中的所有條目 "新蘇菲運動" 類別

伊斯蘭教, 民主 & 美國:

科爾多瓦基金會

阿卜杜拉Faliq

介紹 ,

全球反恐戰爭中的精準:

謝裡法·祖爾

全球化與政治伊斯蘭: 土耳其福利黨的社會基礎

Haldun Gulalp

伊斯蘭政治思想中的民主

阿扎姆小號. 塔米米

伊斯蘭政治文化, 民主, 和人權

丹尼爾E·. 價錢

伊斯蘭政治文化, 民主, 和人權

丹尼爾E·. 價錢

伊斯蘭運動和阿拉伯世界的民主進程: 探索灰色地帶

彌敦道Ĵ. 棕色, 阿穆爾·哈薩,

瑪麗娜奧特維

伊斯蘭激進化

Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.

Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.

伊斯蘭教, 伊斯蘭主義者, 和中東的選舉原則

詹姆斯皮斯克托瑞

成為穆斯林

法特赫亞坎

All praises to Allah, and blessings and peace to His Messenger.This book is divided into two parts. The first part focuses on the characteristics that every single Muslim should portray in order to fulfill the conditions of being a Muslim in both belief and practice. Many people are Muslim by identity,because they were ”born Muslim” from Muslim parents. Theymay not know what Islam really means or its requirements, an dso may lead a very secular life. The purpose of this first partis to explain the responsibility of every Muslim to become aknowledgeable and true believer in Islam.The second part of this book discusses the responsibility to become an activist for Islam and participate in the Islamic Movement. It explains the nature of this movement and its goals, philosophy, strategy, and tactics, as well as the desirable characteristics of it members.The failure of various movements in the Islamic world, and especially in the Arab countries, result from a spiritual emptiness in these movements as well as in society generally. In sucha situation the principles and institutions of Islam are forgotten.The westernized leaders and movements collapse when they encounter serious challenges. These leaders and movements and the systems of government and economics they try to imposehave fallen because they lacked a solid base. They fell becausethey were artificial constructs copied from alien cultures anddid not represent the Muslim community. Therefore they wererejected by it. This situation is comparable to a kidney transplantin a human body. Although the body is able to tolerate it painfully for a short period of time, eventually the kidney willbe rejected and die.When the sickness of the Muslim Ummah became acute few Muslims thought of building a new society on Islamic principles.Instead many tried to import man made systems and principles, which looked good but really were grossly defectiveand so could be easily toppled and crushed.

該 500 最有影響力的穆斯林

約翰·埃斯波西托

易卜拉欣卡林

您手中的出版物是我們希望成為年度系列的第一本，它為了解穆斯林世界的推動者和震動者提供了一個窗口. 我們努力突出顯示有影響力的穆斯林人, 那是, 影響來自他們的伊斯蘭教實踐或來自他們是穆斯林這一事實的人. 我們認為這為穆斯林影響世界的不同方式提供了寶貴的見解, 並且還展示了當今穆斯林生活的多樣性。影響是一個棘手的概念. 它的意思來源於拉丁詞influensmeaning to flow-in, 指向看不見的力量的古老占星術思想 (喜歡月亮) 影響人類. 這份名單上的人物也有影響人類的能力. 這份名單上的每個人都以各種不同的方式影響著地球上許多人的生活. 該 50 最具影響力的人物簡介. 他們的影響力來自多種來源; 然而，它們是統一的，因為它們每個都影響著大量的人類。然後我們打破了 500 領導者成 15 類別—學者, 政治,行政的, 血統, 傳教士, 婦女, 青年, 慈善事業, 發展歷程,科學和技術, 文化藝術, 媒體, 激進分子, 國際伊斯蘭網絡, 和今日問題——幫助您了解伊斯蘭教和穆斯林影響當今世界的不同方式。兩個綜合列表顯示了影響如何以不同方式發揮作用: 國際伊斯蘭網絡展示了穆斯林重要跨國網絡的領導者, 和“今日問題”突出了由於當前影響人類的問題而具有重要意義的個人.

超越後伊斯蘭主義

伊赫桑·耶爾馬茲

With the increased international prominence of Turkey and its successful and internationallyrespected AK Party government, the Academia’s attention has focused on the Turkish Islamistexperience. Turkey had already been seen as an almost unique case as far Islam-state-secularismdemocracyrelations were concerned but the recent transformation of Turkish Islamism coupledwith the global turmoil in the post-9/11 world has made the Turkish case much more important.While Turkish Islamists’ recent transformation that has brought about their rise to the power hasbeen applauded at home and abroad, there are relatively very few studies that analyze theirtransformation by taking into account the unique experience of Turkish Islamism starting from the18th & 19th centuries’ Ottoman secularization, Young Ottomans of the 1860s and the Ottomanconstitutionalism and democracy. 而且, some dynamics that affected the change in theTurkish Islamists’ Islamic normative framework have not been analyzed in detail. 從而, this studyendeavors to analyze the main factors behind the newly emerged tolerant normative framework ofthe AK Party leaders who were formerly Islamists. After showing that there are good historicalreasons arising from the Ottoman experience of secularism and democracy and arguing based on abrief theoretical discussion of the plurality of Islamisms, it argues that the Turkish Islamism hasalways differed from the other Islamist experiences. 所以, in this study, a detailed evaluationof the Turkish Islamist experience starting from the Young Ottomans is undertaken. Then, thispaper attempts to show that Islamic groups’ physical and discursive interaction has been a crucialfactor in the Turkish Islamism’s transformation. Main premise of this paper is that the Gülenmovement has been the most influential factor that has helped the AK Party leaders to develop amore tolerant normative framework and to eventually jettison their Islamism. It is of coursedifficult to establish casual relationship between two social phenomena but one can underscorecorrelations. As the main hypothesis is that the Gülen movement has been the most influentialfactor in the normative transformation of the former Islamists’ mental frameworks and theirreligio-political worldviews, this paper provides a comparative discourse analysis betweenFethullah Gülen’s and Islamists’ ideas on several issues that have been relevant for both Islamismand newly-emerged post-Islamism. To identify these relevant issues (世俗主義, pluralism,民主, rule of law, nationalism, state, 伊斯蘭教, religiosity, the other, borders and dialogue),the paper provides a brief theoretical discussion of Islamism and post-Islamism that will also helpthe reader to understand the fundamental differences between Islamism and the Gülenian thought.

伊斯蘭現代性: FETHULLAH GULEN 和當代伊斯蘭教

弗格森將Caki

努爾朱運動1, 是最古老的溫和伊斯蘭運動，可能是現代土耳其特有的, 自從賽義德·努爾西被分成幾組, 運動的創始人, 去世於 1960. 在目前的時間, 有十多個具有不同議程和策略的 Nurcu 小組. 儘管他們的所有差異, 今天，努爾朱族群似乎承認彼此的身份，並試圖保持一定程度的團結. Fethullah Gulen 團體在 Nurju 運動中的位置, 然而, 似乎有點搖搖欲墜。Fethullah Gulen (b.1938) 分裂自己, 至少在外觀上, 從整體 Nurju 運動中 1972 並在 1980 年代和 90 年代成功建立了自己的團隊，具有強大的組織結構. 由於其在土耳其和國外廣泛的學校網絡的發展2, 他的小組引起了人們的注意. 這些學校不僅吸引了伊斯蘭商人和中產階級，也吸引了大量的世俗知識分子和政治家. 雖然它最初是從整體努爾朱運動中出現的, 有人認為，Fethullah Gulen 集團的追隨者人數遠大於其餘 nurju 集團的總人數. 然而, 似乎有足夠的理由認為要為這一成功付出代價: 與其他伊斯蘭團體以及 Fethullah Gulen 團體 3 本身應該參與的整個 Nurju 運動的疏遠.