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Dilemma Islamist America แก้ไขของ: บทเรียนจากใต้และเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้

Hamid Shadi
สหรัฐอเมริกา. ความพยายามในการส่งเสริมประชาธิปไตยในตะวันออกกลางมานานเป็นอัมพาตโดย"ขึ้นเขียง Islamist": ในทางทฤษฎี, เราต้องการประชาธิปไตย, แต่, ในทางปฏิบัติ, กลัวว่าบุคคลที่จะเป็นมุสลิมได้รับผลประโยชน์สำคัญของการเปิดทางการเมืองใด ๆ. The most tragic manifestation of this was the Algerian debacle of 1991 และ 1992, when the United States stood silently while the staunchly secular military canceled elections after an Islamist party won a parliamentary majority. More recently, the Bush administration backed away from its “freedom agenda” after Islamists did surprisingly well in elections throughout region, including in Egypt, ประเทศซาอุดีอาระเบีย, and the Palestinian territories.
But even our fear of Islamist parties—and the resulting refusal to engage with them—has itself been inconsistent, holding true for some countries but not others. The more that a country is seen as vital to American national security interests, the less willing the United States has been to accept Islamist groups having a prominent political role there. อย่างไรก็ตาม, in countries seen as less strategically relevant, and where less is at stake, the United States has occasionally taken a more nuanced approach. But it is precisely where more is at stake that recognizing a role for nonviolent Islamists is most important, และ, here, American policy continues to fall short.
Throughout the region, the United States has actively supported autocratic regimes and given the green light for campaigns of repression against groups such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the oldest and most influential political movement in the region. In March 2008, during what many observers consider to be the worst period of anti-Brotherhood repression since the 1960s, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice waived a $100 million congressionally mandated reduction of military aid to Egypt. The situation in Jordan is similar. The Bush administration and the Democratic congress have hailed the country as a “model” of Arab reform at precisely the same time that it has been devising new ways to manipulate the electoral process to limit Islamist representation, and just as it held elections plagued by widespread allegations of outright fraud
and rigging.1 This is not a coincidence. Egypt and Jordan are the only two Arab countries that have signed peace treaties with Israel. ยิ่งไปกว่านั้น, they are seen as crucial to U.S. efforts to counter Iran, stabilize Iraq, and combat terrorism.