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Islamist Opposition Parties and the Potential for EU Engagement

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

In light of the increasing importance of Islamist movements in the Muslim world and

the way that radicalisation has influenced global events since the turn of the century, it

is important for the EU to evaluate its policies towards actors within what can be loosely

termed the ‘Islamic world’. It is particularly important to ask whether and how to engage

with the various Islamist groups.

This remains controversial even within the EU. Some feel that the Islamic values that

lie behind Islamist parties are simply incompatible with western ideals of democracy and

dwa moun, while others see engagement as a realistic necessity due to the growing

domestic importance of Islamist parties and their increasing involvement in international

affairs. Another perspective is that democratisation in the Muslim world would increase

European security. The validity of these and other arguments over whether and how the

EU should engage can only be tested by studying the different Islamist movements and

their political circumstances, country by country.

Democratisation is a central theme of the EU’s common foreign policy actions, as laid

out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union. Many of the states considered in this

report are not democratic, or not fully democratic. In most of these countries, Islamis

parties and movements constitute a significant opposition to the prevailing regimes, epi

in some they form the largest opposition bloc. European democracies have long had to

deal with governing regimes that are authoritarian, but it is a new phenomenon to press

for democratic reform in states where the most likely beneficiaries might have, from the

EU’s point of view, different and sometimes problematic approaches to democracy and its

related values, such as minority and women’s rights and the rule of law. These charges are

often laid against Islamist movements, so it is important for European policy-makers to

have an accurate picture of the policies and philosophies of potential partners.

Experiences from different countries tends to suggest that the more freedom Islamist

parties are allowed, the more moderate they are in their actions and ideas. In many

cases Islamist parties and groups have long since shifted away from their original aim

of establishing an Islamic state governed by Islamic law, and have come to accept basic

democratic principles of electoral competition for power, the existence of other political

competitors, and political pluralism.

| Out 21, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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ESTRATEJI POU ANGAJE ISLAM POLITIK

SHADI HAMID

AMANDA KADLEC

Islam politik se sèl fòs politik ki pi aktif nan Mwayen Oryan jodi a. Avni li se intimman lye ak sa ki nan rejyon an. Si Etazini ak Inyon Ewopeyen an pran angajman pou sipòte refòm politik nan rejyon an, yo pral bezwen elabore beton, estrateji koyeran pou angaje gwoup islamis yo. Poutan, Etazini. jeneralman pa t vle louvri yon dyalòg ak mouvman sa yo. Menm jan an tou, Angajman Inyon Ewopeyen ak Islamis yo te eksepsyon, pa règ la. Kote kontak ki ba-nivo egziste, yo sitou sèvi nan objektif pou rasanble enfòmasyon, pa objektif estratejik yo. Etazini an. ak Inyon Ewopeyen gen yon kantite pwogram ki adrese devlopman ekonomik ak politik nan rejyon an - pami yo Inisyativ Patenarya Mwayen Oryan an. (MEPI), Millennium Challenge Corporation la (MCC), Inyon pou Mediterane a, ak politik Ewopeyen an katye (ENP) – Men, yo pa gen anyen pou di sou fason defi opozisyon politik islamis la anfòm nan objektif rejyonal ki pi laj yo. Etazini. ak asistans ak pwogram demokrasi Inyon Ewopeyen yo dirije prèske antyèman swa gouvènman otoritè tèt yo oswa gwoup eksklizyon sosyete sivil ak sipò minimòm nan pwòp sosyete yo..
Lè a se mi pou yon reevalyasyon politik aktyèl yo. Depi atak teworis yo nan mwa septanm nan 11, 2001, sipòte demokrasi Mwayen Oryan an te pran yon pi gwo enpòtans pou mizisyen politik Lwès yo, ki wè yon lyen ant mank demokrasi ak vyolans politik. Pi gwo atansyon yo te konsakre nan konpreyansyon varyasyon yo nan Islam politik. Nouvo administrasyon Ameriken an pi ouvè pou elaji kominikasyon ak mond Mizilman an. Pandan se tan, a vas majorite nan òganizasyon islamis endikap - ki gen ladan Frè Mizilman an nan peyi Lejip, Fwon Aksyon Islamik lòt bò larivyè Jouden an (IAF), Pati Jistis ak Devlopman Mawòk la (PJD), Mouvman Konstitisyonèl Islamik Kowet, ak Yemeni Islah Party - te de pli zan pli fè sipò pou refòm politik ak demokrasi yon eleman santral nan platfòm politik yo.. An plis, anpil moun te siyale gwo enterè nan ouvèti dyalòg ak U.S. ak gouvènman Inyon Ewopeyen yo.
Avni relasyon ant nasyon oksidantal yo ak Mwayen Oryan an ka detèmine pa degre ansyen an angaje pati islamis san vyolans yo nan yon dyalòg laj sou enterè ak objektif pataje.. Te gen yon pwopagasyon resan etid sou angajman ak islamis yo, men kèk klèman adrese sa li ta ka enplike nan pratik. Kòm Zoe Nautre, vizite parèy nan Konsèy Alman an sou Relasyon Etranje, mete li, "Inyon Ewopeyen an ap panse sou angajman men li pa vrèman konnen ki jan."1 Nan espwa nan klarifye diskisyon an, nou fè distenksyon ant twa nivo "angajman,” yo chak ak diferan mwayen ak fen: kontak ba nivo, dyalòg estratejik, ak patenarya.

| Out 19, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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ISLAMIST MOVEMENTS AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS IN THE ARAB WORLD: Exploring the Gray Zones

Natan J.. Brown, Amr Hamzawy,

Marina Ottaway

During the last decade, Islamist movements have established themselves as major political players in the Middle East. Together with the governments, Islamist movements, moderate as well as radical, will determine how the politics of the region unfold in the foreseeable future. Th ey have shown the ability not only to craft messages with widespread popular appeal but also, and most importantly, to create organizations with genuine social bases and develop coherent political strategies. Other parties,
by and large, have failed on all accounts.
Th e public in the West and, an patikilye, the United States, has only become aware of the importance of Islamist movements after dramatic events, such as the revolution in Iran and the assassination of President Anwar al-Sadat in Egypt. Attention has been far more sustained since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Kòm yon rezilta, Islamist movements are widely regarded as dangerous and hostile. While such a characterization is accurate regarding organizations at the radical end of the Islamist spectrum, which are dangerous because of their willingness to resort to indiscriminate violence in pursuing their goals, it is not an accurate characterization of the many groups that have renounced or avoided violence. Because terrorist organizations pose an immediate
threat, sepandan, policy makers in all countries have paid disproportionate attention to the violent organizations.
It is the mainstream Islamist organizations, not the radical ones, that will have the greatest impact on the future political evolution of the Middle East. Th e radicals’ grandiose goals of re-establishing a caliphate uniting the entire Arab world, or even of imposing on individual Arab countries laws and social customs inspired by a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam are simply too far removed from today’s reality to be realized. Th is does not mean that terrorist groups are not dangerous—they could cause great loss of life even in the pursuit of impossible goals—but that they are unlikely to change the face of the Middle East. Mainstream Islamist organizations are generally a diff erent matter. Th ey already have had a powerful impact on social customs in many countries, halting and reversing secularist trends and changing the way many Arabs dress and behave. And their immediate political goal, to become a powerful force by participating in the normal politics of their country, is not an impossible one. It is already being realized in countries such as Morocco, Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, and even Egypt, which still bans all Islamist political organizations but now has eighty-eight Muslim Brothers in the Parliament. Politik, not violence, is what gives mainstream Islamists their infl uence.

| Out 18, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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RADICALIZASYON ISLAMIS

PREFAS
RICHARD YOUNGS
MICHAEL EMERSON

Pwoblèm ki gen rapò ak Islam politik kontinye prezante defi nan politik etranje Ewopeyen an nan Mwayen Oryan an ak Afrik Dinò (MENA). Kòm politik Inyon Ewopeyen an te chache vini ak defi sa yo pandan dènye dekad la oswa konsa Islam politik li menm te evolye.. Ekspè yo montre konpleksite k ap grandi ak varyete tandans nan Islam politik la. Gen kèk òganizasyon islamis yo ranfòse angajman yo nan nòm demokratik ak angaje totalman nan lapè, politik nasyonal prensipal yo. Gen lòt ki rete marye ak mwayen vyolan. Epi gen lòt ankò ki te derive nan yon fòm Islamis ki pi trankil, degaje nan aktivite politik. Islam politik nan rejyon MENA pa prezante okenn tandans inifòm pou mizisyen politik Ewopeyen yo. Deba analitik te grandi sou konsèp 'radikalizasyon'. Sa a nan vire te anjandre rechèch sou faktè sa yo ki mennen 'de-radikalizasyon', ak kontrèman, 're-radikalizasyon'. Anpil nan konpleksite a soti nan opinyon lajman ke tout twa fenomèn sa yo ap fèt an menm tan.. Menm kondisyon yo tèt yo yo konteste. Li te souvan fè remake ke dikotomi modere-radikal la echwe totalman pou kaptire nuans yo nan tandans nan Islam politik.. Gen kèk analis tou plenyen ke pale sou 'radikalism' se ideolojikman chaje. Nan nivo tèminoloji, nou konprann radikalizasyon dwe asosye ak ekstrèm, men opinyon yo diferan sou santralite nan kontni relijye-fondamentalis kont li yo politik, epi si wi ou non volonte pou fè vyolans enplike oswa ou pa.

Diferans sa yo reflete nan opinyon yo te genyen nan Islamis yo tèt yo, osi byen ke nan pèsepsyon yo nan etranje yo.

| Out 17, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Islam politik ak politik etranjè Ewopeyen an

ISLAM POLITIK AK POLITIK PWOZINAT Ewopeyen an

MICHAEL EMERSON

RICHARD YOUNGS

Depi 2001 ak evènman entènasyonal yo ki te swiv nati a nan relasyon ki genyen ant Lwès la ak Islam politik te vin tounen yon pwoblèm defini pou politik etranjè.. Nan dènye ane yo, yon kantite lajan konsiderab nan rechèch ak analiz yo te eskize sou pwoblèm nan nan Islam politik. Sa a te ede korije kèk nan sipozisyon senplist ak alarmis yo te deja te fèt nan Lwès la sou nati valè ak entansyon Islamis yo.. Paralèl ak sa a, Inyon Ewopeyen an (Inyon Ewopeyen) te devlope yon kantite inisyativ politik prensipalman politik Ewopeyen an katye(ENP) ki nan prensip angaje nan dyalòg ak pi fon angajman tout(ki pa vyolan) aktè politik ak òganizasyon sosyete sivil nan peyi Arab yo. Men, anpil analis ak mizisyen politik kounye a plenyen de yon sèten trofe nan tou de deba konseptyèl ak devlopman politik. Li te etabli ke Islam politik se yon peyizaj k ap chanje, pwofondman afekte pa yon seri sikonstans, men deba souvan sanble yo te kole sou kesyon an senplist nan 'Èske Islamis yo demokratik?' Anpil analis endepandan te defann angajman ak islamis yo, men rapwòchman aktyèl ant gouvènman Lwès yo ak òganizasyon islamis yo rete limite .

| Out 17, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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why are there no arab democracies ?

Larry Diamond

During democratization’s “third wave,” democracy ceased being a mostly Western phenomenon and “went global.” When the third wave began in 1974, the world had only about 40 democracies, and only a few of them lay outside the West. By the time the Journal of Democracy began publishing in 1990, there were 76 electoral democracies (accounting for slightly less than half the world’s independent states). By 1995, that number had shot up to 117—three in every five states. By then, a critical mass of democracies existed in every major world region save one—the Middle East.1 Moreover, every one of the world’s major cultural realms had become host to a significant democratic presence, albeit again with a single exception—the Arab world.2 Fifteen years later, this exception still stands.
The continuing absence of even a single democratic regime in the Arab world is a striking anomaly—the principal exception to the globalization of democracy. Why is there no Arab democracy? Vreman vre, why is it the case that among the sixteen independent Arab states of the Middle East and coastal North Africa, Lebanon is the only one to have ever been a democracy?
The most common assumption about the Arab democracy deficit is that it must have something to do with religion or culture. After all, the one thing that all Arab countries share is that they are Arab.

| Out 07, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Success of Turkey’s AK Party must not dilute worries over Arab Islamists

Mona Eltahawy

It has been unsurprising that since Abdullah Gul became president of Turkey on 27 August that much misguided analyses has been wasted on how “Islamists” can pass the democracy test. His victory was bound to be described as the “Islamis” routing of Turkish politics. And Arab Islamists – in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood, their supporters and defenders – were always going to point to Turkey and tell us that we’ve been wrong all along to worry about the Arab Islamist’ alleged flirtation with democracy. “It worked in Turkey, it can work in the Arab world,” they would try to assure us.Wrong. Wrong. And wrong.Firstly, Gul is not an Islamist. His wife’s headscarf might be the red cloth to the bull of the secular nationalists in Turkey, but neither Gul nor the AK Party which swept parliamentary elections in Turkey in June, can be called Islamists. In fact, so little does the AK Party share with the Muslim Brotherhood – aside from the common faith of its members – that it’s absurd to use its success in Turkish politics as a reason to reduce fears over the Mus-lim Brotherhood’s role in Arab politics.The three litmus tests of Islamism will prove my point: women and sex, the “Lwès”, and Israel.As a secular Muslim who has vowed never to live in Egypt should Islamists ever take power, I never take lightly any attempt to blend religion with politics. So it has been with a more than skeptical eye that I’ve followed Turkish politics over the past few years.

| Out 02, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Engaging Islamists and Promoting Democracy

Mona Yacoubian

Deeming democratic change to be a long-term antidote to Islamist extremism, the Bush administration coupled its military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq with intensified efforts to promote democracy in the Arab world, underscoring the need for free and fair elections. To date, parliamentary elections of varying openness have taken place across the region, from Morocco to Kuwait. The elections ushered in a wave of Islamist victories, dubbed by many as an “Islamist tsunami.” 1The Islamists’ successes stem from their effectiveness as vehicles for popular opposition. While liberal, secular opposition parties remain largely detached from much of the population, Islamists have developed vast and easily mobilized grassroots networks through charitable organizations and mosques. The leadership is often younger and more dynamic, with strong ties to the community, and the party organizations brim with energy and ideas, attracting those who are seeking change.The U.S. government has quietly engaged a number of moderate and legal Islamist parties across the region for several years, sometimes through normal diplomatic activity, sometimes through government-funded grants to U.S. organizations. This Special Report examines U.S.-funded engagement with legal, nonviolent Islamist parties through the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International Republican Institute (IRI), which have the most extensive experience engaging with Islamists in the region, and focuses on Morocco, Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, and Yemen, because of their relative political openness and the strength and vibrancy of their Islamist political opposition.Successful Strategy. A successful Islamist engagement strategy both empowers individuals and strengthens institutions to yield greater transparency, more accountability, and shifts toward moderation. Training and empowering individuals cultivates moderates within the parties and enhances their political sophistication and influence. Pandan se tan, as regimes in the Arab world resist or manipulate political reforms, strengthening democracy’s infrastructure is as important as supporting individuals. Independent electoral procedures and monitoring help to establish free and fair elections. Institution building ensures appropriate checks on executive power and a strong rule of law. Strengthening parliaments is especially crucial, as Islamists participate primarily in legislatures.In assessing whether Islamist parties have moderated in response to U.S. engagement, it is difficult if not impossible to quantify or measure shifts that may themselves be relative and subjective. Directly linking greater moderation to specific U.S. engagement activities is also highly problematic. At best, this engagement should be considered a contributing factor. Nevertheless, the tentative results in Morocco, Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, and Yemen are promising enough that continued engagement with moderate Islamists should be encouraged, albeit with greater emphasis on institution building and an eye on the broader context of the ideological battle in the Muslim world between extremism and moderation.

| fevriye 21, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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POLITICAL ISLAM and the West

JOHN L.ESPOSITO


At the dawn of the 21st centurypolitical Islam, ormore commonly Islamicfundamentalism, remainsa major presence in governments andoppositional politics from North Africato Southeast Asia. New Islamic republicshave emerged in Afghanistan,Iran, and Sudan. Islamists have beenelected to parliaments, served in cabinets,and been presidents, prime ministers,and deputy prime ministers innations as diverse as Algeria, Peyi Lejip, Endonezi,Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Kuwait, Liban,Malezi, Pakistan, and Yemen. At thesame time opposition movements andradical extremist groups have sought todestabilize regimes in Muslim countriesand the West. Americans have witnessedattacks on their embassies fromKenya to Pakistan. Terrorism abroadhas been accompanied by strikes ondomestic targets such as the WorldTrade Center in New York. In recentyears, Saudi millionaire Osama binLaden has become emblematic of effortsto spread international violence

| fevriye 17, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Bati pon pa mi

Alex Glennie

Depi atak laterè yo nan 11 Septanm 2001 te gen yon eksplozyon enterè nan Islamis politik nan Mwayen Oryan ak Afrik Dinò (MENA) rejyon an. Jiska san patipri dènyèman,analis yo te konprann byen konsantre sou aktè sa yo ki opere nan fen vyolan nan spectre Islamis la, enkli Al-Qaeda, Taliban yo, kèk nan pati yo sektè nan Irak ak gwoup politik ki gen zèl ame tankou Hamas nan teritwa palestinyen yo okipe yo. (OPT)ak Hezbollah nan peyi Liban.Sepandan, sa te kache lefèt ke atravè rejyon MENA an politik kontanporen ap kondwi ak fòm pa yon koleksyon pi divèsifye nan 'endikap' mouvman islamis.. Nou defini kòm gwoup sa yo ki angaje oswa k ap chèche angaje yo nan pwosesis politik legal peyi yo epi ki te evite itilize vyolans piblikman pou ede reyalize objektif yo nan nivo nasyonal la., menm kote yo diskriminasyon kont oswa reprime. Definisyon sa a ta enkli gwoup tankou Frè Mizilman an nan peyi Lejip., Pati Jistis ak Devlopman (PJD) nan Maròk ak Fwon Aksyon Islamik la (IAF) nan lòt bò larivyè Jouden. Mouvman oswa pati islamis san vyolans sa yo souvan reprezante eleman ki pi byen òganize e ki pi popilè nan opozisyon an kont rejim ki egziste yo nan chak peyi., epi kòm sa, gen yon enterè ogmante sou pati nan fè politik lwès yo nan wòl yo ta ka jwe nan pwomosyon demokrasi nan rejyon an.. Men, diskisyon sou pwoblèm sa a sanble yo te bloke sou kesyon an si li ta apwopriye pou angaje ak gwoup sa yo sou yon baz pi sistematik ak fòmèl., olye ke sou pratik ki genyen nan aktyèlman fè sa., pliryalis politik ak yon seri de lòt pwoblèm. Li reflete tou konsiderasyon pragmatik sou enterè estratejik pouvwa lwès yo nan rejyon MENA yo ke yo pèrsu yo dwe menase pa popilarite a k ap monte ak enfliyans nan Islamis.. Pou pati yo, Pati ak mouvman islamis yo te montre yon repiyans klè pou yo tabli lyen pi sere ak pisans lwès sa yo ki gen politik nan rejyon an yo opoze fòtman., pa pi piti paske yo te pè ki jan rejim represif yo opere nan yo ta ka reyaji. Konsantre pwojè sa a sou mouvman islamis politik ki pa vyolan pa ta dwe mal entèprete kòm sipò implicite pou ajanda politik yo.. Angajman nan yon estrateji plis angajman ekspre ak pati islamis endikap yo ta enplike gwo risk ak konpwomi pou mizisyen politik Amerik di Nò ak Ewopeyen yo.. Sepandan, nou pran pozisyon ke tandans tou de bò yo wè angajman kòm yon sòm zewo jwèt "tout oswa anyen" pa itil., ak bezwen chanje si yon dyalòg pi konstriktif alantou refòm nan Mwayen Oryan an ak Afrik Dinò se parèt.

| fevriye 16, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Terrorist and Extremist Movements in the Middle East

Anthony H. Cordesman

Terrorism and asymmetric warfare are scarcely new features of the Middle Eastern military balance, and Islamic
extremism is scarcely the only source of extremist violence. There are many serious ethnic and sectarian differences
in the Middle East, and these have long led to sporadic violence within given states, and sometimes to major civil
conflicts. The civil wars in Yemen and the Dhofar Rebellion in Oman are examples, as are the long history of civil
war in Lebanon and Syria’s violent suppression of Islamic political groups that opposed the regime of Hafez al-
Asad. The rising power of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) led to a civil war in Jordan in September
1970. The Iranian revolution in 1979 was followed by serious political fighting, and an effort to export a theocratic
revolution that helped trigger the Iran-Iraq War. Bahrain and Saudi Arabia have both had civil clashes between their
Sunni ruling elites and hostile Shi’ites and these clashes led to significant violence in the case of Saudi Arabia.
There also, sepandan, has been a long history of violent Islamic extremism in the region, sometimes encouraged by
regimes that later became the target of the very Islamists they initially supported. Sadat attempted to use Islamic
movements as a counter to his secular opposition in Egypt only to be assassinated by one such movement after his
peace agreement with Israel. Israel thought it safe to sponsor Islamic movements after 1967 as a counter to the
PLO, only to see the rapid emergence of violently anti-Israeli groups. North and South Yemen were the scene of
coups and civil wars since the early 1960s, and it was a civil war in South Yemen that ultimately led to the collapse
of its regime and its merger with North Yemen in 1990.
The fall of the shah led to an Islamist takeover in Iran, and resistance to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan triggered
an Islamist reaction that still influences the Middle East and the entire Islamic world. Saudi Arabia had to deal with
an uprising at the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979. The religious character of this uprising shared many elements
of the movements that arose after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Gulf War in 1991.
Algerian efforts to suppress the victory of Islamic political parties in a democratic election in 1992 were followed by
a civil war that has lasted ever since. Egypt fought a long and largely successful battle with its own Islamic
extremists in the 1990s, but Egypt has only managed to have suppressed such movements rather than eradicated
them. In the rest of the Arab World, the civil wars in Kosovo and Bosnia helped create new Islamic extremist cadres.
Saudi Arabia suffered from two major terrorist attacks before 2001. These attacks struck at a National Guard
Training center and USAF barracks at Al Khobar, and at least one seems to have been the result of Islamic
extremists. Mawòk, Libya, Tinizi, Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and Yemen have all seen hard-line Islamist
movements become a serious national threat.
While not directly part of the region, the Sudan has fought a 15-year long civil war that has probably cost over two
million lives, and this war had been supported by hard-line Islamist elements in the Arab north. Somalia has also
been the scene of a civil war since 1991 that has allowed Islamist cells to operate in that country.a

Terrorism and asymmetric warfare are scarcely new features of the Middle Eastern military balance, and Islamicextremism is scarcely the only source of extremist violence. There are many serious ethnic and sectarian differencesin the Middle East, and these have long led to sporadic violence within given states, and sometimes to major civilconflicts. The civil wars in Yemen and the Dhofar Rebellion in Oman are examples, as are the long history of civilwar in Lebanon and Syria’s violent suppression of Islamic political groups that opposed the regime of Hafez al-Asad. The rising power of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) led to a civil war in Jordan in September1970. The Iranian revolution in 1979 was followed by serious political fighting, and an effort to export a theocraticrevolution that helped trigger the Iran-Iraq War. Bahrain and Saudi Arabia have both had civil clashes between theirSunni ruling elites and hostile Shi’ites and these clashes led to significant violence in the case of Saudi Arabia.There also, sepandan, has been a long history of violent Islamic extremism in the region, sometimes encouraged byregimes that later became the target of the very Islamists they initially supported. Sadat attempted to use Islamicmovements as a counter to his secular opposition in Egypt only to be assassinated by one such movement after hispeace agreement with Israel. Israel thought it safe to sponsor Islamic movements after 1967 as a counter to thePLO, only to see the rapid emergence of violently anti-Israeli groups. North and South Yemen were the scene ofcoups and civil wars since the early 1960s, and it was a civil war in South Yemen that ultimately led to the collapseof its regime and its merger with North Yemen in 1990.The fall of the shah led to an Islamist takeover in Iran, and resistance to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan triggeredan Islamist reaction that still influences the Middle East and the entire Islamic world. Saudi Arabia had to deal withan uprising at the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979. The religious character of this uprising shared many elementsof the movements that arose after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Gulf War in 1991.Algerian efforts to suppress the victory of Islamic political parties in a democratic election in 1992 were followed bya civil war that has lasted ever since. Egypt fought a long and largely successful battle with its own Islamicextremists in the 1990s, but Egypt has only managed to have suppressed such movements rather than eradicatedthem. In the rest of the Arab World, the civil wars in Kosovo and Bosnia helped create new Islamic extremist cadres.Saudi Arabia suffered from two major terrorist attacks before 2001. These attacks struck at a National GuardTraining center and USAF barracks at Al Khobar, and at least one seems to have been the result of Islamicextremists. Mawòk, Libya, Tinizi, Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and Yemen have all seen hard-line Islamistmovements become a serious national threat.While not directly part of the region, the Sudan has fought a 15-year long civil war that has probably cost over twomillion lives, and this war had been supported by hard-line Islamist elements in the Arab north. Somalia has alsobeen the scene of a civil war since 1991 that has allowed Islamist cells to operate in that country.

| fevriye 13, 2010 | Kòmantè 0
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Lanmò Islam politik la

Jon B. Alterman

Nekroloji pou Islam politik yo te kòmanse ekri. Apre ane nan kwasans san pèdi enstopab, Pati Islamik yo te kòmanse bite. Nan Maròk, Pati Jistis ak Devlopman an (oswa PJD) te fè pi mal pase sa te espere nan eleksyon septanm pase yo, ak Fwon Aksyon Islamik Jordan la pèdi plis pase mwatye syèj li yo nan biwo vòt mwa pase a. Manifesto fratènite Mizilman peyi Lejip la te espere anpil, yon bouyon ki te parèt nan mwa septanm pase a,pa te montre ni fòs ni kouraj. Olye de sa, li sijere ke gwoup la te anvayi pa kontradiksyon entelektyèl ak boule nan batay entèn. Li twò bonè pou deklare lanmò Islam politik la., kòm li te twò bonè pwoklame therebirth nan liberalis nan mond lan Arab nan 2003-04, men kandida li yo sanble miyò dimmer pase yo te fè menm yon ane de sa.Pou kèk, tonbe nan favè Bondye te inevitab; Islam politik te tonbe anba pwòp kontradiksyon li yo, yo di. Yo diskite sa, an tèm objektif, Islam politik pa t janm plis pase lafimen ak miwa. Relijyon se sou lafwa ak verite, ak politik yo se sou konpwomi ak aranjman. Wè konsa, Islam politik pa t janm yon antrepriz sen, men senpleman yon efò pou ranfòse kandida politik yon bò nan yon deba politik. Te sipòte pa otorite relijye ak lejitimite, opozisyon ak volonte Islamis yo te sispann jis politik-li te vin erezi-e Islamis yo te benefisye.,bèf ènmi politik, ak rasanbleman sipò. Kòm yon estrateji gouvène, sepandan, yo diskite ke Islam politik pa te pwodwi okenn siksè. Nan de zòn kote li dènyèman leve topower, Otorite Palestinyen an ak Irak, gouvènans te anemik. Nan Iran, kote molla yo te sou pouvwa pou prèske twa deseni, relijye yo ap lite pou respè epi peyi a ap bay lajan nan Doubay ak lòt mache lòt bò dlo yo ak règ pi previzib ak plis retounen pozitif.. Eta ki pi avowedly relijye nan Mwayen Oryan an, Arabi Saoudit, gen mwens libète entelektyèl pase anpil nan vwazen li yo, ak gadyen orthodoxi la ak anpil atansyon sikonskri panse relijye yo. Kòm savan franse nan Islam,Olivier Roy, obsève memorab plis pase yon dekad de sa, fusion relijyon ak politik pa t sanktifye politik, li politize relijyon.Men, pandan ke Islam pa te bay yon teyori aderan nan gouvènans, se pou kont li yon apwòch inivèsèl aksepte nan pwoblèm yo nan limanite, sayans nan relijyon kontinye ap grandi nan mitan anpil Mizilman., which have become more conservative for both women and men in recent years, andbeyond language, which invokes God’s name far more than was the case a decade ago. It also goes beyond the daily practice ofIslam—from prayer to charity to fasting—all of which are on the upswing.What has changed is something even more fundamental than physical appearance or ritual practice, and that is this: A growingnumber of Muslims start from the proposition that Islam is relevant to all aspects of their daily lives, epi pa sèlman pwovens teyoloji oswa kwayans pèsonèl. Gen kèk ki wè sa kòm yon retou nan tradisyonèlis nan Mwayen Oryan an., lè diferan mezi sipèstisyon ak espirityalite gouvène lavi chak jou. Plis presizyon, menm si, sa n ap wè se monte "neo-traditionalism,"nan ki senbòl ak slogan nan tan pase yo te enskri nan pouswit prese antre nan tan kap vini an.. Finans Islamik-ki vle di, finans ki depann sou aksyon ak retounen olye ke enterè-ap en, ak branch labank dous yo genyen antre separe pou gason ak fanm. Slick jenn televangelists konte sou twop yo nan sanktifye chak jou a ak chèche padon., atire dè dizèn de milye nan reyinyon yo ak odyans televizyon yo nan plizyè milyon. Music videos—viewable on YouTube—implore young viewers to embrace faith and turn away froma meaningless secular life.Many in the West see secularism and relativism as concrete signs of modernity. Nan Mwayen Oryan an, many see them as symbols ofa bankrupt secular nationalist past that failed to deliver justice or development, freedom or progress. The suffering of secularism ismeaningless, but the discipline of Islam is filled with signficance.It is for this reason that it is premature to declare the death of political Islam. Islam, increasingly, cannot be contained. It is spreadingto all aspects of life, and it is robust among some of the most dynamic forces in the Middle East. It enjoys state subsidies to be sure,men eta yo pa gen anpil pou wè ak kreyativite ki fèt nan domèn relijye a. Danje a se ke Islamizasyon lavi piblik sa a pral jete ti tolerans ki rete nan Mwayen Oryan an., apre plizyè syèk asa—fondamentalman Islamik—entrepôt miltikiltirèl. Li difisil pou imajine ki jan sosyete Islamize yo ka fleri si yo pa anbrase inovasyon ak kreyativite, divèsite ak diferans. "Islamik" se pa yon konsèp ki evidan, jan zanmi m nan Mustapha Kamal Pasha te obsève yon fwa, men li pa kapab yon sous fòs nan sosyete modèn yo si li mare ak nosyon osifye ak pawasyal sou nati li. Fè fas ak diferans se fondamantalman yon travay politik., epi se isit la ke Islam politik pral fè fas a vrè tès li yo. Estrikti fòmèl gouvènman an nan Mwayen Oryan yo te pwouve dirab, epi yo pa gen anpil chans tonbe anba yon vag nan aktivis Islamik. Pou Islam politik yo reyisi, li bezwen jwenn yon fason pou ini divès kowalisyon divès kalite lafwa ak degre lafwa, pa sèlman pale ak baz li. Li poko jwenn yon fason pou fè sa, men sa pa vle di ke li pa kapab.

| fevriye 12, 2010 | Kòmantè 3
Li piplis

Entènèt la ak politik islamis nan lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Maròk ak peyi Lejip.

Fen ventyèm syèk la ak kòmansman ventyèm syèk la te wè a
difizyon Entènèt la kòm yon sant kominikasyon, enfòmasyon, amizman ak
komès. Pwopagasyon Entènèt la rive nan tout kat kwen glòb la, konekte la
researcher in Antarctica with the farmer in Guatemala and the newscaster in Moscow to the
Bedouin in Egypt. Through the Internet, the flow of information and real-time news reaches
across continents, and the voices of subalternity have the potential to project their previously
silenced voices through blogs, sit entènèt ak sit rezo sosyal yo. Òganizasyon politik yo
atravè kontinyèl gòch-dwa te vize entènèt la kòm mobilizateur politik la nan lavni an,
ak gouvènman kounye a bay aksè a dokiman istorik, platfòm pati yo, epi
papye administratif atravè sit yo. Menm jan an tou, gwoup relijye yo montre kwayans yo sou entènèt
atravè sit ofisyèl yo, ak fowòm pèmèt manm atravè mond lan deba sou pwoblèm
eskatoloji, òtopraksi ak nenpòt kantite pwoblèm teyolojik nuans. Fusion de la, Islamis
òganizasyon politik yo te fè konnen prezans yo atravè sit entènèt sofistike detaye
platfòm politik yo, nouvèl ki enpòtan, ak materyèl relijye oryante diskite sou yo
opinyon teyolojik. Papye sa a pral espesyalman egzamine lyen sa a – itilizasyon entènèt la pa
Òganizasyon politik islamis nan Mwayen Oryan nan peyi lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Maròk ak
Peyi Lejip.
Malgre ke yon pakèt òganizasyon politik islamis itilize entènèt la kòm yon fowòm
pibliye opinyon yo epi kreye yon repitasyon nasyonal oswa entènasyonal, metòd ak entansyon yo
nan gwoup sa yo varye anpil epi depann sou nati òganizasyon an. Papye sa a pral
egzaminen itilizasyon entènèt la pa twa pati islamis 'modere' yo: Fwon Aksyon Islamik nan
2
Lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Pati Jistis ak Devlopman nan Maròk ak Frè Mizilman an nan peyi Lejip.
Kòm twa pati sa yo te ogmante sofistike politik yo ak repitasyon, tou de nan kay la
ak aletranje, yo te de pli zan pli itilize entènèt la pou plizyè rezon. Premye, Islamis
òganizasyon yo te itilize entènèt la kòm yon ekstansyon kontanporen nan esfè piblik la, yon esfè
atravè ki pati yo ankadre, kominike ak enstitisyonalize lide bay yon pi laj piblik.
Dezyèmman, Entènèt la bay òganizasyon islamis yo yon fowòm san filtè kote
ofisyèl yo ka ankouraje epi fè piblisite pozisyon yo ak opinyon yo, osi byen ke kontourne medya lokal yo
restriksyon leta enpoze. Finalman, Entènèt la pèmèt òganizasyon islamis yo prezante yon
diskou counterhegemonic an opozisyon ak rejim dominasyon an oswa monachi oswa nan ekspozisyon nan yon
odyans entènasyonal. Twazyèm motivasyon sa a aplike pi espesyalman pou Mizilman an
Fratènite, ki prezante yon sit entènèt sofistike lang angle ki fèt nan yon Western
style ak pwepare yo rive jwenn yon odyans selektif nan entelektyèl, politisyen ak jounalis. MB la
te eksele nan sa yo rele "bridgeblogging" sa a 1 e li te fikse estanda pou pati islamis yo
eseye enfliyanse pèsepsyon entènasyonal yo sou pozisyon yo ak travay yo. Kontni an varye
ant vèsyon arab ak angle nan sit la, epi yo pral egzamine pi lwen nan seksyon an
sou Frè Mizilman yo. Twa objektif sa yo sipèpoze siyifikativman nan tou de entansyon yo ak
rezilta yo vle; sepandan, chak objektif vize yon aktè diferan: piblik la, medya yo, ak la
rejim. Apre yon analiz de twa zòn sa yo, papye sa a pral kontinye nan yon etid ka
analiz sou sit entènèt IAF la, PJD a ak Frè Mizilman yo.
1

Andre Helms

Ikhwanweb

Fen ventyèm syèk la ak kòmansman ventyèm syèk la te wè yon difizyon entènèt la kòm yon sant kominikasyon., enfòmasyon, amizman ak komès.

Pwopagasyon Entènèt la rive nan tout kat kwen glòb la, konekte chèchè a nan Antatik ak kiltivatè a nan Gwatemala ak nouvèl la nan Moskou ak Bedouin nan peyi Lejip la..

Through the Internet, koule enfòmasyon ak nouvèl an tan reyèl rive atravè kontinan yo, ak vwa yo nan subalternite gen potansyèl pou pwojè vwa yo te deja silans atravè blogs, sit entènèt ak sit rezo sosyal yo.

Òganizasyon politik yo atravè kontinyèl goch-dwa te vize Entènèt la kòm mobilizatè politik tan kap vini an, ak gouvènman kounye a bay aksè a dokiman istorik, platfòm pati yo, ak papye administratif atravè sit yo. Menm jan an tou, gwoup relijye yo montre kwayans yo sou entènèt atravè sit ofisyèl yo, ak fowòm pèmèt manm atravè mond lan deba sou pwoblèm eskatoloji, òtopraksi ak nenpòt kantite pwoblèm teyolojik nuans.

Fusion de la, Òganizasyon politik islamis yo te fè konnen prezans yo atravè sit entènèt sofistike ki detaye platfòm politik yo, nouvèl ki enpòtan, ak materyèl relijye oryante diskite opinyon teyolojik yo. Papye sa a pral espesyalman egzamine lyen sa a - itilizasyon entènèt la pa òganizasyon politik islamis nan Mwayen Oryan an nan peyi lòt bò larivyè Jouden., Maròk ak peyi Lejip.

Malgre ke yon pakèt òganizasyon politik islamis yo itilize entènèt la kòm yon fowòm pou pibliye opinyon yo epi kreye yon repitasyon nasyonal oswa entènasyonal., metòd ak entansyon gwoup sa yo varye anpil epi depann de nati òganizasyon an.

Papye sa a pral egzamine itilizasyon entènèt la pa twa pati islamis 'modere' yo: Fwon Aksyon Islamik nan lòt bò larivyè Jouden, Pati Jistis ak Devlopman nan Maròk ak Frè Mizilman an nan peyi Lejip. Kòm twa pati sa yo te ogmante sofistike politik yo ak repitasyon, tou de nan kay ak aletranje, yo te de pli zan pli itilize entènèt la pou plizyè rezon.

Premye, Òganizasyon islamis yo te itilize entènèt la kòm yon ekstansyon kontanporen nan esfè piblik la, yon esfè nan ki pati yo ankadre, kominike ak enstitisyonalize lide bay yon pi laj piblik.

Dezyèmman, Entènèt la bay òganizasyon islamis yo yon fowòm san filtè kote ofisyèl yo ka ankouraje ak fè piblisite pou pozisyon yo ak opinyon yo, osi byen ke kontourne restriksyon medya lokal yo enpoze pa eta a.

Finalman, Entènèt la pèmèt òganizasyon islamis yo prezante yon diskou counterhegemonic an opozisyon ak rejim dominan oswa monachi a oswa nan ekspozisyon nan yon odyans entènasyonal.. Twazyèm motivasyon sa a aplike pi espesyalman nan Frè Mizilman yo, ki prezante yon sit entènèt sofistike nan lang angle ki fèt nan yon style oksidantal ak pwepare pou rive jwenn yon odyans selektif nan entelektyèl., politisyen ak jounalis.

MB a ekselan nan sa yo rele "bridgeblogging" sa a. 1 e li te etabli estanda pou pati islamis yo eseye enfliyanse pèsepsyon entènasyonal yo sou pozisyon yo ak travay yo. Kontni an varye ant vèsyon an arab ak angle nan sit la, epi yo pral egzamine pi lwen nan seksyon an sou Frè Mizilman yo.

Twa objektif sa yo sipèpoze anpil nan tou de entansyon yo ak rezilta yo vle; sepandan, chak objektif vize yon aktè diferan: piblik la, medya yo, ak rejim nan. Apre yon analiz de twa zòn sa yo, papye sa a pral kontinye nan yon analiz etid ka sou sit entènèt IAF yo, PJD a ak Frè Mizilman yo.

| Desanm 18, 2009 | Kòmantè 0
Li piplis