Усе запісы ў "Падзеі & Навіны" Катэгорыя

Мусульманскі архіпелаг

Max L. брута

ВЫБАРЫ Ў ІНДАНЕЗІІ

Бернхард Platzdasch

Амерыканцы-мусульмане - сярэдні клас і пераважна мэйнстрым

Даследчы цэнтр Pew

Muslims constitute a growing and increasingly important segment of American society.Yet there is surprisingly little quantitative research about the attitudes and opinions of thissegment of the public for two reasons. Па-першае, ЗША. Census is forbidden by law from askingquestions about religious belief and affiliation, і, as a result, we know very little about thebasic demographic characteristics of Muslim Americans. Па-другое, Muslim Americans comprisesuch a small percentage of the U.S. population that general population surveys do not interview asufficient number of them to allow for meaningful analysis.This Pew Research Center study is therefore the first ever nationwide survey to attempt tomeasure rigorously the demographics, attitudes and experiences of Muslim Americans. It buildson surveys conducted in 2006 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project of Muslim minority publics inGreat Britain, Францыя, Germany and Spain. The Muslim American survey also follows on Pew’sglobal surveys conducted over the past five years with more than 30,000 Muslims in 22 nationsaround the world since 2002.The methodological approach employed was the most comprehensive ever used to studyMuslim Americans. Nearly 60,000 respondents were interviewed to find a representative sampleof Muslims. Interviews were conducted in Arabic, Urdu and Farsi, as well as English. Subsamplesof the national poll were large enough to explore how various subgroups of thepopulation — including recent immigrants, native-born converts, and selected ethnic groupsincluding those of Arab, Pakistani, and African American heritage — differ in their attitudesThe survey also contrasts the views of the Muslim population as a whole with those ofthe U.S. general population, and with the attitudes of Muslims all around the world, includingWestern Europe. Нарэшце, findings from the survey make important contributions to the debateover the total size of the Muslim American population.The survey is a collaborative effort of a number of Pew Research Center projects,including the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, the Pew Forum on Religion &Public Life and the Pew Hispanic Center. The project was overseen by Pew Research CenterPresident Andrew Kohut and Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Director Luis Lugo. ThePew Research Center’s Director of Survey Research, Scott Keeter, served as project director forthe study, with the close assistance of Gregory Smith, Research Fellow at the Pew Forum. Manyother Pew researchers participated in the design, execution and analysis of the survey.

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THE MEANING OF ISLAM

Every religion of the world has been named either after its founder or after the community ornation in which it was born. Напрыклад, Christianity takes its name from its prophet JesusChrist; Buddhism from its founder, Gautama Buddha; Zoroastrianism from its founderZoroaster-, and Judaism, the religion of the Jews, from the name of the tribe Judah (of thecountry of Judea) where it originated. The same is true of all other religions except Islam, whichenjoys the unique distinction of having no such association with any particular person or peopleor country. Nor is it the product of any human mind. It is a universal religion and itsobjective is to create and cultivate in man the quality and attitude of Islam.Islam, in fact, is an attributive title. Anyone who possesses this attribute, whatever race,community, country or group he belongs to, is a Muslim. According to the Qur’an (the HolyBook of the Muslims), among every people and in all ages there have been good and righteouspeople who possessed this attribute – and all of them were and are Muslims.Islam – What Does it Mean?Islam is an Arabic word and connotes submission, surrender and obedience. As a religion,Islam stands for complete submission and obedience to Allah.1Everyone can see that we live in an orderly universe, where everything is assigned a place in agrand scheme. The moon, the stars and all the heavenly bodies are knit together in amagnificent system. They follow unalterable laws and make not even the slightest deviation fromtheir ordained courses. Дакладна, everything in the world, from the minute whirling electron tothe mighty nebulae, invariably follows its own laws. Matter, energy and life – all obey their lawsand grow and change and live and die in accordance with those laws. Even in the human worldthe laws of nature are paramount. Man’s birth, growth and life are all regulated by a set ofbiological laws. He derives sustenance from nature in accordance with an unalterable law. Allthe organs of his body, from the smallest tissues to the heart and the brain, are governedby the laws prescribed for them. In short, ours is a law-governed universe and everything in it isfollowing the course that has been ordained for it.

Прасоўванне дэмакратыі на Блізкім Усходзе - гэта не вуліца з аднабаковым рухам

Марына Ottaway

U.S. administration is under pressure to revive democracy promotion efforts in the Middle East,but momentum toward political reform has stalled in most of the region. Opposition parties are at lowebb, and governments are more firmly in control than ever. While new forms of activism, such as laborprotests and a growing volume of blogging critical of government and opposition parties have becomewidespread, they have yet to prove effective as means of influencing leaders to change long-standingpolicies.The last time a U.S. administration faced such unfavorable circumstances in advancing political reformswas over 30 years ago, when the Helsinki process was launched during the Cold War. That experiencetaught us that the United States needs to give reluctant interlocutors something they want if itexpects them to engage on issues they would rather not address. If Washington wants Arab countriesto discuss the universal democratic principles that should underpin their political systems, it needs to beprepared to discuss the universal principles that should underpin its own Middle East policies.

Ісламізм у Паўднёвым Егіпце

Джэймс Тот

Гадамі, Рэлігійны гвалт і тэрарызм у краінах Блізкага Ўсходу, такіх як Егіпет, з'явіліся ў загалоўках і на экране, абвяшчаючы чарговы раунд бессэнсоўнай смерці і разбурэння. У той час як арабісты і ісламісты спрабуюць старанна прабірацца праз ідэалагічныя і інтэлектуальныя мінныя палі, каб асэнсаваць тое, што адбываецца, шырокая грамадскасць звычайна не звяртае ўвагі на іх разуменне і замест гэтага прытрымліваецца таго, што ведае лепш за ўсё: глыбока ўкараніліся забабоны і прадузятасці. егіпцянін,араб, Мусульманскія — усе яны намаляваныя ў вельмі нявыгадным сьвятле. Нават у Егіпце, многія назіральнікі дэманструюць такія ж жаласныя забабоны. У рэшце рэшт, people simply blame the brutalityon inexplicable backward religious ideas and then move on.Yet comprehending terrorism and violence in places such as Egypt by recourse toan unnuanced religious fundamentalism is generally acknowledged not only to begthe question of why these events actually happen, but also to lead to misunderstandingsand misperceptions, and perhaps even to exacerbating existing tensions.1 Mostscholars agree that such seemingly “irrational” social behavior instead needs to beplaced in its appropriate context to be properly understood, and hence made rational.Analyzing these actions, then, involves situating this violence and destruction in theireconomic, political, and ideological milieu as these have developed historically, forthis so-called Islamic terrorism does not merely arise, ex nihilo, out of a timeless void.What follows, then, is one case study of one portion of the Islamic movement as itemerged principally in southern Egypt and as it was revealed through anthropologicalfieldwork conducted in one of this region’s major cities. This account takes a completelydifferent direction from that of stigmatizing this movement as a sordid collectionof terrorist organizations hell bent on the senseless destruction of Egypt and itsIslamic civilization.2 Because this view is somewhat at odds with the perceptions oflocal spectators, Egyptians in Cairo, and non–Egyptians inside and outside the country,I go to some length not only to discuss the movement itself but also to shed lighton why it might have received such negative publicity.

MB ідзе Rural

Hossam Тамам

Травень 2008 выбары ў Кіраўніцкае бюро Братоў-мусульман паказваюць, што група зведала вялікую трансфармацыю. Раней «Браты-мусульмане» былі гарадской групай па складзе і стылі кіравання. Цяпер яго культурныя ўзоры і лаяльнасць набываюць вясковую вопратку. У выніку, Браты-мусульмане губляюць яснасць напрамку і метадаў, якія мелі раней. За апошнія некалькі гадоў, Браты-мусульмане былі прасякнуты сельскімі элементамі. Яго камень становіцца ўсё больш патрыярхальным, і яго члены выказваюць свайму начальству пашану, звязаную з вясковымі традыцыямі. Вы чуеце, як яны называюць сваіх галоўных чыноўнікаў “дзядзька хадж “, “вялікі хадж “, “наш блаславёны”, “блаславёны чалавек нашага кола”, “карона на нашых галовах”, г.д. Зрэдку, яны нават цалуюць рукі і галовы вышэйшых кіраўнікоў. Not long ago, a Muslim Brotherhood parliamentarian kissed the hand of thesupreme guide in public.These patterns of behaviour are new to the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that emerged andoperated mostly in an urban context. The new ways of speech and behaviour, which I willrefer to as the “ruralisation” of the Muslim Brotherhood, have affected every aspect of thegroup’s internal operations. In its recent elections, the Muslim Brotherhood maintained a tightlid of secrecy, offered the public contradictory information, and generally seemed to beoperating with little regard for established procedure.The Muslim Brotherhood Shura Council elections emphasised ritual over order. The mainconcern of the Brotherhood, throughout the recent elections, здавалася, з захаваннем аўры павагі да кіраўніцтва і атрыманнем звання- файл, каб прапанаваць беспярэчную лаяльнасць вышэйшым службовым асобам. Унутры Братоў-мусульман узнікла сістэма другаснай лаяльнасці, у практычнай незалежнасці ад усіх меркаванняў інстытуцыйнай працы. Цэлыя геаграфічныя тэрыторыі, сапраўды ва ўсіх губернях, цяпер разглядаюцца як палітычныя вотчыны, якія належаць таму ці іншаму лідэру Братоў-мусульман. Члены Братоў-мусульман будуць называць пэўны горад ці губернатарства тэрыторыяй пэўных асобаў., яшчэ адна рыса сельскай абшчыны, таксама разгульвае. Прытворная вернасць - звычайная справа,з удзельнікамі, якія гавораць адно ў прыватным парадку, а іншае - публічна. Як гэта прынята на вёсцы, павага да ўлады часта спалучаецца з супраціўленнем зменам. У выніку,вы ўбачыце членаў, якія робяць выгляд, што слухаюць сваіх начальнікаў Братоў-мусульман, не звяртаючы ўвагі на тое, што яны кажуць. Многія з новых ідэй, вылучаных лідэрамі Братоў-мусульман, былі праігнараваныя, або, прынамсі, разбавіць, а потым выкінуць. Калі член Братэрства прыходзіць з новай ідэяй, кіраўніцтва «Братоў-мусульман» рэагуе так, быццам гэты член гаварыў не па парадку. Я- крытыка ўсё часцей выклікае непрыхільнасць, а дамінуючае мысленне ў Брацтвах становіцца традыцыяналісцкім і беспярэчным. Браты-мусульмане актыўна прымаюць на працу выкладчыкаў і выкладчыкаў. Але большасьць навабранцаў зьяўляюцца вясковымі па сваёй культуры і разуменьні грамадзкага жыцьця. Нягледзячы на ​​іхнавуковы радавод, многія з навукоўцаў, якія далучыліся да Братэрства, з'яўляюцца парафіяльнымі ў сваім разуменні свету. Браты-мусульмане амаль 3,000 універсітэцкіх выкладчыкаў у яго шэрагах, і нямногія з іх надзелены звычкай крытычнага мыслення. Яны могуць быць навукоўцамі, але яны не празорцы. На нядаўніх выбарах Братоў-мусульман, пяць членаў Рады Шуры групы атрымалі месцы ў Кіраўнічым Бюро. Большасць з іх былі альбо выхадцамі з сельскай мясцовасці, альбо людзьмі з ярка выражаным вясковым ладам жыцця. Чацвёра былі з вёскі, у тым ліку Саадэдзіна Эль-Хусэйні з Шаркіі, Махамед Хамед з Mahala Al-Kobra, Саадэдзін Эль-Кататні з Мінья. Толькі адзін быў са сталічнага цэнтра: Усама Наср з Александрыі. За апошнія дзесяць гадоў ці каля таго, большасць пачаткоўцаў у Кіраўніцкае бюро былі выхадцамі з вёскі: Махмуд Хусэйн з Асьюта, Сабры Арафа Эль-Комі з Дакахліі, і Махамед Мурсі з Шаркіі. Сельскія губерні, такія як Асьют, Міня, Дахлія і Шаркія, цяпер кантралююць большую частку Братоў-мусульман, асабліва сярэднія пасады, у той час як статус Каіра і Александрыі паступова пагаршаецца. Кіраўніцтва Брацтва заахвочвае гэтую тэндэнцыю, бо сельскія людзі менш схільныя кідаць выклік сваім лідэрам. Быў час, калі Браты-мусульмане звярталіся ў асноўным да гарадской аўдыторыі. Але з канца 1980-х усё змянілася. У сувязі з працяглым супрацьстаяннем з там, Братам-мусульманам стала цяжэй завярбаваць гарадскіх прыхільнікаў. Таксама, Адсутнасць інавацый у шляху Братоў-мусульман адштурхнула многіх жыхароў горада. Замест таго, каб далучыцца да Братоў-мусульман, маладыя і незадаволеныя, а таксама тых, хто шукае духоўнага выратавання, далучыліся да салафійскай плыні або сталі паслядоўнікамі новай пароды краіны- гавораць тэлеевангелісты. Той факт, што Браты-мусульмане ў асноўным адмовіліся ад рэлігійнай прапаганды на карысць палітыкі, магчыма, паскорыў гэтую тэндэнцыю. Браты-мусульмане могуць прапанаваць тое, што насамрэч не патрэбна жыхарам гарадоў. Браты-мусульмане прапануюць альтэрнатыўную сям'ю, кланаванне вясковай суполкі з яе індывідуальнай сістэмай падтрымкі. Гэта тое, што найбольш падабаецца новапрыбыўшым з вёскі, да людзей, якім не хапае стабільнасці і камфорту традыцыйнай супольнасці. Прыцягненне сельскіх жыхароў да Братоў-мусульман за апошнія два дзесяцігоддзі супала з распадам вялікай сям'і і аслабленнем сувязяў паміж суполкамі. Больш за тое, вестэрнізацыя гарадскога жыцця, магчыма, падштурхнула многіх людзей з сельскай мясцовасці шукаць маральнага і сацыяльнага прытулку ў Братоў-мусульманах. Ва ўніверсітэтах, Браты-мусульмане прыцягваюць у гарады прыезджых, а не першапачатковых гараджан. Ва ўніверсітэце Аль-Азхар ён больш паспяховы ў наборы студэнтаў, чым у іншых універсітэтах, і больш паспяховым у сельскіх губернатарствах, чым у Каіры і Александрыі 1952 Рэвалюцыя, Егіпет у цэлым перажыў хвалю хутарызацыі. Але тады, «Браты-мусульмане» сканцэнтравалі вярбоўку на людзей з гарадскім ладам жыцця. Пяцьдзесят гадоў таму, Браты-мусульмане вербавалі ў асноўным сярод сыноў дзяржаўных служачых, выкладчыкаў, і наогул клас белых каўнерыкаў. Сельская мясцовасць Егіпта не вітала Братоў-мусульман і іх погляды. зараз, Браты-мусульмане сталі настолькі звычайнымі, што заваёўваюць пазіцыі ў сельскай мясцовасці. Браты-мусульмане могуць праводзіць эфектыўныя кампаніі і нават перамагаць на выбарах у многіх раёнах сельскай мясцовасці Егіпта. Усё ж, я лічу, што сельская мясцовасць уплывае на Братоў-мусульман больш, чым Браты-мусульмане. У часы Хасана Эль-Баны, Лідэры «Братоў-мусульман» у асноўным былі гараджанамі:Хасан Эль-Хадэйбі, Амар Эль-Тэльмесані, Хасан Ашмаві, Мунір Дала, Абдэль-КадэрХельмі і Фарыд Абдэль Халек. Нават у сельскай мясцовасці, вядучыя члены Братоў-мусульман былі вядомыя сваім гарадскім ладам жыцця: Махамед Хамед Абул- Насер і Абас ас-Сісі, напрыклад.Па кантрасце, новая парода лідэраў Братоў-мусульман па-свойму вясковая. Гэта тычыцца нават лідэраў Братоў-мусульман, якія базуюцца ў Каіры, у тым ліку Махамеда Мурсі, Саад Эль-Кататні,Саад Аль-Хусэйні і Сабры Арафа Эль-Комі. І Браты-мусульмане - вярхоўны гід,Махдзі Акеф, больш вясковы ў сваім стылі кіраўніцтва, чым яго папярэднік, Maamoun Al-Hodeibi.

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characteristics of the democratic order. Their newly-discovered acceptance of elections andparliamentary processes results not least from a gradual democratisation of the formerlyauthoritarian regimes these groups had fought by terrorist means even in their home countries.The prime example of this development is Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, which started out as acharitable social movement and has now become the most powerful political opposition force inEgypt.Founded in the 1920s, the Muslim Brotherhood is the oldest Islamic organisation of the Arabworld today. Following the ideas of its founder Al-Banna, it intended to return to a state of ‘trueIslam’, Я. to return to the way of life of the early Islamic congregation at the time of theProphet, and to establish a community of social justice. This vision was increasingly viewed as acounterweight to the Western social model that was marked by secularisation, moral decay, andgreed. During World War II, the Muslim Brotherhood even founded a secret military arm, whoseactivities, Аднак, were uncovered, leading to the execution of Mr Al-Banna by Egypt’s secretpolice

У цені братоў

Omayma Абдэль-Латыф

In September 2007, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt released its fi rst politicalparty platform draft. Among the heavily criticized clauses was one that deniedwomen (and Copts) the right to be head of state. “Duties and responsibilities assumed by the head of state, such as army commanding, are in contradictionwith the socially acceptable roles for women,” the draft stated. In previousBrotherhood documents there was no specifi c mention of the position of headof state; rather, they declared that women were allowed to occupy all postsexcept for al-imama al-kubra, the position of caliph, which is the equivalentof a head of state in modern times. Many were surprised that despite severalprogressive moves the Brotherhood had made in previous years to empowerwomen, it ruled out women’s right to the country’s top position.Although the platform was only a fi rst draft, the Muslim Brotherhood’s banon women in Egypt’s top offi ce revived old, but serious, questions regardingthe Islamist movement’s stand on the place and role of the “Sisters” inside themovement. The Brotherhood earlier had taken an advanced position concerningwomen, as refl ected in its naming of women candidates for parliamentaryand municipal elections in 2000, 2005, і 2007, as well as the growingnumbers of women involved in Brotherhood political activities, such as streetprotests and elections. Although the platform recognizes women as key politicalactors, it was considered a retreat from the movement’s advanced positionin some earlier electoral platforms.

Праект партыі Платформа егіпецкага мусульманскага братэрства

In the late summer 2007, amid great anticipation from Egypt’s ruling elite and opposition movements, the Muslim Brotherhood distributed the first draft of a party platform to a group of intellectuals and analysts. The platform was not to serve as a document for an existing political party or even one about to be founded: the Brotherhood remains without legal recognition in Egypt and Egypt’s rulers and the laws they have enacted make the prospect of legal recognition for a Brotherhood-founded party seem distant. But the Brotherhood’s leadership clearly wished to signal what sort of party they would found if allowed to do so.

With the circulation of the draft document, the movement opened its doors to discussion and even contentious debate about the main ideas of the platform, the likely course of the Brotherhood’s political role, and the future of its relationship with other political forces in the country.1 In this paper, we seek to answer four questions concerning the Brotherhood’s

party platform:

Браты-мусульмане ў Бельгіі

Стыў Merley,
старэйшы аналітык

The Global Muslim Brotherhood has been present in Europe since 1960 when SaidRamadan, the grandson of Hassan Al-Banna, founded a mosque in Munich.1 Since that time,Brotherhood organizations have been established in almost all of the EU countries, as well asnon-EU countries such as Russia and Turkey. Despite operating under other names, some ofthe organizations in the larger countries are recognized as part of the global MuslimBrotherhood. Напрыклад, the Union des Organizations Islamiques de France (UOIF) isgenerally regarded as part of the Muslim Brotherhood in France. The network is alsobecoming known in some of the smaller countries such as the Netherlands, where a recentNEFA Foundation report detailed the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in that country.2Neighboring Belgium has also become an important center for the Muslim Brotherhood inEurope. A 2002 report by the Intelligence Committee of the Belgian Parliament explainedhow the Brotherhood operates in Belgium:“The State Security Service has been following the activities of the InternationalMuslim Brotherhood in Belgium since 1982. The International MuslimBrotherhood has had a clandestine structure for nearly 20 гадоў. The identityof the members is secret; they operate in the greatest discretion. They seek tospread their ideology within the Islamic community of Belgium and they aimin particular at the young people of the second and third generation ofimmigrants. In Belgium as in other European countries, they try to take controlof the religious, сацыяльная, and sports associations and establish themselves asprivileged interlocutors of the national authorities in order to manage Islamicaffairs. The Muslim Brotherhood assumes that the national authorities will bepressed more and more to select Muslim leaders for such management and,у гэтым кантэксце, they try to insert within the representative bodies, individualsinfluenced by their ideology.

Браты-мусульмане ў Еўропе

ІСЛАМСКАЯ МАБІЛІЗАЦЫЯ

Зіяд Мансон

This article examines the emergence and growth of the Muslim Brotherhood inEgypt from the 1930s through the 1950s. It begins by outlining and empirically evaluatingpossible explanations for the organization’s growth based on (1) theories of politicalIslam and (2) the concept of political opportunity structure in social movementtheory. An extension of these approaches is suggested based on data from organizationaldocuments and declassiŽed U.S. State Department Žles from the period. Thesuccessful mobilization of the Muslim Brotherhood was possible because of the wayin which its Islamic message was tied to its organizational structure, activities, andstrategies and the everyday lives of Egyptians. The analysis suggests that ideas areintegrated into social movements in more ways than the concept of framing allows.It also expands our understanding of how organizations can arise in highly repressiveenvironments.

Махмуд Эззат у шырокім інтэрв'ю з Ахмедам Мансурам з Al Jazeera

Доктар. Махмуд Ezzat, Secretary-General of the Muslim Brotherhood, in a comprehensive interview with Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Mansour ascertained that the Muslim Brotherhood’s elections for Chairman scheduled to be held in the upcoming period by members of the Guidance Bureau is open to everyone who wishes to submit his nomination papers as a candidate.

In his statement to the talk show Bila Hedood (Without Borders) on Al-Jazeera TV, Ezzat explained that nomination papers generally should not be used for the Muslim Brotherhood’s candidates but rather a complete list of the entire Brotherhood’s 100-member Shura Council is presented to elect the Brotherhood’s Chairman and Guidance Bureau. He denied that the Brotherhood’s General Guide to leadership of the General Shura Council does not allow him the freedom to work on his own in making his final decision. He also revealed that the Council has the authority to hold the Chairman accountable for any failure and if the need arises dismiss him at any time.

He stressed that the movement is ready to make the ultimate sacrifice in order to practice the principle of Shura (consultation) within the ranks of, pointing out that the Shura Council will elect the Chairman and a new Guidance Bureau in the upcoming year.

He commented on the Media coverage of what really happened behind the scenes at the Guidance Bureau, citing that the committee which consisted of leading figures such as Dr. Essam el-Erian and a number of the Guidance Bureau members responsible for printing the Chairman’s weekly statement objected to Mr. Mahdi Akef’s wish a trifle difference of opinion. Akef’s first term will end on January 13, 2010 however he has announced earlier; he will still make a decision whether he will remain in office for a second term as the group’s general guide.

He continued that the 81-year old Akef had informed members of the Guidance Bureau earlier that he intended to resign and will not serve for a second term. Members of the Bureau immediately responded urging him to remain in office.

In his weekly message, Mahdi Akef vaguely referred to his intentions of not running a second term and thanking the Muslim Brotherhood and members of the Guidance Bureau who shared with him the responsibility as if he intended it to be his farewell speech. On Sunday, Кастрычніцкая 17 the media claimed that the Chairman of the Brotherhood had announced his resignation; however the Chairman has repeatedly denied media allegations where he came to the office the next day and met with members. He later issued a statement disclosing the truth. Media allegations on the Guidance Bureau’s unwillingness to appoint Dr. Essam el-Erian are totally false.

Доктар. Mahmoud Ezzat ascertained that the movement is pleased to provide an opportunity to members to share their opinions, stressing it is a manifestation of power matching with its existing large size and leading role, indicating that Chairman of the Muslim Brotherhood is very pleased to do so.

He stressed that all issues come back to the Guidance Office for the final decision where its resolutions are binding and satisfactory to all, regardless of the differences in opinion.

“I do not underestimate what has happened already or I’d simply say there is no crisis, at the same time, we should not blow things out of its context, we are determined to apply the principle of Shura”, he added.

It was discussed earlier at the subsequent meeting of the Guidance Bureau that the group’s Shura Council has the sole right to elect membership of the Guidance Bureau to any member, he explained. Доктар. Essam himself agreed that it was not suitable to appoint a new member in the Brotherhood’s Guidance Bureau since the election was near.

Ezzat stated that the episode was presented to the Shura Council on the recommendation of the guidance office amid frequent arrests and detentions waged by state security. We strive hard to involve the Shura Council to choose the next Chairman and members of the Guidance Office. It is expected the whole matter be resolved, Allah’s willing, before January 13.

It was decided at this meeting by the Chairman and members of the MB Guidance Bureau to send a letter to the Shura Council, stressing that the date for these elections will not be later than sixth months. It was assumed that the proceedings would be conducted prior to or during elections in which 5 new members were elected last year. It is the Shura Council’s decision and not the MB Guidance Bureau. Такім чынам, the general group’s Shura Council finally reached its unanimous decision of holding elections as soon as possible.

He stressed that the Muslim Brotherhood, with the enforcement of the Shura is organized by its internal regulations. Regulations which are adopted and advocated by laws of the Shura Council and are subject to change. The most recent amendment underway with one of its clauses is the duration of the term of a member of the Guidance Office provides that a member must not serve more than two consecutive terms.

Some members of the Guidance Office were accused of their adherence to stay in office for many years; Доктар. Ezzat claimed that frequent arrests which did not exclude any one the Executive Bureau prompted us to modify another article in the internal Regulation that provides a member maintain his membership even if he was detained. The absence of the honorable working for the welfare of their country and the sublime mission led us to insist on them maintaining their membership. Engineer Khayrat Al-Shater will remain as second deputy chairman of the MB and Dr. Mohammed Ali Bishr a member of the MB Executive Bureau. It is expected Bishr will be released next month.

Доктар. Mahmoud Ezzat completely denied rumors about internal conflicts within the opposition group with regards to leadership, stressing that the mechanisms, regulations and terms are paving the way to select the movement’s leaders. He also noted that Egypt’s geographical situation and considerable moral weight within the Muslim world justifies the need for the MB Chairman to be Egyptian.

“The Guidance Office is currently exploring the general tendency of the Brotherhood’s 100-member Shura Council with regards to nominating a suitable candidate eligible to take charge as Chairman”, he said.

“It is extremely difficult to predict who will be the next chairman, noting that 5 minutes ahead of appointing Mr. Akef as Chairman nobody knew, the ballots only decided who would be the new leader”, he said.

Доктар. Mahmoud Ezzat attributed the Media’s apparent conflicting reports on their allegations towards remarks about the Brotherhood top leaders to the same inconsistencies of media reports on senior leaders that vary from newspaper to another.

Доктар. Mahmoud Ezzat shed light with figures upon security raids that led to the arrest of some 2696 members of the group in 2007, 3674 у 2008 і 5022 у 2009. This resulted in the Shura Council’s inability to hold meetings and contest elections.

He also emphasized that the Muslim Brotherhood is extremely keen on maintaining Egypt’s national security and its’ interest in achieving peaceful reform in the society. “We are well aware that the meetings of the Guidance Office are surveilled by security although we intend only to practice democracy. На самай справе, we do not want to provoke the hostility and animosity of others”.

He also stressed the differences within the organization are not motivated by hatred or personal differences since the decent temperaments encouraged by the sublime teachings of Islam encourage us to tolerate difference of opinions. He added that history has proven that the Muslim Brotherhood movement has encountered much more difficult circumstances than the existing crisis.

The media has projected a negative image of the Muslim Brotherhood where they relied on SSI investigations for information. It is imperative that journalists get facts from the original sources if they are to have some sort of credibility. In fact the judiciary has invalidated all the accusations reported in state investigation, he said.

Доктар. Mahmoud Ezzat was optimistic that the current political crisis will pass asserting that events will prove that the Muslim Brotherhood with all its noble manners, objectivity, and practicing of democracy will shine through with flying colours.

Published on Ikhwanweb