Kõik kanded "Malaisia" Kategooria

sisse 1979 Kindral Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, Pakistani sõjaväeline valitseja, teatas, et Pakistanist saab islamiriik. Islami väärtused ja normid oleksid rahvusliku identiteedi aluseks, seadus, majandust, ja sotsiaalsed suhted, ja see inspireeriks kogu poliitika kujundamist. sisse 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, Malaisia ​​uus peaminister, võttis kasutusele sarnase laiapõhjalise plaani, et ankurdada riigi poliitika kujundamine islami väärtustesse, ning viia oma riigi seadused ja majandustavad kooskõlla islami õpetustega. Miks valisid need valitsejad oma riikide jaoks "islamiseerumise" tee?? Ja kuidas kunagistest ilmalikest postkoloniaalsetest riikidest said islamiseerumise agendid ja "tõelise" islamiriigi kuulutajad?

Malaisia ​​ja Pakistan on alates 1970. aastate lõpust – 1980. aastate algusest järginud ainulaadset arenguteed, mis erineb teiste kolmanda maailma riikide kogemustest.. Nendes kahes riigis integreeriti religioosne identiteet riigi ideoloogiasse, et teavitada islami väärtustest lähtuva arengu eesmärki ja protsessi.

See ettevõtmine on andnud ka väga erineva pildi islami ja poliitika suhetest moslemiühiskondades. Malaisias ja Pakistanis, see on olnud pigem riiklikud institutsioonid kui islamistlikud aktivistid (need, kes propageerivad islami poliitilist lugemist; tuntud ka kui revivalistid või fundamentalistid) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a

very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.

What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?

This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, ja laiemalt, kuidas kultuur ja religioon teenivad riigivõimu ja arengu vajadusi. Siinne analüüs tugineb teoreetilistele aruteludele

riigikäitumise sotsiaalteadustes ning kultuuri ja religiooni rollis selles. Tähtsam, see teeb uuritavatest juhtumitest järeldusi, et teha teadusharudele huvi pakkuvaid laiemaid järeldusi.

In spite of it being both a perennial and a complex debate, Arches Quarterly reexamines from theological and practical grounds, the important debate about the relationship and compatibility between Islam and Democracy, as echoed in Barack Obama’s agenda of hope and change. Whilst many celebrate Obama’s ascendancy to the Oval Office as a national catharsis for the US, others remain less optimistic of a shift in ideology and approach in the international arena. While much of the tension and distrust between the Muslim world and the USA can be attributed to the approach of promoting democracy, typically favoring dictatorships and puppet regimes that pay lip-service to democratic values and human rights, the aftershock of 9/11 has truly cemented the misgivings further through America’s position on political Islam. It has created a wall of negativity as found by worldpublicopinion.org, according to which 67% of Egyptians believe that globally America is playing a “mainly negative” role.

America’s response has thus been apt. By electing Obama, many around the world are pinning their hopes for developing a less belligerent, but fairer foreign policy towards the Muslim world. Th e test for Obama, as we discuss, is how America and her allies promote democracy. Will it be facilitating or imposing?

enamgi veel, can it importantly be an honest broker in prolonged zones of confl icts? Enlisting the expertise and insight of prolifi

c scholars, academics, seasoned journalists and politicians, Arches Quarterly brings to light the relationship between Islam and Democracy and the role of America – as well as the changes brought about by Obama, in seeking the common ground. Anas Altikriti, the CEO of Th e Cordoba Foundation provides the opening gambit to this discussion, where he refl ects on the hopes and challenges that rests on Obama’s path. Following Altikriti, the former advisor to President Nixon, Dr Robert Crane off ers a thorough analysis of the Islamic principle of the right to freedom. Anwar Ibrahim, former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, enriches the discussion with the practical realities of implementing democracy in Muslim dominant societies, namely, in Indonesia and Malaysia.

We also have Dr Shireen Hunter, of Georgetown University, USA, who explores Muslim countries lagging in democratisation and modernisation. Th is is complemented by terrorism writer, Dr Nafeez Ahmed’s explanation of the crisis of post-modernity and the

demise of democracy. Dr Daud Abdullah (Director of Middle East Media Monitor), Alan Hart (former ITN and BBC Panorama correspondent; author of Zionism: Th e Real Enemy of the Jews) and Asem Sondos (Editor of Egypt’s Sawt Al Omma weekly) concentrate on Obama and his role vis-à-vis democracy-promotion in the Muslim world, as well as US relations with Israel and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Minister of Foreign Aff airs, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed speculates on the future of Islam and Democracy; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn

– a Sinn Féin member who endured four years in prison for Irish Republican activities and a campaigner for the Guildford 4 and Birmingham 6, refl ects on his recent trip to Gaza where he witnessed the impact of the brutality and injustice meted out against Palestinians; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Director of the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Contemporary Political Violence discusses the challenges of critically researching political terror; Dr Khalid al-Mubarak, writer and playwright, discusses prospects of peace in Darfur; and fi nally journalist and human rights activist Ashur Shamis looks critically at the democratisation and politicisation of Muslims today.

We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.

This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.

This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.