Maingizo zote "Jordan MB" Kundi
Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika
Arab Insight
Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?
khalil al-anani
"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.
| Septemba 15, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislam upya
Matta Azzam
Kuna siasa na usalama mgogoro jirani kile ni inajulikana kama Uislam, mgogoro ambao utangulizi Hutangulia muda 9/11. Katika kipindi cha 25 miaka, kumekuwa na msisitizo tofauti juu ya jinsi ya kuelezea na kupambana Uislam. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji..
imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 Julai 2005 ilidhihirika zaidi kuwa baadhi ya vijana walikuwa wakisisitiza kujitolea kwa kidini kama njia ya kudhihirisha ukabila. Uhusiano kati ya Waislamu kote ulimwenguni na mtazamo wao kwamba Waislamu wako hatarini kumesababisha watu wengi katika sehemu mbali mbali za dunia kuunganisha matatizo yao ya ndani na kuwa Waislamu wengi zaidi., kuwa na kitambulisho kitamaduni, ama kimsingi au sehemu, na Uislamu unaojulikana kwa mapana.
| Septemba 06, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu na Demokrasia
ITAC
kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia: inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia.
kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia (kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia) kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s
| Septemba 04, 2010 | Maoni 0
Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu
Daniel E. Bei
Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana na
maadili ya jamii za Magharibi, na inaathiri sana matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa
katika mataifa ya Waislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na serikali
maafisa mara nyingi huelekeza kwa '' misingi ya Kiislam '' kama inayofuata
tishio la kiitikadi kwa demokrasia za huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea kimsingi
juu ya uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda
ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni ubishi wangu
kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine,
inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Nchi
masomo maalum na ya kuelezea hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itasaidia
tunaelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa kote
nchi za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa
uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu,
demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, hiyo sana
mkazo umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Mimi kwanza
tumia masomo ya kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano
kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila,
na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti katika ushawishi wa
Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane.
| Agosti 24, 2010 | Maoni 0
Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu
Daniel E. Bei
Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana na
maadili ya jamii za Magharibi, na inaathiri sana matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa
katika mataifa ya Waislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na serikali
maafisa mara nyingi huelekeza kwa '' misingi ya Kiislam '' kama inayofuata
tishio la kiitikadi kwa demokrasia za huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea kimsingi
juu ya uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda
ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni ubishi wangu
kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine,
inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Nchi
masomo maalum na ya kuelezea hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itasaidia
tunaelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa kote
nchi za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa
uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu,
demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, hiyo sana
mkazo umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Mimi kwanza
tumia masomo ya kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano
kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila,
na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti katika ushawishi wa
Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane.
| Agosti 22, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu wa kisiasa katika Mashariki ya Kati
Ni Knudsen
Ripoti hii hutoa utangulizi wa mambo yaliyochaguliwa ya jambo hilo kawaida
inaitwa "Uislamu wa kisiasa". Ripoti hiyo inatoa msisitizo maalum kwa Mashariki ya Kati, ndani
hasa nchi za Levantine, na inaelezea mambo mawili ya harakati ya Kiislam ambayo inaweza
kuzingatiwa kinyume cha polar: demokrasia na vurugu za kisiasa. Katika sehemu ya tatu ripoti hiyo
hupitia baadhi ya nadharia kuu zinazotumiwa kuelezea ufufuo wa Kiislam katika Mashariki ya Kati
(Kielelezo 1). Katika barua, ripoti hiyo inaonyesha kuwa Uislamu hauhitaji kupingana na demokrasia na
kwamba kuna tabia ya kupuuza ukweli kwamba nchi nyingi za Mashariki ya Kati zimekuwa
kushiriki katika ukandamizaji wa kikatili wa harakati za Kiislam, kuwasababisha, wengine wanasema, kuchukua
silaha dhidi ya serikali, na zaidi mara chache, Nchi za kigeni. Matumizi ya vurugu za kisiasa ni
kuenea katika Mashariki ya Kati, lakini haina mantiki wala haina mantiki. Katika hali nyingi hata
Vikundi vya Kiislamu vinavyojulikana kwa matumizi ya ghasia vimegeuzwa kuwa siasa za amani
vyama vilivyoshiriki vyema katika chaguzi za manispaa na kitaifa. Hata hivyo, muislamu
uamsho katika Mashariki ya Kati bado haujaelezewa kwa sehemu licha ya nadharia kadhaa zinazotaka
akaunti kwa ukuaji wake na rufaa maarufu. Kwa ujumla, nadharia nyingi zinashikilia kuwa Uislamu ni a
mmenyuko kwa kunyimwa jamaa, hasa ukosefu wa usawa wa kijamii na ukandamizaji wa kisiasa. Mbadala
Nadharia zinatafuta jibu la uamsho wa Uislamu ndani ya mipaka ya dini yenyewe na
yenye nguvu, uwezo wa kusisimua wa ishara za kidini.
Hitimisho linapingana na kupendelea kusonga zaidi ya njia ya "kiza na maangamizi".
inaonyesha Uislamu kama usemi usio halali wa kisiasa na tishio linalowezekana kwa Magharibi (“Mzee
Uislamu”), na ufahamu wa kina zaidi wa demokrasia ya sasa ya Waislam
harakati ambayo sasa inafanyika katika Mashariki ya Kati ("Uislamu Mpya"). Hii
umuhimu wa kuelewa mizizi ya kiitikadi ya "Uislamu Mpya" umetangulia
pamoja na hitaji la ujuzi wa kina wa harakati za Kiislamu na zao
wafuasi. Kama harakati za kijamii, inasemekana kwamba mkazo zaidi unahitaji kuwekwa
understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only
of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.
| Agosti 20, 2010 | Maoni 0
MIKAKATI kwa kujihusisha KISIASA UISLAMU
SHADI HAMID
Amanda KADLEC
Political Islam is the single most active political force in the Middle East today. Its future is intimately tied to that of the region. If the United States and the European Union are committed to supporting political reform in the region, they will need to devise concrete, coherent strategies for engaging Islamist groups. Yet, the U.S. has generally been unwilling to open a dialogue with these movements. vile vile, EU engagement with Islamists has been the exception, not the rule. Where low-level contacts exist, they mainly serve information-gathering purposes, not strategic objectives. The U.S. and EU have a number of programs that address economic and political development in the region – among them the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), the Union for the Mediterranean, and the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) - lakini hawana la kusema kuhusu jinsi changamoto ya upinzani wa kisiasa wa Kiislamu inavyoingia katika malengo mapana ya kikanda. Marekani. na usaidizi na upangaji wa demokrasia ya Umoja wa Ulaya unaelekezwa karibu kabisa kwa serikali za kimabavu zenyewe au mashirika ya kiraia yasiyo ya kidini yenye usaidizi mdogo katika jamii zao..
Wakati umewadia wa kutathmini upya sera za sasa. Tangu mashambulizi ya kigaidi ya Septemba 11, 2001, kuunga mkono demokrasia ya Mashariki ya Kati kumechukua umuhimu mkubwa kwa watunga sera wa Magharibi, ambao wanaona uhusiano kati ya ukosefu wa demokrasia na vurugu za kisiasa. Umakini mkubwa umetolewa katika kuelewa tofauti ndani ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Utawala mpya wa Marekani uko wazi zaidi katika kupanua mawasiliano na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Wakati huo huo, the vast majority of mainstream Islamist organizations – including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Jordan’s Islamic Action Front (IAF), Morocco’s Justice and Development Party (PJD), the Islamic Constitutional Movement of Kuwait, and the Yemeni Islah Party – have increasingly made support for political reform and democracy a central component in their political platforms. In addition, many have signaled strong interest in opening dialogue with U.S. and EU governments.
The future of relations between Western nations and the Middle East may be largely determined by the degree to which the former engage nonviolent Islamist parties in a broad dialogue about shared interests and objectives. There has been a recent proliferation of studies on engagement with Islamists, but few clearly address what it might entail in practice. As Zoé Nautré, visiting fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations, puts it, “the EU is thinking about engagement but doesn’t really know how.”1 In the hope of clarifying the discussion, we distinguish between three levels of “engagement,” each with varying means and ends: low-level contacts, strategic dialogue, and partnership.
| Agosti 19, 2010 | Maoni 0
Vyama vya Kiisilamu : Aina tatu za harakati
Tamara Cofman
Between 1991 na 2001, the world of political Islam became significantly more diverse. Leo, the term “Islamist”—used to describe a political perspective centrally informed by a set of religious interpretations and commitments—can be applied to such a wide array of groups as to be almost meaningless. It encompasses everyone from the terrorists who flew planes into the World Trade Center to peacefully elected legislators in Kuwait who have voted in favor of women’s suffrage.
Hata hivyo, the prominence of Islamist movements—legal and illegal, violent and peaceful—in the ranks of political oppositions across the Arab world makes the necessity of drawing relevant distinctions obvious. The religious discourse of the Islamists is now unavoidably central to Arab politics. Conventional policy discussions label Islamists either “moderate” or “radical,” generally categorizing them according to two rather loose and unhelpful criteria. The first is violence: Radicals use it and moderates do not. This begs the question of how to classify groups that do not themselves engage in violence but who condone, justify, or even actively support the violence of others. A second, only somewhat more restrictive criterion is whether the groups or individuals in question
accept the rules of the democratic electoral game. Popular sovereignty is no small concession for traditional Islamists, many of whom reject democratically elected governments as usurpers of God’s sovereignty.
Yet commitment to the procedural rules of democratic elections is not the same as commitment to democratic politics or governance.
| Agosti 18, 2010 | Maoni 0
Vyama vya Kiisilamu : Faida au bane kwa demokrasia?
Amr Hamzawy
Nathan J. Kahawia
What role do Islamist movements play in Arab politics? With their popular messages and broad followings within Arab societies, would their incorporation as normal political actors be a boon for democratization or democracy’s bane? For too long, we have tried to answer such questions solely by speculating about the true intentions of these movements and their leaders. Islamist political movements in the Arab world are increasingly asked—both by outside observers and by members of their own societies—about their true intentions.
But to hear them tell it, leaders of mainstream Arab Islamist movements are not the problem. They see themselves as democrats in nondemocratic lands, firmly committed to clean and fair electoral processes, whatever outcomes these may bring. It is rulers and regimes that should be pressed to commit to democracy, say the Islamists, not their oppositions. We need not take such Islamist leaders at their word. Kwa kweli, we should realize that there is only so much that any of their words can do to answer the question of the relationship between these movements and the prospects for democracy.
While their words are increasingly numerous (Islamist movements tend to be quite loquacious) and their answers about democracy increasingly specific, their ability to resolve all ambiguities is limited. Kwanza, as long as they are out of power—as most of them are, and are likely to remain for some time—they will never fully prove themselves. Many Islamist leaders themselves probably do not know how they would act were they to come to power.
| Agosti 18, 2010 | Maoni 0
MIENENDO Kiislam na mchakato wa kidemokrasia KATIKA ARAB WORLD: Kuchunguza Kanda Gray
Nathan J. Kahawia, Amr Hamzawy,
Marina Ottaway
Katika muongo uliopita, Islamist movements have established themselves as major political players in the Middle East. Together with the governments, Harakati ya Kiislam, wastani pamoja na radical, will determine how the politics of the region unfold in the foreseeable future. Th ey have shown the ability not only to craft messages with widespread popular appeal but also, na muhimu zaidi, to create organizations with genuine social bases and develop coherent political strategies. Other parties,
by and large, have failed on all accounts.
Th e public in the West and, in particular, Marekani, has only become aware of the importance of Islamist movements after dramatic events, such as the revolution in Iran and the assassination of President Anwar al-Sadat in Egypt. Attention has been far more sustained since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Matokeo, Islamist movements are widely regarded as dangerous and hostile. While such a characterization is accurate regarding organizations at the radical end of the Islamist spectrum, which are dangerous because of their willingness to resort to indiscriminate violence in pursuing their goals, it is not an accurate characterization of the many groups that have renounced or avoided violence. Because terrorist organizations pose an immediate
threat, hata hivyo, watunga sera katika nchi zote wametilia maanani sana mashirika yenye vurugu.
Ni tawala mashirika Kiislam, si wale radical, ambayo itakuwa na athari kubwa zaidi katika mageuzi ya baadaye ya kisiasa ya Mashariki ya Kati. Malengo makuu ya wana itikadi kali ya kusimamisha tena ukhalifa unaounganisha ulimwengu wote wa Kiarabu., au hata kuziwekea nchi moja moja za Kiarabu sheria na desturi za kijamii zinazochochewa na tafsiri ya kimsingi ya Uislamu ziko mbali sana na ukweli wa leo kuweza kufikiwa.. Hii haimaanishi kwamba makundi ya kigaidi si hatari—yanaweza kusababisha hasara kubwa ya maisha hata katika kutafuta malengo yasiyowezekana—lakini kwamba hayana uwezekano wa kubadilisha sura ya Mashariki ya Kati.. Mashirika makubwa ya Kiislamu kwa ujumla ni mambo tofauti. Tayari imekuwa na athari kubwa kwa desturi za kijamii katika nchi nyingi, kusimamisha na kugeuza mielekeo ya kisekula na kubadilisha jinsi Waarabu wengi wanavyovaa na kuenenda. Na lengo lao la haraka la kisiasa, kuwa nguvu kubwa kwa kushiriki katika siasa za kawaida za nchi yao, si jambo lisilowezekana. Tayari inatambulika katika nchi kama vile Moroko, Jordan, na hata Misri, ambayo bado inapiga marufuku mashirika yote ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu lakini sasa ina Ndugu themanini na nane wa Kiislamu Bungeni. Siasa, si vurugu, ndicho kinachowapa Waislam wa kawaida athari zao.
| Agosti 18, 2010 | Maoni 0
UFAHAMU WA UISLAMU
PREFACE
RICHARD YOUNGS
MICHAEL EMERSON
Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.
Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.
| Agosti 17, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu, WAISLAMU, NA KANUNI YA UCHAGUZI I N MASHARIKI YA KATI
James Piscatori
Kwa wazo ambalo wakati eti umefika, Òdemokrasia hufunika hali ya kushangaza
idadi ya maswali ambayo hayajajibiwa na, katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, imezalisha
kiasi cha ajabu cha joto. Je, ni neno maalum la kitamaduni, kutafakari Magharibi
Uzoefu wa Ulaya kwa karne kadhaa? Do non-Western societies possess
their own standards of participation and accountabilityÑand indeed their own
rhythms of developmentÑwhich command attention, if not respect? Does Islam,
with its emphasis on scriptural authority and the centrality of sacred law, allow
for flexible politics and participatory government?
The answers to these questions form part of a narrative and counter-narrative
that themselves are an integral part of a contested discourse. The larger story
concerns whether or not ÒIslamÓ constitutes a threat to the West, and the supplementary
story involves IslamÕs compatibility with democracy. The intellectual
baggage, to change the metaphor, is scarcely neutral. The discussion itself has
become acutely politicised, caught in the related controversies over Orientalism,
the exceptionalism of the Middle East in particular and the Muslim world in general,
and the modernism of religious ÒfundamentalistÓ movements.
| Agosti 17, 2010 | Maoni 0
Uislamu wa Kisiasa na Sera ya Kigeni ya Ulaya
POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY
MICHAEL EMERSON
RICHARD YOUNGS
Since 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, Umoja wa Ulaya (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) kwamba kimsingi jitoe kwenye mazungumzo na ushiriki wa kina wote(sio vurugu) watendaji wa kisiasa na asasi za kiraia ndani ya nchi za Kiarabu. Walakini wachambuzi wengi na watunga sera sasa wanalalamika juu ya nyara fulani katika mjadala wa dhana na maendeleo ya sera. Imebainika kuwa Uislamu wa kisiasa ni mazingira yanayobadilika, hali zilizoathiriwa sana za anuwai, lakini mjadala mara nyingi unaonekana kukwama kwenye swali rahisi la 'ni Waislam kidemokrasia?’Wachambuzi wengi wa kujitegemea hata hivyo wametetea ushirikiana na Waislam, lakini uhusiano wa kweli kati ya serikali za Magharibi na mashirika ya Kiisilamu bado ni mdogo .
| Agosti 17, 2010 | Maoni 0
Ndugu Waislamu Wa wastani
Robert S. Leiken
Steven Brooke
The Muslim Brotherhood is the world’s oldest, largest, and most influential Islamist organization. It is also the most controversial,
condemned by both conventional opinion in the West and radical opinion in the Middle East. American commentators have called the Muslim Brothers “radical Islamists” and “a vital component of the enemy’s assault force … deeply hostile to the United States.” Al Qaeda’s Ayman al-Zawahiri sneers at them for “lur[ing] thousands of young Muslim men into lines for elections … instead of into the lines of jihad.” Jihadists loathe the Muslim Brotherhood (known in Arabic as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimeen) for rejecting global jihad and embracing democracy. These positions seem to make them moderates, kitu sana Marekani, fupi juu ya washirika katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, hutafuta.
Lakini Ikhwan pia inashambulia Merika. sera za kigeni, haswa msaada wa Washington kwa Israeli, na maswali yanakaa juu ya dhamira yake halisi kwa mchakato wa kidemokrasia. Zaidi ya mwaka uliopita, tumekutana na kadhaa ya viongozi wa Udugu na wanaharakati kutoka Misri, Ufaransa, Jordan, Spain, Syria,Tunisia, na Uingereza.
| Agosti 16, 2010 | Maoni 0
Usimamizi wa Harakati za Kiislamu: Salafi, Muslim Brotherhood, na Mamlaka ya Serikali katika Yordani
Faisal Ghori
In his first book, Usimamizi wa Harakati za Kiislamu, Quintan Wiktorowicz examines the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis through the lens of social movement theory. Unlike some political scientists who dismiss Islamic movements because of their informal networks, Wiktorowicz contends that social movement theory is an apt framework through which Islamic movements can be examined and studied. In this regard, his work leads the field. Yet for all its promise, this book largely fails to deliver.
The book is divided into four primary sections, through which he tries to construct his conclusion: Jordanian political liberalization has occurred because of structural necessities, not because of its commitment to democratization. In addition, the state has been masterful in what he dubs the “management of collective action,” (p. 3) which has, for all practical purposes, stifled any real opposition. While his conclusion is certainly tenable, given his extensive fieldwork, the book is poorly organized and much of the evidence examined earlier in the work leaves many questions unanswered.
| Agosti 14, 2010 | Maoni 0
Kinachoongoza Wapiga Kura Kuunga mkono Upinzani chini ya Udhulumu ?
Michael DH. Robbins
Elections have become commonplace in most authoritarian states. While this may seem to be a contradiction in terms, in reality elections play an important role in these regimes. While elections for positions of real power tend to be non-competitive, many
elections—including those for seemingly toothless parliaments—can be strongly contested.
The existing literature has focused on the role that elections play in supporting the regime. Kwa mfano, they can help let off steam, help the regime take the temperature of society, or can be used to help a dominant party know which individuals it should promote (Schedler 2002; Blaydes 2006). Yet, while the literature has focused on the supply-side of elections in authoritarian states, there are relatively few systematic studies of voter behavior in these elections (see Lust-Okar 2006 for an exception). Rather, most analyses have argued that patronage politics are the norm in these societies and that ordinary citizens tend to be very cynical about these exercises given that they cannot bring any real change (Kassem 2004; Desposato 2001; Zaki 1995). While the majority of voters in authoritarian systems may behave in this manner, not all do. kwa kweli, at times, even the majority vote against the regime leading to
significant changes as has occurred recently in Kenya, the Ukraine and Zimbabwe. Yet, even in cases where opposition voters make up a much smaller percentage of voters, it is important to understand who these voters are and what leads them to vote against the
regime.
| Agosti 14, 2010 | Maoni 0
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