中的所有條目 "阿爾及利亞" 類別
阿拉伯的明天
大衛乙. 渥太威
十月 6, 1981, 本來是埃及慶祝的一天. 它標誌著埃及在三場阿以沖突中取得勝利的最偉大時刻的周年紀念, 當該國處於劣勢的軍隊在蘇伊士運河上突進時 1973 贖罪日戰爭並派遣以色列軍隊撤退. 在一個很酷的, 萬里無雲的早晨, 開羅體育場擠滿了前來觀看軍隊展示其硬件的埃及家庭。在檢閱台上, 安瓦爾·薩達特總統,戰爭的建築師, 滿意地看著人和機器在他面前遊行. 我在附近, 一位新來的外國記者。突然, 一輛軍用卡車直接停在檢閱台前,六架幻影噴氣式飛機在頭頂進行雜技表演, 用長長的紅色畫出天空, 黃色, 紫色的,和綠煙. 薩達特站了起來, 顯然準備與另一支埃及軍隊交換敬意. 他使自己成為四名從卡車上跳下來的伊斯蘭刺客的完美目標, 衝上講台, 並用子彈打滿了他的身體。當兇手繼續用他們致命的火焰噴射看台似乎是永恆的, 我考慮了一下,是摔倒在地,冒著被驚慌失措的觀眾踩死的風險,還是留在原地,冒著被流彈擊中的風險. 本能告訴我要站穩腳跟, 我的新聞責任感驅使我去查明薩達特是死是活.
伊斯蘭教, 政治伊斯蘭教與美國
阿拉伯洞察
與美國的“兄弟情誼”是否可能?
哈利勒阿納尼
自由民主與政治伊斯蘭: 尋找共同點.
莫斯塔法Benhenda
伊斯蘭教, 民主 & 美國:
科爾多瓦基金會
阿卜杜拉Faliq
介紹 ,
伊斯蘭教與法治
在我們現代西方社會, 國家組織的法律體系通常劃出一條區分宗教和法律的獨特界限. 反過來, 在許多伊斯蘭地區社會中,宗教和法律在今天與現代開始之前一樣緊密相連和相互交織. 同時, 宗教法的比例 (伊斯蘭教法在阿拉伯語) 和公法 (法律) 混合因一個國家而異. 更, 伊斯蘭教的地位以及因此伊斯蘭教法的地位也不同. 根據伊斯蘭會議組織提供的資料 (伊斯蘭會議組織), 目前有 57 世界各地的伊斯蘭國家, 定義為以伊斯蘭教為宗教的國家 (1) 國家, (2) 大多數人口, 要么 (3) 大少數. 所有這些都影響了伊斯蘭法律的發展和形式.
伊斯蘭政治文化, 民主, 和人權
丹尼爾E·. 價錢
全球反恐戰爭中的精準:
謝裡法·祖爾
辯論阿拉伯世界的民主
Ibtisam易卜拉欣
伊斯蘭教與民主
ITAC
挑戰威權主義, 殖民主義, 和不團結: 阿富汗和里達的伊斯蘭政治改革運動
艾哈邁德·阿里·薩利姆
These reformers perceived the decline of the Muslim world in general,
and of the Ottoman Empire in particular, to be the result of an increasing
disregard for implementing the Shari`ah (伊斯蘭法). 然而, since the
late eighteenth century, an increasing number of reformers, sometimes supported
by the Ottoman sultans, began to call for reforming the empire along
modern European lines. The empire’s failure to defend its lands and to
respond successfully to the West’s challenges only further fueled this call
for “modernizing” reform, which reached its peak in the Tanzimat movement
in the second half of the nineteenth century.
Other Muslim reformers called for a middle course. On the one hand,
they admitted that the caliphate should be modeled according to the Islamic
sources of guidance, especially the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad’s
teachings (Sunnah), and that the ummah’s (the world Muslim community)
unity is one of Islam’s political pillars. 另一方面, they realized the
need to rejuvenate the empire or replace it with a more viable one. 確實,
their creative ideas on future models included, but were not limited to, 該
following: replacing the Turkish-led Ottoman Empire with an Arab-led
caliphate, building a federal or confederate Muslim caliphate, establishing
a commonwealth of Muslim or oriental nations, and strengthening solidarity
and cooperation among independent Muslim countries without creating
a fixed structure. These and similar ideas were later referred to as the
Muslim league model, which was an umbrella thesis for the various proposals
related to the future caliphate.
Two advocates of such reform were Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and
Muhammad `Abduh, both of whom played key roles in the modern
Islamic political reform movement.1 Their response to the dual challenge
facing the Muslim world in the late nineteenth century – European colonization
and Muslim decline – was balanced. Their ultimate goal was to
revive the ummah by observing the Islamic revelation and benefiting
from Europe’s achievements. 然而, they disagreed on certain aspects
and methods, as well as the immediate goals and strategies, of reform.
While al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political reform,
`Abduh, once one of his close disciples, developed his own ideas, 哪一個
emphasized education and undermined politics.
埃及處於臨界點 ?
穆斯林世界民族主義的根源
沙比爾·艾哈邁德
一個穆斯林群島
最大大號. 毛
伊斯蘭政治文化, 民主, 和人權
丹尼爾E·. 價錢
伊斯蘭反對黨和歐盟參與的潛力
托比·阿徹
海蒂Huuhtanen
中東的政治伊斯蘭教
是克努森