana fid-Dinja Għarbija
F. Gregory Gause
L-Impenn tal-Ewropa mal-Iżlamisti Moderati
Kristina Kausch
THE RISE OF “MUSLIM DEMOCRACY”
Vali Nasr
A specter is haunting the Muslim world. This particular specter is notthe malign and much-discussed spirit of fundamentalist extremism, nor yet the phantom hope known as liberal Islam. Instead, the specter that I have in mind is a third force, a hopeful if still somewhat ambiguoustrend that I call—in a conscious evocation of the political tradition associated with the Christian Democratic parties of Europe—“Muslim Democracy.”The emergence and unfolding of Muslim Democracy as a “fact on the ground” over the last fifteen years has been impressive. This is so even though all its exponents have thus far eschewed that label1 and even though the lion’s share of scholarly and political attention has gone to the question of how to promote religious reform within Islam as a prelude to democratization.2 Since the early 1990s, political openings in anumber of Muslim-majority countries—all, admittedly, outside the Arabworld—have seen Islamic-oriented (but non-Islamist) parties vying successfullyfor votes in Bangladesh, L-Indoneżja, Il-Malasja, Pakistan (beforeits 1999 military coup), and Turkey.Unlike Islamists, with their visions of rule by shari‘a (Islamic law) oreven a restored caliphate, Muslim Democrats view political life with apragmatic eye. They reject or at least discount the classic Islamist claim that Islam commands the pursuit of a shari‘a state, and their main goaltends to be the more mundane one of crafting viable electoral platform sand stable governing coalitions to serve individual and collective interests—Islamic as well as secular—within a democratic arena whosebounds they respect, win or lose. Islamists view democracy not as something deeply legitimate, but at best as a tool or tactic that may be useful in gaining the power to build an Islamic state.
Moviment Iżlamiku: Political Freedom & Demokrazija
Dr.Yusuf al-Qaradawi
It is the duty of the (Iżlamiku) Movement in the coming phase tostand firm against totalitarian and dictatorial rule, political despotism and usurpation of people’s rights. The Movement should always stand by political freedom, as represented by true,not false, demokrazija. It should flatly declare it refusal of tyrantsand steer clear of all dictators, even if some tyrant appears to havegood intentions towards it for some gain and for a time that is usually short, as has been shown by experience.The Prophet (SAWS) said, “ When you see my Nation fall victim to fear and does not say to a wrong –doer, “You are wrong”, thenyou may lose hope in them.” So how about a regime that forces people to say to a conceited wrongdoer, “How just, how great you are. O our hero, our savior and our liberator!”The Quran denounces tyrants such as Numrudh, Pharaoh, Haman and others, but it also dispraises those who follow tyrants andobey their orders. This is why Allah dispraises the people of Noahby saying, “ But they follow (m en) whose wealth and childrengive them no increase but only loss.” [Surat Nuh; 21]Allah also says of Ad, people of Hud, “ And followed thecommand of every powerful, obstinate transgressor”. [Surat Hud:59]See also what the Quran says about the people of Pharaoh, “ Butthey followed the command of Pharaoh, and the command ofPharaoh was not rightly guided.[Surat Hud: 97] “Thus he made fools of his people, and they obeyed him: truly they were a people rebellious (against Allah).” [Surat Az-Zukhruf: 54]A closer look at the history of the Muslim Nation and the IslamicMovement in modern times should show clearly that the Islamicidea, the Islamic Movement and the Islamic Awakening have never flourished or borne fruit unless in an atmosphere ofdemocracy and freedom, and have withered and become barren only at the times of oppression and tyranny that trod over the willof the peoples which clung to Islam. Such oppressive regimesimposed their secularism, socialism or communism on their peoples by force and coercion, using covert torture and publicexecutions, and employing those devilish tools that tore flesh,shed blood, crushed bone and destroyed the soul.We saw these practices in many Muslim countries, including Turkey, L-Eġittu, Is-Sirja, Iraq, (the former) South Yemen, Somaliaand northern African States for varying periods of time, depending on the age or reign of the dictator in each country.On the other hand, we saw the Islamic Movement and the Islamic Awakening bear fruit and flourish at the times of freedom and democracy, and in the wake of the collapse of imperial regimes that ruled peoples with fear and oppression.Therefore, I would not imagine that the Islamic Movement could support anything other than political freedom and democracy.The tyrants allowed every voice to be raised, except the voice ofIslam, and let every trend express itself in the form of a politicalparty or body of some sort, except the Islamic current which is theonly trend that actually speaks for this Nation and expresses it screed, values, essence and very existence.
il 500 l-iktar Musulmani influwenti
John Esposito
Ibrahim Kalin
Il-pubblikazzjoni li għandek f'idejk hija l-ewwel waħda minn dak li nittamaw li tkun serje annwali li tipprovdi tieqa għall-movers u shakers tad-dinja Musulmana. Aħna stinkajna biex nenfasizzaw nies li huma influwenti bħala Musulmani, thatis, nies li l-influwenza tagħhom hija derivata mill-prattika tagħhom tal-Iżlam jew mill-fatt li huma Musulmani. Aħna naħsbu li dan jagħti ħarsa siewja lejn il-modi differenti li l-Musulmani jħallu impatt fuq id-dinja, u juri wkoll id-diversità ta 'kif in-nies jgħixu bħala Musulmani llum. L-influwenza hija kunċett delikat. It-tifsira tagħha ġejja mill-kelma Latina influens li tfisser li tidħol, li tipponta lejn idea astroloġika antika li forzi li ma jidhrux (bhal themoon) jaffettwaw lill-umanità. Iċ-ċifri fuq din il-lista għandhom il-ħila li jaffettwaw ukoll lill-umanità. F’varjetà ta ’modi differenti kull persuna fuq din il-lista għandha influwenza fuq il-ħajja ta’ numru kbir ta ’nies fuq l-art. Il 50 il-figuri l-aktar influwenti huma profilati. L-influwenza tagħhom ġejja minn varjetà ta 'sorsi; madankollu huma magħqudin bil-fatt li kull wieħed jaffettwa meded kbar ta 'umanità 500 mexxejja 15 kategoriji — Akkademiku, Politiku,Amministrattiv, Nisel, Predikaturi, Nisa, Żgħażagħ, Filantropija, Żvilupp,Xjenza u Teknoloġija, Arti u Kultura, Midja, Radikali, Netwerks Iżlamiċi Internazzjonali, u Kwistjonijiet tal-Ġurnata - biex jgħinuk tifhem it-tipi differenti ta 'modi li l-Islam u l-Musulmani jħallu impatt fuq id-dinja llum. Żewġ listi komposti juru kif l-influwenza taħdem b'modi differenti: In-Netwerks Iżlamiċi Internazzjonali juri nies li huma fil-kap ta 'netwerks transnazzjonali importanti tal-Musulmani, u Kwistjonijiet tal-Ġurnata jenfasizzaw individwi li l-importanza tagħhom hija dovuta għal kwistjonijiet kurrenti li jaffettwaw lill-umanità.
L-Alġerija: Prospects for an Islamic or a Secular State
Meta Akacem
What are the prospects for an Islamic state in Algeria nowadays? Before wecan answer that question, we must first understand the political, economic,and social developments that have recently taken place in Algeria. !ese eventswill shed some light on the decline of the Islamist movements.Soon after independence, Algeria adopted an inward-oriented “socialist”system. Its economic development model depended on revenues fromhydrocarbons, mainly oil. Additionally, the public sector dominated the economicactivities through the State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) that were supposed tocatalyze the economic and social development of the country. !e governmentwas the main supplier of subsidized food, utilities, housing, education, andjobs. In this first phase of the socialist experience, the government successfullyfaced “the problems of development,” and it could deliver the just-mentionedgoods and services as long as oil prices and oil revenues were high enough.1 !egovernment, madankollu, failed to face “the development of problems” during thesecond phase of its socialist experience. A huge decrease in the price of oil inthe mid-1980s, from around $40 to around $6 a barrel in few weeks, left thegovernment unable to provide better living standards for a population that haddoubled in size since independence. Since oil revenues were, and still are, themost important source of foreign currency for the country, the drastic decreasein crude oil prices had several consequences. L-ewwel, it led to a severe foreign debtcrisis. It-tieni, there was a dramatic reduction in the volume of imports—inparticular, food products. !ird, the government’s budgetary resources werereduced by about 50%. Fl-aħħarnett, there was a severe economic recession that ledto social protests that led, in turn, to “bread rioting.”