RSSMaingizo zote "Mashariki ya Mbali" Kundi

Uislamu na Uundaji wa Madaraka ya Serikali

seyyed vali Reza Nasr

katika 1979 Jenerali Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, mtawala wa kijeshi wa Pakistan, alitangaza kuwa Pakistan itakuwa taifa la Kiislamu. Maadili na kanuni za Kiislamu zingetumika kama msingi wa utambulisho wa kitaifa, sheria, uchumi, na mahusiano ya kijamii, na ingehimiza uundaji wa sera zote. katika 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, waziri mkuu mpya wa Malaysia, ilianzisha mpango mpana sawa wa kusisitiza uundaji wa sera za serikali katika maadili ya Kiislamu, na kuleta sheria za nchi yake na mwenendo wa kiuchumi sambamba na mafundisho ya Uislamu. Kwa nini watawala hawa walichagua njia ya “Uislamu” kwa ajili ya nchi zao? Na ni vipi mataifa ya wakati mmoja baada ya ukoloni yaligeuka kuwa mawakala wa Uislamu na ishara ya dola ya "kweli" ya Kiislamu??
Malaysia na Pakistan tangu mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1970-mapema miaka ya 1980 zimefuata njia ya kipekee ya maendeleo ambayo inatofautiana na uzoefu wa mataifa mengine ya Dunia ya Tatu.. Katika nchi hizi mbili utambulisho wa kidini uliunganishwa katika itikadi ya serikali ili kufahamisha lengo na mchakato wa maendeleo na maadili ya Kiislamu.
Ahadi hii pia imetoa taswira tofauti kabisa ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa katika jamii za Kiislamu. Katika Malaysia na Pakistan, imekuwa taasisi za serikali badala ya wanaharakati wa Kiislamu (wale wanaotetea usomaji wa kisiasa wa Uislamu; pia wanajulikana kama waamsho au wafuasi wa kimsingi) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. Kitabu hiki badala yake ni uchunguzi wa kisayansi wa kijamii juu ya hali ya serikali za kidunia baada ya ukoloni kuwa mawakala wa Uislamu., na kwa upana zaidi jinsi utamaduni na dini zinavyohudumia mahitaji ya mamlaka na maendeleo ya serikali. Uchambuzi hapa unategemea mijadala ya kinadharia
katika sayansi ya kijamii ya tabia ya serikali na jukumu la utamaduni na dini ndani yake. Muhimu zaidi, huchota makisio kutoka kwa kesi zinazochunguzwa ili kufanya hitimisho pana la maslahi kwa taaluma.

| Septemba 25, 2010 | Maoni 0
Soma zaidi

Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI:

Msingi wa Cordoba

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


Licha ya kuwa mjadala wa kudumu na tata, Arches Kila mara huchunguza tena kutoka kwa misingi ya kitheolojia na ya vitendo, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, wengine hubaki na matumaini kidogo juu ya mabadiliko ya itikadi na njia katika uwanja wa kimataifa. Wakati mvutano na uaminifu mwingi kati ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na USA unaweza kuhusishwa na njia ya kukuza demokrasia, kawaida hupendelea udikteta na serikali za vibaraka ambazo hulipa huduma ya mdomo kwa maadili ya kidemokrasia na haki za binadamu, tetemeko la ardhi la 9/11 kweli imesisitiza mashaka zaidi kupitia msimamo wa Amerika juu ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Imeunda ukuta wa uzembe kama unavyopatikana na worldpublicopinion.org, kulingana na ambayo 67% Wamisri wanaamini kwamba ulimwenguni Amerika inacheza jukumu "hasi hasi".
Jibu la Amerika limekuwa sawa. Kwa kumchagua Obama, wengi kote ulimwenguni wanaweka matumaini yao kwa kuendeleza vita kidogo, lakini sera nzuri za kigeni kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili, ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?
Kwa kuongezea, inaweza kuwa muhimu kuwa broker mwaminifu katika maeneo ya muda mrefu ya confts icts? Kuorodhesha utaalam na ufahamu wa profauti
c wasomi, wasomi, waandishi wa habari wenye uzoefu na wanasiasa, Arches Kila mwaka huonyesha uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia na jukumu la Amerika - na vile vile mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na Obama, katika kutafuta msingi wa pamoja. Anas Altikriti, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Taasisi ya Th e Cordoba hutoa kamari ya ufunguzi wa mjadala huu, ambapo anaelezea matumaini na changamoto ambazo zinategemea njia ya Obama. Kufuatia Altikriti, mshauri wa zamani wa Rais Nixon, Dr Robert Crane ameondoa uchambuzi kamili wa kanuni ya Kiislam ya haki ya uhuru. Anwar Ibrahim, Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa zamani wa Malaysia, huimarisha majadiliano na ukweli wa vitendo wa kutekeleza demokrasia katika jamii kubwa za Waislamu, yaani, nchini Indonesia na Malaysia.
Pia tuna Dr Shireen Hunter, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Georgetown, Marekani, ambaye anachunguza nchi za Kiislamu ambazo ziko nyuma katika demokrasia na kisasa. Hii inakamilishwa na mwandishi wa ugaidi, Maelezo ya Dk Nafeez Ahmed juu ya mzozo wa baada ya usasa na
kufa kwa demokrasia. Dk Daud Abdullah (Mkurugenzi wa Mashariki ya Kati Media Monitor), Alan Hart (aliyekuwa mwandishi wa ITN na BBC Panorama; mwandishi wa Uzayuni: Adui wa Kweli wa Wayahudi) na Asem Sondos (Mhariri wa Sawt Al Omma ya kila wiki ya Misri) zingatia Obama na jukumu lake dhidi ya demokrasia-kukuza katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, pamoja na uhusiano wa Marekani na Israel na Muslim Brotherhood.
Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje atangaza, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed anakisia juu ya mustakabali wa Uislamu na Demokrasia; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– mwanachama wa Sinn Féin ambaye alivumilia miaka minne gerezani kwa shughuli za Republican na mpiganiaji wa Guildford 4 na Birmingham 6, anafikiria juu ya safari yake ya hivi karibuni huko Gaza ambapo alishuhudia athari za ukatili na udhalimu uliopatikana dhidi ya Wapalestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Mkurugenzi wa Kituo cha Utafiti wa Ukadiriaji na Unyanyasaji wa Kisiasa wa kisasa anajadili changamoto za kutafiti kwa kina ugaidi wa kisiasa; Dk Khalid al-Mubarak, mwandishi na mwandishi wa michezo, inazungumzia matarajio ya amani katika Darfur; na mwandishi wa habari na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu Ashur Shamis anaangalia vibaya demokrasia na siasa za Waislamu leo.
Tunatumahi haya yote yatafanya usomaji wa kina na chanzo cha kutafakari juu ya maswala ambayo yanatuhusu sote katika mapambazuko mapya ya matumaini..
Asante

| Septemba 07, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Visiwa vya Waislamu

Max L. Jumla

This book has been many years in the making, as the author explains in his Preface, though he wrote most of the actual text during his year as senior Research Fellow with the Center for Strategic Intelligence Research. The author was for many years Dean of the School of Intelligence Studies at the Joint Military Intelligence College. Even though it may appear that the book could have been written by any good historian or Southeast Asia regional specialist, this work is illuminated by the author’s more than three decades of service within the national Intelligence Community. His regional expertise often has been applied to special assessments for the Community. With a knowledge of Islam unparalleled among his peers and an unquenchable thirst for determining how the goals of this religion might play out in areas far from the focus of most policymakers’ current attention, the author has made the most of this opportunity to acquaint the Intelligence Community and a broader readership with a strategic appreciation of a region in the throes of reconciling secular and religious forces.
This publication has been approved for unrestricted distribution by the Office of Security Review, Department of Defense.

| Agosti 27, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Vyama vya Upinzani vya Kiisilamu na Uwezo wa Ushirikiano wa EU

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na.

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

haki za binadamu, Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na

Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na. Mtazamo mwingine ni kwamba demokrasia katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu ingeongezeka

Usalama wa Ulaya. Uhalali wa hoja hizi na nyinginezo juu ya kama na jinsi ya

EU inapaswa kujihusisha inaweza tu kujaribiwa kwa kusoma mienendo tofauti ya Kiislamu na

hali zao za kisiasa, nchi baada ya nchi.

Udemokrasia ni mada kuu ya hatua za pamoja za sera za kigeni za EU, kama ilivyowekwa

nje katika Kifungu 11 ya Mkataba wa Umoja wa Ulaya. Majimbo mengi yanazingatiwa katika hili

ripoti sio ya kidemokrasia, au si ya kidemokrasia kikamilifu. Katika nchi nyingi hizi, Muislamu

vyama na vuguvugu vinaunda upinzani mkubwa kwa tawala zilizopo, na

wengine wanaunda kambi kubwa ya upinzani. Demokrasia za Ulaya zimelazimika kwa muda mrefu

kushughulikia tawala zinazotawala ambazo ni za kimabavu, lakini ni jambo jipya kuchapishwa

kwa ajili ya mageuzi ya kidemokrasia katika majimbo ambayo walengwa wanaweza kuwa nayo, kutoka

Mtazamo wa EU, njia tofauti na wakati mwingine zenye matatizo kwa demokrasia na yake

maadili yanayohusiana, kama vile wachache na haki za wanawake na utawala wa sheria. Malipo haya ni

mara nyingi huwekwa dhidi ya harakati za Kiislamu, kwa hivyo ni muhimu kwa watunga sera wa Uropa

kuwa na picha sahihi ya sera na falsafa za washirika watarajiwa.

Uzoefu kutoka nchi mbalimbali huelekea kupendekeza kwamba uhuru zaidi Kiislamu

vyama vinaruhusiwa, ndivyo wanavyokuwa wastani katika matendo na mawazo yao. Katika nyingi

kesi vyama na makundi ya Kiislamu kwa muda mrefu tangu kuhama kutoka lengo yao ya awali

ya kuanzisha dola ya Kiislamu inayoongozwa na sheria za Kiislamu, na wamekubali msingi

kanuni za kidemokrasia za ushindani wa uchaguzi kwa mamlaka, kuwepo kwa mambo mengine ya kisiasa

washindani, na wingi wa kisiasa.

| Agosti 21, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Kutatua Shida ya Waislamu wa Amerika: Masomo kutoka Kusini na Kusini Mashariki mwa Asia

Shadi Hamid
Marekani. juhudi za kukuza demokrasia katika Mashariki ya Kati zimezimwa kwa muda mrefu na "tanziko la Uislamu": kwa nadharia, tunataka demokrasia, lakini, kwa vitendo, wanahofia kuwa vyama vya Kiislamu vitakuwa wanufaika wakuu wa ufunguzi wowote wa kisiasa. Dhihirisho la kusikitisha zaidi la hili lilikuwa ni mjadala wa Algeria wa 1991 na 1992, wakati Marekani iliposimama kimya wakati jeshi lenye msimamo mkali wa kidini likifuta uchaguzi baada ya chama cha Kiislamu kushinda wingi wa wabunge.. Hivi karibuni zaidi, utawala wa Bush uliachana na "ajenda ya uhuru" baada ya Waislam kufanya vyema katika uchaguzi katika eneo lote., ikiwa ni pamoja na Misri, Saudi Arabia, na maeneo ya Palestina.
Lakini hata hofu yetu ya vyama vya Kiislamu - na matokeo ya kukataa kujihusisha navyo - yenyewe imekuwa haiendani., kuwa kweli kwa baadhi ya nchi lakini si nyingine. Kadiri nchi inavyoonekana kuwa muhimu kwa masilahi ya usalama wa kitaifa wa Amerika, Umoja wa Mataifa haukuwa tayari kukubali makundi ya Kiislamu kuwa na nafasi kubwa ya kisiasa huko. Hata hivyo, katika nchi zinazoonekana kuwa hazifai kimkakati, na ambapo chini iko hatarini, Merika mara kwa mara imechukua njia tofauti zaidi. Lakini ni pale ambapo zaidi ni hatarini kwamba kutambua jukumu la Waislam wasio na vurugu ni muhimu zaidi., na, hapa, Sera ya Marekani inaendelea kudorora.
Katika mkoa mzima, Marekani imeunga mkono kikamilifu tawala za kiimla na kutoa mwanga wa kijani kwa kampeni za ukandamizaji dhidi ya makundi kama vile Egypt Muslim Brotherhood., vuguvugu kongwe na lenye ushawishi mkubwa zaidi wa kisiasa katika eneo hilo. Mwezi Machi 2008, wakati wa kile wachunguzi wengi wanaona kuwa kipindi kibaya zaidi cha ukandamizaji dhidi ya Udugu tangu miaka ya 1960., Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje wa Marekani Condoleezza Rice aliondoa a $100 milioni iliyoidhinishwa na bunge kupunguza misaada ya kijeshi kwa Misri. Hali katika Jordan ni sawa. Utawala wa Bush na bunge la Democratic wameipongeza nchi hiyo kama "mfano" wa mageuzi ya Waarabu wakati huo huo ambao imekuwa ikibuni njia mpya za kudhibiti mchakato wa uchaguzi ili kupunguza uwakilishi wa Kiislamu., na vile vile ilifanya chaguzi zilizokumbwa na madai mengi ya udanganyifu wa moja kwa moja
na wizi wa kura.1 Hii si bahati mbaya. Misri na Jordan ndizo nchi mbili pekee za Kiarabu ambazo zimetia saini mikataba ya amani na Israel. Kwa kuongezea, wanaonekana kuwa muhimu kwa U.S. juhudi za kukabiliana na Iran, kuleta utulivu wa Iraq, na kupambana na ugaidi.
| Agosti 19, 2010 | Maoni 0
Soma zaidi

KATI YA ULIMWENGU NA MTAA

Anthony BUBALO

Greg FEALY

Kinyume na msingi wa 'vita dhidi ya ugaidi',watu wengi wameuona Uislamu kama harakati ya itikadi ya amonolithic inayoenea kutoka katikati mwa ulimwengu wa Kiislamu., Mashariki ya Kati, kwa nchi za Kiislamu duniani kote. Kuazima maneno kutoka kwa Abdullah Azzam, mwanajihadi wa hadithi ambaye alipigana kufukuza Umoja wa Kisovieti kutoka Afghanistan katika miaka ya 1980., wengi leo wanaona wasafiri wenzao wote wa Kiislamu katika msafara wa kimataifa wenye imani kali. Jarida hili linatathmini ukweli wa mtazamo huo.. Inafanya hivyo kwa kuchunguza uenezaji wa kategoria mbili pana za fikra na uanaharakati wa Kiislamu - Uislamu unaozingatia zaidi siasa na 'umsingi mamboleo' unaozingatia zaidi dini - kutoka Mashariki ya Kati hadi Indonesia., nchi ambayo mara nyingi hutajwa kama mfano wa jumuiya ya Kiislamu iliyokuwa na amani ambayo hapo awali ilikuwa na misimamo mikali na ushawishi wa nje. Uislamu ni neno linalofahamika kwa wengi.. Leo, makundi mbalimbali yanaainishwa kuwa ya Kiislamu, kutoka kwa Udugu wa Kiislamu wa Misri hadi al-qa'ida.,Uislamu unaonekana kutokuwa na manufaa kwa makundi ambayo hayaoni Uislamu kama itikadi ya kisiasa na kwa kiasi kikubwa yanaepuka harakati za kisiasa - hata kama harakati zao wakati mwingine zina athari za kisiasa.. Imejumuishwa katika kategoria hii ni vikundi vinavyohusika hasa na dhamira ya Kiislamu-IV Bet w e n t h e G l o b a l a n d t h e L o c a l : Islamism, Mi d d l e E a s t , a n shughuli za Kiindonesia, lakini pia ingejumuisha kundi kama la asal-qa'ida ambalo vitendo vyao vya kigaidi bila shaka havina budi kuendeshwa na malengo madhubuti ya kisiasa kuliko msukumo wa kidini.,ingawa ni fomu potofu. Kwa hivyo karatasi hii inatumia neno 'neo-fundamentalist', iliyoandaliwa na msomi wa Ufaransa Olivier Roy, kuelezea vikundi hivi na itasoma uenezaji wa itikadi za Kiislamu na mamboleo hadi Indonesia.

| Februari 17, 2010 | Maoni 0
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SASA ZA KIISLAMU: FETHULLAH GULEN na UISLAMU WA KAWAIDA

Heshima ÇAKI

The Nurju movement1, being the oldest moderate Islamist movement which is probably peculiar to Modern Turkey, was broken into several groups since Said Nursi, the founder of the movement, passed away in 1960. At the present time, there are more than ten nurcu groups with different agendas and strategies. Despite all their differences, today the Nurju groups seem to acknowledge each other’s identity and try to keep a certain level of solidarity. Theplace of the Fethullah Gulen group within the Nurju movement, hata hivyo, seems to be a bit shaky.Fethullah Gulen (b.1938) split himself, at least in appearance, from the overall Nurju movement in 1972 and succeeded in establishing his own group with a strong organizational structure in the 1980’s and the 90’s. Due to the development of its broad school network both in Turkey and abroad2, his group attracted attention. Those schools fascinated not only Islamist businessmen and middle classes but also a large number of secularist intellectuals and politicians. Although it originally emerged out of the overall Nurju movement, some believe that the number of the followers of the Fethullah Gulen group is much larger than that of the total of the rest of the nurju groups. Yet, there seems to be enough reason to think that there was a price to pay for this success: alienation from other Islamist groups as well as from the overall Nurju movement of which the Fethullah Gulen group3 itself is supposed to be a part.

| Februari 17, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Maendeleo ya Kiislamu mawazo, vyama vya kiraia na harakati Gulen katika mazingira ya kitaifa

Greg Barton

Fethullah Gulen (kuzaliwa 1941), au Hodjaeffendi kama anavyojulikana kwa upendo na mamia ya maelfu ya watu katika nchi yake ya asili ya Uturuki na nje ya nchi., ni mmoja wa wanafikra na wanaharakati muhimu wa Kiislamu walioibuka katika karne ya ishirini. Mawazo yake ya matumaini na ya mbele, kwa msisitizo wake katika kujiendeleza kwa moyo na akili kupitia elimu, ya kujihusisha kikamilifu na vyema na ulimwengu wa kisasa na kufikia katika mazungumzo na moyo wa ushirikiano kati ya jumuiya za kidini., matabaka ya kijamii na mataifa yanaweza kusomwa kama mageuzi ya kisasa ya mafundisho ya Jalaluddin Rumi., Yunus Emre, na walimu wengine wa kawaida wa Kisufi (Michel, 2005a, 2005b; Saritoprak, 2003; 2005a; 2005b; Unal na Williams, 2005). Zaidi hasa, Gulen anaweza kuonekana akiendelea pale Said Nursi (1876-1960), msomi mwingine mkubwa wa Kiislamu wa Anatolia, kushoto mbali: chartinga njia kwa wanaharakati wa Kiislamu nchini Uturuki na kwingineko kuchangia ipasavyo katika maendeleo ya jamii ya kisasa ambayo inaepuka mitego na maelewano ya harakati za kisiasa za chama na kuchukua nafasi ya fikra finyu ya Uislamu na ufahamu wa kweli unaojumuisha na wa kibinadamu wa jukumu la dini katika ulimwengu wa kisasa. (Abu-Rabi, 1995; Markham na Ozdemir, 2005; Vahide, 2005, Yavuz, 2005a).

| Februari 17, 2010 | Maoni 2
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Marekani na Misri

A Conference Report

The study of bilateral relations has fallen deeply out of favor in the academiccommunity. Political science has turned to the study of international state systemsrather than relations between individual states; anthropologists and sociologists arefar more interested in non-state actors; and historians have largely abandonedstates altogether. It is a shame, because there is much to be learned from bilateralrelationships, and some such relationships are vital—not only to the countriesinvolved, but also to a broader array of countries.One such vital relationship is that between the United States and Egypt. Forgedduring the Cold War almost entirely on the issue of Arab-Israeli peacemaking, theU.S.-Egyptian bilateral relationship has deepened and broadened over the lastquarter century. Egypt remains one of the United States’ most important Arab allies,and the bilateral relationship with Washington remains the keystone of Egypt’sforeign policy. Strong U.S.-Egyptian bilateral relations are also an important anchorfor states throughout the Middle East and for Western policy in the region. Therelationship is valuable for policymakers in both countries; doing without it isunthinkable.To explore this relationship, the CSIS Middle East Program, in cooperation with theAl-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo, convened a one-dayconference on June 26, 2003, entitled, “The United States and Egypt: Building thePartnership.” The goal of the meeting was to brainstorm how that partnership mightbe strengthened.Participants agreed that much needs to be done on the diplomatic, kisiasa, kijeshi,and economic levels. Although all did not agree on a single course forward, theparticipants unanimously concurred that a stronger U.S.-Egyptian relationship is verymuch in the interests of both countries, and although it will require a great deal ofwork to achieve, the benefits are worth the effort.

| Februari 12, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Je! Uturuki Itakuwa na Rais wa Kiisilamu?

Michael Rubin


While the campaigns have not officially begun, election season in Turkey is heating up. This spring, the

Turkish parliament will select a president to replace current president Ahmet Necdet Sezer, whose seven-year

term ends on May 16, 2007. On or before November 4, 2007, Turks will head to the polls to choose a new

bunge. Not only does this year mark the first since 1973—and 1950 before that—in which Turks will

inaugurate a new president and parliament in the same year, but this year’s polls will also impact the future

of Turkey more than perhaps any election in the past half century. If Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan

wins the presidency and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, also known as

AKP) retains its parliamentary majority, Islamists would control all Turkish offices and be positioned to

erode secularism and redefine state and society.If Erdo˘gan ascends to Çankaya Palace—the

Turkish White House—Turks face the prospect if an Islamist president and a first lady who wears

a Saudi-style headscarf. Such a prospect has fueled speculation about intervention by the Turkish military,

which traditionally serves as the guardian of secularism and the Turkish constitution. In December

2006, kwa mfano, Newsweek published an essay entitled “The Coming Coup d’Etat?” predicting

a 50 percent chance of the military seizing control in Turkey this year.1

While concern about the future of Turkish secularism is warranted, alarmism about military
intervention is not. There will be no more military coups in Turkey. Erdog˘ an may be prepared to
spark a constitutional crisis in pursuit of personal ambition and ideological agenda, but Turkey’s
civilian institutions are strong enough to confront the challenge. The greatest danger to Turkish
democracy will not be Turkish military intervention,but rather well-meaning but naïve interference
by U.S. diplomats seeking stability and downplaying the Islamist threat.

While the campaigns have not officially begun, election season in Turkey is heating up. This spring, theTurkish parliament will select a president to replace current president Ahmet Necdet Sezer, whose seven-yearterm ends on May 16, 2007. On or before November 4, 2007, Turks will head to the polls to choose a newparliament. Not only does this year mark the first since 1973—and 1950 before that—in which Turks willinaugurate a new president and parliament in the same year, but this year’s polls will also impact the futureof Turkey more than perhaps any election in the past half century. If Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan wins the presidency and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, also known asAKP) retains its parliamentary majority, Islamists would control all Turkish offices and be positioned toerode secularism and redefine state and society.If Erdo˘gan ascends to Çankaya Palace—theTurkish White House—Turks face the prospect if an Islamist president and a first lady who wearsa Saudi-style headscarf. Such a prospect has fueled speculation about intervention by the Turkish military,which traditionally serves as the guardian of secularism and the Turkish constitution. In December2006, kwa mfano, Newsweek published an essay entitled “The Coming Coup d’Etat?” predictinga 50 percent chance of the military seizing control in Turkey this year.1While concern about the future of Turkish secularism is warranted, alarmism about militaryintervention is not. There will be no more military coups in Turkey. Erdog˘ an may be prepared tospark a constitutional crisis in pursuit of personal ambition and ideological agenda, but Turkey’scivilian institutions are strong enough to confront the challenge. The greatest danger to Turkishdemocracy will not be Turkish military intervention,but rather well-meaning but naïve interferenceby U.S. diplomats seeking stability and downplaying the Islamist threat.

| Februari 12, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Harakati ya Kiislamu na ya Matumizi ya Uhasama:

Esen Kirdis

.


Despite recent academic and popular focus on violent transnational Islamic terrorist networks,there is a multiplicity of Islamic movements. This multiplicity presents scholars with two puzzles. The first puzzle is understanding why domestic-oriented Islamic movements that were formed as a reaction to the establishment of secular nation-states shifted their activities and targets onto a multi-layered transnational space. The second puzzle is understanding why groups with similar aims and targets adopt different strategies of using violence or nonviolence when they “go transnational.” The two main questions that this paper will address are: Why do Islamic movements go transnational? And, why do they take on different forms when they transnationalize? Kwanza, I argue that the transnational level presents a new political venue for Islamic movements which are limited in their claim making at the domestic level. Pili, I argue that transnationalization creates uncertainty for groups about their identity and claims at the transnational level. The medium adopted, i.e. use of violence versus non-violence, is dependent on type of transnationalization, the actors encounter at the transnational level, and leadership’s interpretations on where the movement should go next. To answer my questions, I will look at four cases: (1) Turkish Islam, (2) Muslim Brotherhood, (3) Jemaah Islamiyah, na (4) Tablighi Jamaat

| Februari 11, 2010 | Maoni 0
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Kutathmini tawala za Waislam huko Misri na Malaysia

Beyond ‘Terrorism’ and ‘StateHegemony’: assessing the Islamistmainstream in Egypt and Malaysia

Januari IMARAMalaysia-Islamists

International networks of Islamic ‘terrorism’ have served as themost popular explanation to describe the phenomenon of political Islam sincethe 11 September attacks.

This paper argues that both the self-proclaimeddoctrinal Islam of the militants and Western perceptions of a homogeneousIslamist threat need to be deconstructed in order to discover the oftenambiguous manifestations of ‘official’ and ‘opposition’ Islam, of modernity andconservatism.

As a comparison of two Islamic countries, Egypt and Malaysia,which both claim a leading role in their respective regions, shows, moderateIslamic groups have had a considerable impact on processes of democratisationand the emergence of civil society during the quarter century since the ‘Islamicresurgence’.

Shared experiences like coalition building and active participationwithin the political system demonstrate the influence and importance of groupssuch as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM) or the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS).

These groups haveshaped the political landscape to a much larger extent than the current pre-occupation with the ‘terrorist threat’ suggests. The gradual development of a‘culture of dialogue’ has rather revealed new approaches towards politicalparticipation and democracy at the grassroots level.

| Desemba 18, 2009 | Maoni 1
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