RSSMaingizo zote "Mikoa" Kundi

Arab Kesho

Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'

Oktoba 6, 1981, Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan' 1973 Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan',Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.,moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., na hisia yangu ya wajibu wa uandishi wa habari ilinisukuma kwenda kujua kama Sadat alikuwa hai au amekufa.

Uislamu na Uundaji wa Madaraka ya Serikali

seyyed vali Reza Nasr

katika 1979 Jenerali Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, mtawala wa kijeshi wa Pakistan, alitangaza kuwa Pakistan itakuwa taifa la Kiislamu. Maadili na kanuni za Kiislamu zingetumika kama msingi wa utambulisho wa kitaifa, sheria, uchumi, na mahusiano ya kijamii, na ingehimiza uundaji wa sera zote. katika 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, waziri mkuu mpya wa Malaysia, ilianzisha mpango mpana sawa wa kusisitiza uundaji wa sera za serikali katika maadili ya Kiislamu, na kuleta sheria za nchi yake na mwenendo wa kiuchumi sambamba na mafundisho ya Uislamu. Kwa nini watawala hawa walichagua njia ya “Uislamu” kwa ajili ya nchi zao? Na ni vipi mataifa ya wakati mmoja baada ya ukoloni yaligeuka kuwa mawakala wa Uislamu na ishara ya dola ya "kweli" ya Kiislamu??
Malaysia na Pakistan tangu mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1970-mapema miaka ya 1980 zimefuata njia ya kipekee ya maendeleo ambayo inatofautiana na uzoefu wa mataifa mengine ya Dunia ya Tatu.. Katika nchi hizi mbili utambulisho wa kidini uliunganishwa katika itikadi ya serikali ili kufahamisha lengo na mchakato wa maendeleo na maadili ya Kiislamu.
Ahadi hii pia imetoa taswira tofauti kabisa ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa katika jamii za Kiislamu. Katika Malaysia na Pakistan, imekuwa taasisi za serikali badala ya wanaharakati wa Kiislamu (wale wanaotetea usomaji wa kisiasa wa Uislamu; pia wanajulikana kama waamsho au wafuasi wa kimsingi) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, na kwa upana zaidi jinsi utamaduni na dini zinavyohudumia mahitaji ya mamlaka na maendeleo ya serikali. Uchambuzi hapa unategemea mijadala ya kinadharia
katika sayansi ya kijamii ya tabia ya serikali na jukumu la utamaduni na dini ndani yake. Muhimu zaidi, huchota makisio kutoka kwa kesi zinazochunguzwa ili kufanya hitimisho pana la maslahi kwa taaluma.

Ufeministi KATI secularism na Uislam: Kesi ya PALESTINE

Dk, Islah Jad

Uchaguzi wa wabunge uliofanyika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza nchini 2006 kuliingiza madarakani vuguvugu la Kiislamu la Hamas, ambayo iliendelea kuunda wengi wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina na pia serikali ya kwanza yenye wingi wa Hamas. Uchaguzi huu ulisababisha kuteuliwa kwa waziri wa kwanza mwanamke wa Hamas, ambaye alikua Waziri wa Masuala ya Wanawake. Kati ya Machi 2006 na Juni 2007, mawaziri wawili tofauti wa kike wa Hamas walichukua wadhifa huu, lakini wote wawili walipata ugumu wa kuisimamia Wizara kwa vile wengi wa watumishi wake hawakuwa wanachama wa Hamas bali walikuwa wa vyama vingine vya siasa, na wengi walikuwa wanachama wa Fatah, harakati kubwa inayodhibiti taasisi nyingi za Mamlaka ya Palestina. Kipindi cha mvutano kati ya wanawake wa Hamas katika Wizara ya Masuala ya Wanawake na wanachama wa kike wa Fatah kilifikia kikomo kufuatia Hamas kuchukua mamlaka katika Ukanda wa Gaza na matokeo yake kuanguka kwa serikali yake katika Ukingo wa Magharibi - mapambano. ambayo wakati mwingine ilichukua zamu ya vurugu. Sababu moja iliyotajwa baadaye kuelezea mapambano haya ilikuwa tofauti kati ya mazungumzo ya kidunia ya ufeministi na mazungumzo ya Kiislamu juu ya maswala ya wanawake.. Katika muktadha wa Palestina kutokubaliana huku kulichukua sura ya hatari kwani ilitumika kuhalalisha kuendeleza mapambano ya kisiasa ya umwagaji damu., kuondolewa kwa wanawake wa Hamas kwenye nyadhifa au nyadhifa zao, na migawanyiko ya kisiasa na kijiografia iliyokuwepo wakati huo katika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza unaokaliwa kwa mabavu..
Mapambano haya yanazua maswali kadhaa muhimu: tuiadhibu vuguvugu la Kiislamu ambalo limeingia madarakani, au tuzingatie sababu zilizopelekea Fateh kushindwa katika medani ya kisiasa? Je, ufeministi unaweza kutoa mfumo wa kina kwa wanawake, bila kujali misimamo yao ya kijamii na kiitikadi? Je, mazungumzo ya msingi wa pamoja kwa wanawake yanaweza kuwasaidia kutambua na kukubaliana juu ya malengo yao ya pamoja? Je! Ubaba upo tu katika itikadi ya Kiislamu, na si katika utaifa na uzalendo? Tunamaanisha nini kwa ufeministi? Je, kuna ufeministi mmoja tu, au ufeministi kadhaa? Tunamaanisha nini kwa Uislamu – ni vuguvugu linalojulikana kwa jina hili au dini, falsafa, au mfumo wa kisheria? Tunahitaji kwenda chini ya masuala haya na kuyazingatia kwa makini, na lazima tukubaliane nao ili baadaye tuamue, kama watetezi wa haki za wanawake, ikiwa ukosoaji wetu wa ubaba uelekezwe kwenye dini (imani), ambayo yanapaswa kufungiwa ndani ya moyo wa muumini na kutoruhusiwa kutawala ulimwengu kwa ujumla, au sheria, ambayo inahusiana na madhehebu mbalimbali ya imani ambayo yanaeleza mfumo wa kisheria uliomo ndani ya Quran na maneno ya Mtume – Sunnah.

Kiislamu WANAWAKE harakati katika ulichukua PALESTINE

Mahojiano na Khaled Amayreh

Mahojiano na Sameera Al-Halayka

Sameera Al-Halayka ni mjumbe aliyechaguliwa wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina. Alikuwa

alizaliwa katika kijiji cha Shoyoukh karibu na Hebroni 1964. Ana BA katika Sharia (Islamic

Jurisprudence) kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Hebron. Alifanya kazi kama mwandishi wa habari kutoka 1996 kwa 2006 lini

aliingia katika Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina kama mjumbe aliyechaguliwa 2006 uchaguzi.

Ameolewa na ana watoto saba.

Q: Kuna hisia ya jumla katika baadhi ya nchi za magharibi ambayo wanawake hupokea

matibabu duni ndani ya vikundi vya upinzani vya Kiislamu, kama vile Hamas. Je, hii ni kweli?

Jinsi gani wanaharakati wanawake wanachukuliwa katika Hamas?
Haki na wajibu wa wanawake wa Kiislamu hutoka kwanza kabisa kutoka kwa Sharia au sheria ya Kiislamu.

Sio vitendo vya hiari au hisani au ishara tunazopokea kutoka kwa Hamas au mtu yeyote

mwingine. Hivyo, kuhusu ushiriki wa kisiasa na uanaharakati, wanawake kwa ujumla

haki na wajibu sawa na wanaume. Baada ya yote, wanawake wanatengeneza angalau 50 asilimia ya

jamii. Kwa maana fulani, wao ni jamii nzima kwa sababu wanazaa, na kuinua,

kizazi kipya.

Kwa hiyo, Ninaweza kusema kwamba hadhi ya wanawake ndani ya Hamas inalingana naye kikamilifu

hadhi katika Uislamu wenyewe. Hii ina maana kwamba yeye ni mshirika kamili katika ngazi zote. Kwa kweli, ingekuwa

dhulma na dhuluma kwa Muislamu (au Muislamu ukipenda) mwanamke kuwa mshirika katika mateso

huku akiwa ametengwa katika mchakato wa kufanya maamuzi. Hii ndiyo sababu jukumu la mwanamke katika

Hamas daima imekuwa waanzilishi.

Q: Je, unahisi kuwa kuibuka kwa harakati za kisiasa za wanawake ndani ya Hamas ni

maendeleo ya asili ambayo yanapatana na dhana za Kiislamu za kitambo

kuhusu hadhi na nafasi ya mwanamke, au ni jibu la lazima tu

shinikizo za usasa na mahitaji ya hatua za kisiasa na kuendelea

Uvamizi wa Israeli?

Hakuna maandishi katika sheria za Kiislamu wala katika hati ya Hamas ambayo inawazuia wanawake kutoka

ushiriki wa kisiasa. Naamini kinyume chake ni kweli — kuna aya nyingi za Quran

na maneno ya Mtume Muhammad (s.a.w.w.) ya kuwataka wanawake kujishughulisha na siasa na umma

masuala yanayowahusu Waislamu. Lakini pia ni kweli kwamba kwa wanawake, kama ilivyo kwa wanaume, harakati za kisiasa

si lazima bali ni hiari, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huamuliwa kwa kuzingatia uwezo wa kila mwanamke,

sifa na hali ya mtu binafsi. Hakuna kidogo, kuonyesha kujali umma

mambo ni wajibu kwa kila Mwislamu mwanamume na mwanamke. Mtume

Muhammad alisema: "Yeyote asiyejali mambo ya Waislamu sio Muislamu."

Kwa kuongezea, Wanawake wa Kiislam wa Palestina wanapaswa kuzingatia mambo yote ya msingi

akaunti wakati wa kuamua kujiunga na siasa au kujihusisha na harakati za kisiasa.


WANAWAKE Iran baada ya Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Zaidi ya miaka thelathini imepita tangu ushindi wa Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu nchini Iran, bado kuna a idadi ya maswali na utata kuhusu namna Jamhuri ya Kiislamu na sheria zake inavyoshughulikia matatizo ya kisasa na hali ya sasa, hasa kuhusu haki za wanawake na wanawake. Karatasi hii fupi itaangazia masuala haya na kusoma nafasi ya sasa ya wanawake katika nyanja mbalimbali, wakilinganisha hali hii na ilivyokuwa kabla ya Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu. Data ya kuaminika na kuthibitishwa imetumika wherever possible. The introduction summarises a number of theoretical and legal studies which provide the basis for the subsequent more practical analysis and are the sources from where the data has been obtained.
The first section considers attitudes of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards women and women’s rights, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. The fourth section then examines questions of the family, the relationship between women and the family, and the family’s role in limiting or increasing women’s rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

smearcasting: Jinsi Islamophobes kuenea hofu, bigotry na taarifa potofu

FAIR

Julie Hollar

Jim Naureckas

Making Islamophobia Mainstream:
How Muslim-bashers broadcast their bigotry
Jambo ajabu kilichotokea katika Wakosoaji National Book Circle (NBCC) uteuzi katika Februari 2007: kawaida highbrow na kundi kuhimili ameshinda kwa kitabu bora katika uwanja wa upinzani kitabu na wengi kama matamshi ya yote kundi la kidini.
The nomination of Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept: How Radical Islam Is Destroying the West From Within didn’t pass without controversy. Past nominee Eliot Weinberger denounced the book at the NBCC’s annual gathering, calling it ‘‘racism as criticism’’ (New York Times, 2/8/07). NBCC board president John Freeman wrote on the group’s blog (Critical Mass, 2/4/07): ‘‘I have never been
more embarrassed by a choice than I have been with Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept…. Its hyperventilated rhetoric tips from actual critique into Islamophobia.’’
Though it didn’t ultimately win the award, While Europe Slept’s recognition in the highest literary circles was emblematic of a mainstreaming of Islamophobia, not just in American publishing but in the broader media. This report takes a fresh look at Islamophobia in today’s media and its perpetratrators, outlining some of the behind-the-scenes connections that are rarely explored in media. The report also provides four snapshots, or “case studies,” describing how Islamophobes continue to manipulate media to in order to paint Muslims with a broad, hateful brush. Our aim is to document smearcasting: the public writings and appearances of Islamophobic activists and pundits who intentionally and regularly spread fear, bigotry na taarifa potofu. The term “Islamophobia” refers to hostility toward Islam and Muslims that tends to dehumanize an entire faith, portraying it as fundamentally alien and attributing to it an inherent, essential set of negative traits such as irrationality, intolerance and violence. And not unlike the charges made in the classical document of anti-Semitism, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, some of Islamophobia’s more virulent expressionslike While Europe Sleptinclude evocations of Islamic designs to dominate the West.
Islamic institutions and Muslims, bila shaka, should be subject to the same kind of scrutiny and criticism as anyone else. For instance, when a Norwegian Islamic Council debates whether gay men and lesbians should be executed, one may forcefully condemn individuals or groups sharing that opinion without pulling all European Muslims into it, as did Bawer’s Pajamas Media post (8/7/08),
“European Muslims Debate: Should Gays Be Executed?”
vile vile, extremists who justify their violent actions by invoking some particular interpretation of Islam can be criticized without implicating the enormously diverse population of Muslims around the world. Baada ya yote, reporters managed to cover the Oklahoma City bombing by Timothy McVeighan adherent of the racist Christian Identity sectwithout resorting to generalized statements about “Christian terrorism.” Likewise, media have covered acts of terrorism by fanatics who are Jewishfor instance the Hebron massacre carried out by Baruch Goldstein (Extra!, 5/6/94)–without implicating the entirety of Judaism.

Totalitarianism ya jihadi Uislam na changamoto zake za Ulaya na kwa Uislamu

Bassam Tibi

Wakati wa kusoma idadi kubwa ya maandiko ya kuwa wanaunda maandiko kubwa ambayo imekuwa kuchapishwa na pundits binafsi kutangazwa kwenye siasa Uislamu, ni rahisi kukosa ukweli kwamba harakati mpya ametokea. Further, this literature fails to explain in a satisfactory manner the fact that the ideology which drives it is based on a particular interpretation of Islam, and that it is thus a politicised religious faith,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, hata hivyo, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
in the history of politics since it has its roots in two parallel and related phenomena: first, the culturalisation of politics which leads to politics being conceptualised as a cultural system (a view pioneered by Clifford Geertz); and second the return of the sacred, or ‘re-enchantment’ of the world, as a reaction to its intensive secularisation resulting from globalisation.
The analysis of political ideologies that are based on religions, and that can exert appeal as a political religion as a consequence of this, involves a social science understanding of the role of religion played by world politics, especially after the bi-polar system of the Cold War has given way to a multi-polar world. In a project conducted at the Hannah Arendt Institute for the application of totalitarianism to the study of political religions, I proposed the distinction between secular ideologies that act as a substitute for religion, and religious ideologies based on genuine religious faith, which is the case in religious fundamentalism (see note
24). Another project on ‘Political Religion’, carried out at the University of Basel, has made clearer the point that new approaches to politics become necessary once a religious faith becomes clothed in a political garb.Drawing on the authoritative sources of political Islam, this article suggests that the great variety of organisations inspired by Islamist ideology are to be conceptualised both as political religions and as political movements. The unique quality of political Islam lies is the fact that it is based on a transnational religion (see note 26).

Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika

Arab Insight

Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?

khalil al-anani

"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.

Demokrasia huria na Uislamu wa Kisiasa: Utafutaji wa Sehemu ya Kawaida.

Mostapha Benhenda

This paper seeks to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic political theories.1 The interplay between them is puzzling: for example, in order to explain the relationship existing between democracy and their conception of the ideal Islamic political
regime, the Pakistani scholar Abu ‘Ala Maududi coined the neologism “theodemocracy” whereas the French scholar Louis Massignon suggested the oxymoron “secular theocracy”. These expressions suggest that some aspects of democracy are evaluated positively and others are judged negatively. Kwa mfano, Muslim scholars and activists often endorse the principle of accountability of rulers, which is a defining feature of democracy. On the contrary, they often reject the principle of separation between religion and the state, which is often considered to be part of democracy (at least, of democracy as known in the United States today). Given this mixed assessment of democratic principles, it seems interesting to determine the conception of democracy underlying Islamic political models. In other words, we should try to find out what is democratic in “theodemocracy”. To that end, among the impressive diversity and plurality of Islamic traditions of normative political thought, we essentially focus on the broad current of thought going back to Abu ‘Ala Maududi and the Egyptian intellectual Sayyed Qutb.8 This particular trend of thought is interesting because in the Muslim world, it lies at the basis of some of the most challenging oppositions to the diffusion of the values originating from the West. Based on religious values, this trend elaborated a political model alternative to liberal democracy. Broadly speaking, the conception of democracy included in this Islamic political model is procedural. With some differences, this conception is inspired by democratic theories advocated by some constitutionalists and political scientists.10 It is thin and minimalist, up to a certain point. Kwa mfano, it does not rely on any notion of popular sovereignty and it does not require any separation between religion and politics. The first aim of this paper is to elaborate this minimalist conception. We make a detailed restatement of it in order to isolate this conception from its moral (liberal) foundations, which are controversial from the particular Islamic viewpoint considered here. Kwa kweli, the democratic process is usually derived from a principle of personal autonomy, which is not endorsed by these Islamic theories.11 Here, we show that such principle is not necessary to justify a democratic process.

Kanuni ya Harakati katika Muundo wa Uislamu

Dk. Muhammad Iqbal

As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. The search for a purely psychological foundation of human unity becomes possible only with the perception that all human life is spiritual in its origin.1 Such a perception is creative of fresh loyalties without any ceremonial to keep them alive, and makes it possible for man to emancipate himself from the earth. Christianity which had originally appeared as a monastic order was tried by Constantine as a system of unification.2 Its failure to work as such a system drove the Emperor Julian3 to return to the old gods of Rome on which he attempted to put philosophical interpretations. A modern historian of civilization has thus depicted the state of the civilized world about the time when Islam appeared on the stage of History: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, riven by the storms of war, and held together only by the cords of ancient customs and laws, that might snap at any moment. Was there any emotional culture that could be brought in, to gather mankind once more into unity and to save civilization? This culture must be something of a new type, for the old sanctions and ceremonials were dead, and to build up others of the same kind would be the work
of centuries.’The writer then proceeds to tell us that the world stood in need of a new culture to take the place of the culture of the throne, and the systems of unification which were based on bloodrelationship.
It is amazing, he adds, that such a culture should have arisen from Arabia just at the time when it was most needed. There is, hata hivyo, nothing amazing in the phenomenon. The world-life intuitively sees its own needs, and at critical moments defines its own direction. This is what, in the language of religion, we call prophetic revelation. It is only natural that Islam should have flashed across the consciousness of a simple people untouched by any of the ancient cultures, and occupying a geographical position where three continents meet together. The new culture finds the foundation of world-unity in the principle of Tauhâd.’5 Islam, as a polity, is only a practical means of making this principle a living factor in the intellectual and emotional life of mankind. It demands loyalty to God, not to thrones. And since God is the ultimate spiritual basis of all life, loyalty to God virtually amounts to man’s loyalty to his own ideal nature. The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change.

Islamic Matengenezo

Adnan Khan

The Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi boasted after the events of 9/11:
“…we must be aware of the superiority of our civilisation, a system that has guaranteed

well being, respect for human rights andin contrast with Islamic countriesrespect

for religious and political rights, a system that has its values understanding of diversity

and tolerance…The West will conquer peoples, like it conquered communism, even if it

means a confrontation with another civilisation, the Islamic one, stuck where it was

1,400 years ago…”1

And in a 2007 report the RAND institute declared:
“The struggle underway throughout much of the Muslim world is essentially a war of

ideas. Its outcome will determine the future direction of the Muslim world.”

Building moderate Muslim Networks, RAND Institute

The concept of ‘islah’ (reform) is a concept unknown to Muslims. It never existed throughout the

history of the Islamic civilisation; it was never debated or even considered. A cursory glance at classical

Islamic literature shows us that when the classical scholars laid the foundations of usul, and codified

their Islamic rulings (fiqh) they were only looking to the comprehension of the Islamic rules in order to

apply them. A similar situation occurred when the rules were laid down for the hadith, tafseer and the

Arabic language. Scholars, thinkers and intellectuals throughout Islamic history spent much time

understanding Allah’s revelation – the Qur’an and applying the ayaat upon the realities and coined

principals and disciplines in order to facilitate understanding. Hence the Qur’an remained the basis of

study and all the disciplines that evolved were always based upon the Qur’an. Those who became

smitten by Greek philosophy such as the Muslim philosophers and some from amongst the Mut’azilah

were considered to have left the fold of Islam as the Qur’an ceased to be their basis of study. Thus for

any Muslim attempting to deduce rules or understand what stance should be taken upon a particular

issue the Qur’an is the basis of this study.

The first attempt at reforming Islam took place at the turn of the 19th century. By the turn of the

century the Ummah had been in a lengthy period of decline where the global balance of power shifted

from the Khilafah to Britain. Mounting problems engulfed the Khilafah whilst Western Europe was in

the midst of the industrial revolution. The Ummah came to lose her pristine understanding of Islam, na

in an attempt to reverse the decline engulfing the Uthmani’s (Ottomans) some Muslims were sent to the

Magharibi, and as a result became smitten by what they saw. Rifa’a Rafi’ al-Tahtawi of Egypt (1801-1873),

on his return from Paris, wrote a biographical book called Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis Bariz (The

Extraction of Gold, or an Overview of Paris, 1834), praising their cleanliness, love of work, and above

all social morality. He declared that we must mimic what is being done in Paris, advocating changes to

jamii ya Kiislamu kutoka katika kuwaweka huru wanawake hadi kwenye mifumo ya utawala. Wazo hili, na wengine kama hayo,

uliashiria mwanzo wa mwelekeo wa kurejea katika Uislamu.

MIZIZI ya mbaya

IBRAHIM KALIN

In the aftermath of September 11, the long and checkered relationship between Islam and the West entered a new phase. The attacks were interpreted as the fulfillment of a prophecy that had been in the consciousness of the West for a long time, i.e., the coming of Islam as a menacing power with a clear intent to destroy Western civilization. Representations of Islam as a violent, wapiganaji, and oppressive religious ideology extended from television programs and state offices to schools and the internet. It was even suggested that Makka, the holiest city of Islam, be “nuked” to give a lasting lesson to all Muslims. Although one can look at the widespread sense of anger, hostility, and revenge as a normal human reaction to the abominable loss of innocent lives, the demonization of Muslims is the result of deeper philosophical and historical issues.
In many subtle ways, the long history of Islam and the West, from the theological polemics of Baghdad in the eighth and ninth centuries to the experience of convivencia in Andalusia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, informs the current perceptions and qualms of each civilization vis-à-vis the other. This paper will examine some of the salient features of this history and argue that the monolithic representations of Islam, created and sustained by a highly complex set of image-producers, think-tanks, wasomi, lobbyists, policy makers, and media, dominating the present Western conscience, have their roots in the West’s long history with the Islamic world. It will also be argued that the deep-rooted misgivings about Islam and Muslims have led and continue to lead to fundamentally flawed and erroneous policy decisions that have a direct impact on the current relations of Islam and the West. The almost unequivocal identification of Islam with terrorism and extremism in the minds of many Americans after September 11 is an outcome generated by both historical misperceptions, which will be analyzed in some detail below, and the political agenda of certain interest groups that see confrontation as the only way to deal with the Islamic world. It is hoped that the following analysis will provide a historical context in which we can make sense of these tendencies and their repercussions for both worlds.

Uislamu katika nchi za Magharibi

Jocelyne Cesari

uhamiaji wa Waislamu Ulaya, Marekani Kaskazini, na Australia na tata mienendo socioreligious ambayo hatimaye maendeleo kuwa alifanya Uislamu katika nchi za Magharibi kulazimisha mpya ªeld ya utafiti. jambo Salman Rushdie, hijab ubishi, mashambulizi ya World Trade Center, na furor juu katuni ya Kideni ni mifano wa migogoro ya kimataifa ambayo akadhihirisha uhusiano kati ya Waislamu katika nchi za Magharibi na kimataifa Muslim dunia. hali hizi mpya kuhusisha changamoto kinadharia na kimbinu kwa ajili ya utafiti wa Uislamu wa kisasa, na imekuwa muhimu kwamba sisi kuepuka essentializing ama Uislamu au Waislamu na kupinga mifumo ya kejeli ya hotuba hiyo ni kuchukuliwa zaidi na usalama na ugaidi.
Katika makala hii, I wanasema kuwa Uislamu kama mila ya dini ni terra incognita. sababu za awali kwa hali hii ni kwamba hakuna makubaliano juu ya dini kama kitu cha utafiti. Dini, kama taaluma ya kiakademia, imekuwa njia panda ya kihistoria, kijamii, na mbinu za kihemenetiki. pamoja na Uislamu, hali ni mbaya zaidi nje. katika nchi za Magharibi, utafiti wa Uislamu ulianza kama tawi la mashariki, masomo na hivyo ikifuatiwa tofauti na tofauti njia ya utafiti wa dini. Hata kama kukosoa Orientalism imekuwa muhimu katika kuibuka kwa utafiti wa Uislamu katika ªeld ya sayansi ya kijamii, mvutano mkubwa kati ya kubaki Islamicists na Wanaanthropolojia na wanasosholojia wote. mada ya Uislamu na Waislamu katika nchi za Magharibi ni iliyoingia katika mapambano haya. maana moja ya mvutano huu kimbinu ni kwamba wanafunzi wa Uislamu ambaye alianza kazi zao za kitaaluma kusoma Uislamu nchini Ufaransa, germany, au Amerika ªnd ni changamoto ya kuanzisha uaminifu kama wasomi wa Uislamu, hasa katika masomo ya Amerika ya Kaskazini
mazingira.

Kazi, Ukoloni, Ubaguzi wa rangi?

The Human Sciences Research Council

The Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa commissioned this study to test the hypothesis posed by Professor John Dugard in the report he presented to the UN Human Rights Council in January 2007, in his capacity as UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel (yaani, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, na
Gaza, hereafter OPT). Professor Dugard posed the question: Israel is clearly in military occupation of the OPT. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., elements of the occupation constitute forms of colonialism and of apartheid, which are contrary to international law. What are the legal consequences of a regime of prolonged occupation with features of colonialism and apartheid for the occupied people, the Occupying Power and third States?
In order to consider these consequences, this study set out to examine legally the premises of Professor Dugard’s question: is Israel the occupant of the OPT, na, ikiwa ni hivyo, do elements of its occupation of these territories amount to colonialism or apartheid? South Africa has an obvious interest in these questions given its bitter history of apartheid, which entailed the denial of selfdetermination
to its majority population and, during its occupation of Namibia, the extension of apartheid to that territory which South Africa effectively sought to colonise. These unlawful practices must not be replicated elsewhere: other peoples must not suffer in the way the populations of South Africa and Namibia have suffered.
To explore these issues, an international team of scholars was assembled. The aim of this project was to scrutinise the situation from the nonpartisan perspective of international law, rather than engage in political discourse and rhetoric. This study is the outcome of a fifteen-month collaborative process of intensive research, consultation, writing and review. It concludes and, it is to be hoped, persuasively argues and clearly demonstrates that Israel, since 1967, has been the belligerent Occupying Power in the OPT, and that its occupation of these territories has become a colonial enterprise which implements a system of apartheid. Belligerent occupation in itself is not an unlawful situation: it is accepted as a possible consequence of armed conflict. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., under the law of armed conflict (also known as international humanitarian law), occupation is intended to be only a temporary state of affairs. International law prohibits the unilateral annexation or permanent acquisition of territory as a result of the threat or use of force: should this occur, no State may recognise or support the resulting unlawful situation. In contrast to occupation, both colonialism and apartheid are always unlawful and indeed are considered to be particularly serious breaches of international law because they are fundamentally contrary to core values of the international legal order. Colonialism violates the principle of self-determination,
which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has affirmed as ‘one of the essential principles of contemporary international law’. All States have a duty to respect and promote self-determination. Apartheid is an aggravated case of racial discrimination, which is constituted according to the International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973,
hereafter ‘Apartheid Convention’) by ‘inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them’. The practice of apartheid, moreover, is an international crime.
Professor Dugard in his report to the UN Human Rights Council in 2007 suggested that an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel’s conduct should be sought from the ICJ. This advisory opinion would undoubtedly complement the opinion that the ICJ delivered in 2004 on the Legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the occupied Palestinian territories (hereafter ‘the Wall advisory opinion’). This course of legal action does not exhaust the options open to the international community, nor indeed the duties of third States and international organisations when they are appraised that another State is engaged in the practices of colonialism or apartheid.

Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI:

Msingi wa Cordoba

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


Licha ya kuwa mjadala wa kudumu na tata, Arches Kila mara huchunguza tena kutoka kwa misingi ya kitheolojia na ya vitendo, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, wengine hubaki na matumaini kidogo juu ya mabadiliko ya itikadi na njia katika uwanja wa kimataifa. Wakati mvutano na uaminifu mwingi kati ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na USA unaweza kuhusishwa na njia ya kukuza demokrasia, kawaida hupendelea udikteta na serikali za vibaraka ambazo hulipa huduma ya mdomo kwa maadili ya kidemokrasia na haki za binadamu, tetemeko la ardhi la 9/11 kweli imesisitiza mashaka zaidi kupitia msimamo wa Amerika juu ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Imeunda ukuta wa uzembe kama unavyopatikana na worldpublicopinion.org, kulingana na ambayo 67% Wamisri wanaamini kwamba ulimwenguni Amerika inacheza jukumu "hasi hasi".
Jibu la Amerika limekuwa sawa. Kwa kumchagua Obama, wengi kote ulimwenguni wanaweka matumaini yao kwa kuendeleza vita kidogo, lakini sera nzuri za kigeni kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili, ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?
Kwa kuongezea, inaweza kuwa muhimu kuwa broker mwaminifu katika maeneo ya muda mrefu ya confts icts? Kuorodhesha utaalam na ufahamu wa profauti
c wasomi, wasomi, waandishi wa habari wenye uzoefu na wanasiasa, Arches Kila mwaka huonyesha uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia na jukumu la Amerika - na vile vile mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na Obama, katika kutafuta msingi wa pamoja. Anas Altikriti, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Taasisi ya Th e Cordoba hutoa kamari ya ufunguzi wa mjadala huu, ambapo anaelezea matumaini na changamoto ambazo zinategemea njia ya Obama. Kufuatia Altikriti, mshauri wa zamani wa Rais Nixon, Dr Robert Crane ameondoa uchambuzi kamili wa kanuni ya Kiislam ya haki ya uhuru. Anwar Ibrahim, Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa zamani wa Malaysia, huimarisha majadiliano na ukweli wa vitendo wa kutekeleza demokrasia katika jamii kubwa za Waislamu, yaani, nchini Indonesia na Malaysia.
Pia tuna Dr Shireen Hunter, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Georgetown, Marekani, ambaye anachunguza nchi za Kiislamu ambazo ziko nyuma katika demokrasia na kisasa. Hii inakamilishwa na mwandishi wa ugaidi, Maelezo ya Dk Nafeez Ahmed juu ya mzozo wa baada ya usasa na
kufa kwa demokrasia. Dk Daud Abdullah (Mkurugenzi wa Mashariki ya Kati Media Monitor), Alan Hart (aliyekuwa mwandishi wa ITN na BBC Panorama; mwandishi wa Uzayuni: Adui wa Kweli wa Wayahudi) na Asem Sondos (Mhariri wa Sawt Al Omma ya kila wiki ya Misri) zingatia Obama na jukumu lake dhidi ya demokrasia-kukuza katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, pamoja na uhusiano wa Marekani na Israel na Muslim Brotherhood.
Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje atangaza, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed anakisia juu ya mustakabali wa Uislamu na Demokrasia; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– mwanachama wa Sinn Féin ambaye alivumilia miaka minne gerezani kwa shughuli za Republican na mpiganiaji wa Guildford 4 na Birmingham 6, anafikiria juu ya safari yake ya hivi karibuni huko Gaza ambapo alishuhudia athari za ukatili na udhalimu uliopatikana dhidi ya Wapalestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Mkurugenzi wa Kituo cha Utafiti wa Ukadiriaji na Unyanyasaji wa Kisiasa wa kisasa anajadili changamoto za kutafiti kwa kina ugaidi wa kisiasa; Dk Khalid al-Mubarak, mwandishi na mwandishi wa michezo, inazungumzia matarajio ya amani katika Darfur; na mwandishi wa habari na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu Ashur Shamis anaangalia vibaya demokrasia na siasa za Waislamu leo.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

amani Marekani Hamas sera vitalu Mashariki ya Kati

Henry Siegman


Imeshindwa mazungumzo baina ya nchi zaidi ya hizi siku za nyuma 16 Miaka umeonyesha kuwa Mashariki ya Kati amani wa haiwezi kufikiwa na vyama vya wenyewe. Israeli governments believe they can defy international condemnation of their illegal colonial project in the West Bank because they can count on the US to oppose international sanctions. Bilateral talks that are not framed by US-formulated parameters (based on Security Council resolutions, the Oslo accords, the Arab Peace Initiative, the “road map” and other previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements) cannot succeed. Israel’s government believes that the US Congress will not permit an American president to issue such parameters and demand their acceptance. What hope there is for the bilateral talks that resume in Washington DC on September 2 depends entirely on President Obama proving that belief to be wrong, and on whether the “bridging proposals” he has promised, should the talks reach an impasse, are a euphemism for the submission of American parameters. Such a US initiative must offer Israel iron-clad assurances for its security within its pre-1967 borders, but at the same time must make it clear these assurances are not available if Israel insists on denying Palestinians a viable and sovereign state in the West Bank and Gaza. This paper focuses on the other major obstacle to a permanent status agreement: the absence of an effective Palestinian interlocutor. Addressing Hamas’ legitimate grievances – and as noted in a recent CENTCOM report, Hamas has legitimate grievances – could lead to its return to a Palestinian coalition government that would provide Israel with a credible peace partner. If that outreach fails because of Hamas’ rejectionism, the organization’s ability to prevent a reasonable accord negotiated by other Palestinian political parties will have been significantly impeded. If the Obama administration will not lead an international initiative to define the parameters of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement and actively promote Palestinian political reconciliation, Europe must do so, and hope America will follow. Kwa bahati mbaya, there is no silver bullet that can guarantee the goal of “two states living side by side in peace and security.”
But President Obama’s present course absolutely precludes it.