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Politik Islam di Timur Tengah

Apakah Knudsen

This report provides an introduction to selected aspects of the phenomenon commonly

referred to as “political Islam”. Laporan ini memberikan penekanan khusus untuk Timur Tengah, di

particular the Levantine countries, and outlines two aspects of the Islamist movement that may

be considered polar opposites: demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. In the third section the report

reviews some of the main theories used to explain the Islamic resurgence in the Middle East

(Figure 1). In brief, the report shows that Islam need not be incompatible with democracy and

that there is a tendency to neglect the fact that many Middle Eastern countries have been

engaged in a brutal suppression of Islamist movements, causing them, some argue, to take up

arms against the state, and more rarely, foreign countries. The use of political violence is

widespread in the Middle East, but is neither illogical nor irrational. In many cases even

Islamist groups known for their use of violence have been transformed into peaceful political

parties successfully contesting municipal and national elections. Namun, the Islamist

revival in the Middle East remains in part unexplained despite a number of theories seeking to

account for its growth and popular appeal. In general, most theories hold that Islamism is a

reaction to relative deprivation, especially social inequality and political oppression. Alternative

theories seek the answer to the Islamist revival within the confines of religion itself and the

powerful, evocative potential of religious symbolism.

The conclusion argues in favour of moving beyond the “gloom and doom” approach that

portrays Islamism as an illegitimate political expression and a potential threat to the West (“Old

Islamism”), and of a more nuanced understanding of the current democratisation of the Islamist

movement that is now taking place throughout the Middle East (“New Islamism”). This

importance of understanding the ideological roots of the “New Islamism” is foregrounded

along with the need for thorough first-hand knowledge of Islamist movements and their

adherents. As social movements, its is argued that more emphasis needs to be placed on

understanding the ways in which they have been capable of harnessing the aspirations not only

of the poorer sections of society but also of the middle class.

Pihak Islam : mengapa mereka tidak bisa demokratis

Bassam Tibi

Noting Islamism’s growing appeal and strength on the ground, many

Western scholars and officials have been grasping for some way to take

an inclusionary approach toward it. In keeping with this desire, memiliki

become fashionable contemptuously to dismiss the idea of insisting on

clear and rigorous distinctions as “academic.” When it comes to Islam

and democracy, this deplorable fashion has been fraught with unfortunate

consequences.

Diskusi cerdas tentang Islamisme, demokrasi, dan Islam mewajibkan

definisi yang jelas dan akurat. Tanpa mereka, analisis akan runtuh menjadi

kebingungan dan pembuatan kebijakan akan menderita. Pandangan saya sendiri, terbentuk setelah

tiga puluh tahun studi dan refleksi tentang masalah ini, apakah itu Islam dan

demokrasi memang cocok, asalkan agama tertentu yang diperlukan

reformasi dilakukan. Kecenderungan untuk mewujudkan reformasi semacam itu adalah—

Saya melihat kurang dalam Islam politik. Ketertarikan saya sendiri—sebagai orang Arab-

Ahli teori dan praktisi prodemokrasi Muslim—adalah untuk mempromosikan kemapanan

demokrasi sekuler dalam lingkup peradaban Islam.

Untuk membantu menghilangkan kebingungan yang terlalu sering terjadi

topik ini, Saya akan menjelaskan beberapa poin dasar yang perlu diingat. Yang pertama adalah

bahwa, sejauh ini, Praktik Barat vis-`a-vis Islam politik telah salah

karena mereka tidak memiliki dasar penilaian yang beralasan.

Kecuali keberuntungan buta campur tangan, tidak ada kebijakan yang lebih baik dari penilaian

yang menjadi dasar. Penilaian yang tepat adalah awal dari

semua kebijaksanaan praktis.

STRATEGI UNTUK MELAKUKAN POLITIK ISLAM

Shadi HAMID

AMANDA KADLEC

Politik Islam adalah kekuatan politik yang paling aktif di Timur Tengah hari ini. masa depan adalah terkait erat dengan daerah. Jika Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa berkomitmen untuk mendukung reformasi politik di daerah, mereka akan perlu untuk merancang beton, koheren strategi untuk melibatkan kelompok-kelompok Islam. Belum, Amerika Serikat. secara umum telah bersedia untuk membuka dialog dengan gerakan-gerakan ini. Demikian pula, keterlibatan Uni Eropa dengan Islam telah pengecualian, tidak aturan. Dimana tingkat rendah ada kontak, mereka terutama melayani tujuan pengumpulan-informasi, tidak strategis tujuan. Amerika Serikat. dan Uni Eropa memiliki sejumlah program yang menangani pembangunan ekonomi dan politik di wilayah ini - di antara mereka di Timur Tengah Inisiatif Kemitraan (MEPI), Millennium Challenge Corporation (PKS), Uni untuk Mediterania, dan Kebijakan Lingkungan Eropa (EPP) - Namun mereka memiliki sedikit untuk mengatakan tentang bagaimana tantangan oposisi Islam politik pas dengan tujuan regional yang lebih luas. AS. dan Uni Eropa demokrasi bantuan dan program diarahkan hampir seluruhnya baik pemerintah otoriter sendiri atau kelompok-kelompok masyarakat sipil sekuler dengan dukungan minimal dalam masyarakat mereka sendiri.
Waktu yang matang untuk penilaian ulang kebijakan saat ini. Sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001, mendukung demokrasi di Timur Tengah telah mengambil kepentingan yang lebih besar bagi para pembuat kebijakan Barat, yang melihat hubungan antara kurangnya demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. Perhatian yang lebih besar telah dikhususkan untuk memahami variasi dalam Islam politik. Pemerintah Amerika baru yang lebih terbuka untuk memperluas komunikasi dengan dunia Muslim. Sementara itu, sebagian besar organisasi Islam mainstream - termasuk Ikhwanul Muslimin di Mesir, Yordania Front Aksi Islam (IAF), Maroko Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (PJD), Gerakan Konstitusi Islam Kuwait, dan Yaman Islah Partai - telah semakin membuat dukungan bagi reformasi politik dan demokrasi komponen utama dalam platform politik mereka. Selain, banyak telah mengisyaratkan minat yang kuat dalam membuka dialog dengan AS. dan pemerintah Uni Eropa.
Masa depan hubungan antara negara-negara Barat dan Timur Tengah mungkin sebagian besar ditentukan oleh sejauh mana yang pertama melibatkan partai-partai Islam anti kekerasan dalam dialog yang luas tentang kepentingan bersama dan tujuan. Telah ada proliferasi baru-baru ini studi tentang keterlibatan dengan Islamis, tetapi sedikit alamat jelas apa yang mungkin memerlukan dalam praktek. Sebagai Nautré Zoe, mengunjungi rekan-rekan di Dewan Hubungan Luar Negeri Jerman, dikatakan, "Uni Eropa berpikir tentang keterlibatan tetapi tidak benar-benar tahu bagaimana." 1 Dalam harapan mengklarifikasi diskusi, kita membedakan antara tiga tingkat "keterlibatan,"Masing-masing dengan cara yang bervariasi dan berakhir: tingkat rendah kontak, dialog strategis, dan kemitraan.

Pihak Islam : Tiga jenis gerakan

Tamara Cofman

Antara 1991 dan 2001, dunia politik Islam menjadi jauh lebih beragam. Hari ini, istilah "Islamis"—digunakan untuk menggambarkan perspektif politik yang diinformasikan secara terpusat oleh seperangkat interpretasi dan komitmen agama—dapat diterapkan pada beragam kelompok sehingga hampir tidak berarti.. Ini mencakup semua orang mulai dari teroris yang menerbangkan pesawat ke World Trade Center hingga legislator yang dipilih secara damai di Kuwait yang telah memilih mendukung hak pilih perempuan..
Namun, keunggulan gerakan Islam—legal dan ilegal, kekerasan dan damai—dalam barisan oposisi politik di seluruh dunia Arab membuat perlunya menarik perbedaan yang relevan menjadi jelas. Wacana keagamaan kaum Islamis kini tak terhindarkan menjadi pusat politik Arab. Diskusi kebijakan konvensional melabeli Islamis sebagai “moderat” atau “radikal”.,” umumnya mengkategorikan mereka menurut dua kriteria yang agak longgar dan tidak membantu. Yang pertama adalah kekerasan: Radikal menggunakannya dan moderat tidak. Ini menimbulkan pertanyaan tentang bagaimana mengklasifikasikan kelompok yang tidak terlibat dalam kekerasan tetapi yang memaafkan, membenarkan, atau bahkan secara aktif mendukung kekerasan orang lain. Sebentar, hanya kriteria yang agak lebih membatasi adalah apakah kelompok atau individu yang bersangkutan
menerima aturan permainan pemilu yang demokratis. Kedaulatan rakyat bukanlah konsesi kecil bagi kaum Islamis tradisional, banyak dari mereka menolak pemerintah yang dipilih secara demokratis sebagai perampas kedaulatan Tuhan.
Namun komitmen terhadap aturan prosedural pemilu demokratis tidak sama dengan komitmen terhadap politik atau pemerintahan yang demokratis.

Pihak Islam : Sebuah anugerah atau kutukan bagi demokrasi?

Amr Hamzawy

Nathan J. Cokelat

What role do Islamist movements play in Arab politics? With their popular messages and broad followings within Arab societies, would their incorporation as normal political actors be a boon for democratization or democracy’s bane? For too long, we have tried to answer such questions solely by speculating about the true intentions of these movements and their leaders. Islamist political movements in the Arab world are increasingly asked—both by outside observers and by members of their own societies—about their true intentions.
But to hear them tell it, leaders of mainstream Arab Islamist movements are not the problem. They see themselves as democrats in nondemocratic lands, firmly committed to clean and fair electoral processes, whatever outcomes these may bring. It is rulers and regimes that should be pressed to commit to democracy, say the Islamists, not their oppositions. We need not take such Islamist leaders at their word. Memang, we should realize that there is only so much that any of their words can do to answer the question of the relationship between these movements and the prospects for democracy.
While their words are increasingly numerous (Islamist movements tend to be quite loquacious) and their answers about democracy increasingly specific, their ability to resolve all ambiguities is limited. Pertama, as long as they are out of power—as most of them are, and are likely to remain for some time—they will never fully prove themselves. Many Islamist leaders themselves probably do not know how they would act were they to come to power.

Politik Islam: Siap untuk Engagement?

Emad El-Din Shahin

The voluminous literature on reform and democratization in the Middle East region reveals a number of facts: a main obstacle to reform is the incumbent regimes that have been trying to resist and circumvent genuine democratic transformations; political reform cannot be credible without integrating moderate Islamists in the process; and external actors (mainly the US and the EU) have not yet formulated a coherent approach to reform that could simultaneously achieve stability and democracy in the region. Makalah ini mengeksplorasi kemungkinan dan implikasi dari keterlibatan Eropa dengan Islamis moderat dalam promosi demokrasi di kawasan. Ia berpendapat bahwa pendekatan UE terhadap reformasi politik di kawasan Timur Tengah perlu ditingkatkan dan dikaitkan dengan kenyataan di lapangan. Reformasi politik tidak dapat berjalan efektif tanpa integrasi kelompok Islam non-kekerasan secara bertahap, proses multifaset. Harus digarisbawahi bahwa proses keterlibatan adalah proses yang berisiko baik bagi UE maupun kaum Islamis, namun keduanya memperoleh keuntungan dari dialog sistematis tentang demokrasi. Untuk mengurangi risiko, keterlibatan dengan Islam politik harus datang dalam strategi UE yang lebih luas untuk promosi demokrasi di kawasan itu. Sebenarnya, apa yang diharapkan kaum Islamis dari Eropa adalah mempertahankan
pendirian yang konsisten dan tegas pada reformasi politik yang akan memungkinkan representasi asli dari kehendak rakyat melalui cara-cara damai.
Dalam kasus ini, sejumlah pertanyaan tampaknya relevan. Apakah UE benar-benar perlu melibatkan Islam politik dalam reformasi demokrasi?? Apakah Islam politik siap untuk terlibat dan akankah ia bersedia untuk terlibat?? Bagaimana kebijakan keterlibatan dapat dirumuskan berdasarkan implementasi yang masuk akal dengan risiko minimal terhadap kepentingan pihak-pihak yang terlibat??

Islam GERAKAN DAN PROSES DEMOKRATIS DI DUNIA ARAB: Menjelajahi Zona Gray

Nathan J. Cokelat, Amr Hamzawy,

Marina Ottaway

Selama dekade terakhir, gerakan Islam telah menetapkan diri sebagai pemain politik utama di Timur Tengah. Bersama dengan pemerintah, Gerakan Islamis, moderat serta radikal, akan menentukan bagaimana politik daerah terungkap di masa mendatang. Mereka telah menunjukkan kemampuan tidak hanya untuk membuat pesan dengan daya tarik populer yang tersebar luas tetapi juga, dan yang paling penting, untuk menciptakan organisasi dengan basis sosial asli dan mengembangkan strategi politik yang koheren. Pihak lain,
umumnya, gagal di semua akun.
Publik di Barat dan, khususnya, Amerika Serikat, baru menyadari pentingnya gerakan Islam setelah peristiwa dramatis, seperti revolusi di Iran dan pembunuhan Presiden Anwar al-Sadat di Mesir. Perhatian telah jauh lebih dipertahankan sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001. Hasil dari, Gerakan Islam secara luas dianggap berbahaya dan bermusuhan. Sementara karakterisasi seperti itu akurat mengenai organisasi di ujung radikal spektrum Islam, yang berbahaya karena kesediaan mereka untuk menggunakan kekerasan tanpa pandang bulu dalam mengejar tujuan mereka, it is not an accurate characterization of the many groups that have renounced or avoided violence. Because terrorist organizations pose an immediate
threat, Namun, policy makers in all countries have paid disproportionate attention to the violent organizations.
It is the mainstream Islamist organizations, not the radical ones, that will have the greatest impact on the future political evolution of the Middle East. Th e radicals’ grandiose goals of re-establishing a caliphate uniting the entire Arab world, or even of imposing on individual Arab countries laws and social customs inspired by a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam are simply too far removed from today’s reality to be realized. Th is does not mean that terrorist groups are not dangerous—they could cause great loss of life even in the pursuit of impossible goals—but that they are unlikely to change the face of the Middle East. Mainstream Islamist organizations are generally a diff erent matter. Th ey already have had a powerful impact on social customs in many countries, halting and reversing secularist trends and changing the way many Arabs dress and behave. And their immediate political goal, to become a powerful force by participating in the normal politics of their country, is not an impossible one. It is already being realized in countries such as Morocco, Jordan, and even Egypt, which still bans all Islamist political organizations but now has eighty-eight Muslim Brothers in the Parliament. Politik, not violence, is what gives mainstream Islamists their infl uence.

ISLAM, Islamis, DAN PRINSIP PEMILU DI TIMUR TENGAH

James Piscatori

For an idea whose time has supposedly come, ÒdemocracyÓ masks an astonishing

number of unanswered questions and, di dunia Muslim, has generated

a remarkable amount of heat. Apakah ini budaya tertentu jangka, reflecting Western

European experiences over several centuries? Do non-Western societies possess

their own standards of participation and accountabilityÑand indeed their own

rhythms of developmentÑwhich command attention, if not respect? Does Islam,

with its emphasis on scriptural authority and the centrality of sacred law, allow

for flexible politics and participatory government?

The answers to these questions form part of a narrative and counter-narrative

that themselves are an integral part of a contested discourse. The larger story

concerns whether or not ÒIslamÓ constitutes a threat to the West, and the supplementary

story involves IslamÕs compatibility with democracy. The intellectual

baggage, to change the metaphor, is scarcely neutral. The discussion itself has

become acutely politicised, caught in the related controversies over Orientalism,

the exceptionalism of the Middle East in particular and the Muslim world in general,

and the modernism of religious ÒfundamentalistÓ movements.

Pihak Islam , MEREKA ADALAH DEMOKRAT? TIDAK masalahnya ?

Tarek Masoud

Didorong oleh perasaan bahwa "para Islamis datang,"Jurnalis dan pembuat kebijakan telah terlibat dalam spekulasi akhir-akhir ini demam atas apakah pihak Islam seperti Mesir Ikhwanul Muslimin (MB) atau Hamas Palestina benar-benar percaya pada demokrasi. While I attempt to outline the boundaries of the Islamist democratic commitment, I think that peering into the Islamist soul is a misuse of energies. The Islamists are not coming. Lagi pula, sebagai Adam Przeworski dan lain-lain berpendapat, commitments to democracy are more often born of environmental constraints than of true belief. Daripada mengkhawatirkan apakah Islamis adalah nyata demokrat,
our goal should be to help fortify democratic and liberal institutions and actors so that no group—Islamist or otherwise—can subvert them.
But what is this movement over whose democratic bona fides we worry? Islamism is a slippery concept. Misalnya, if we label as Islamist those parties that call for the application of shari‘a, we must exclude Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (which is widely considered Islamist) dan termasuk berkuasa Mesir Nasional Partai Demokrat (which actively represses Islamists). Instead of becoming mired in definitional issues, we would do better to focus on a set of political parties that have grown from the same historical roots, derive many of their goals and positions from the same body of ideas, and maintain organizational ties to one another—that is, those parties that spring from the international MB. Ini termasuk organisasi ibu Mesir (didirikan di 1928), but also Hamas, Yordania Front Aksi Islam, Algeria’s Movement for a Peaceful Society, Partai Islam Irak, Kelompok Islam Lebanon, and others.

Putusan ISLAM TENTANG Warfare

H Youssef. Aboul-Enein
Sherifa Zuhur

Amerika Serikat tidak diragukan akan terlibat di Timur Tengah selama beberapa dekade. Untuk menjadi yakin, kemiskinan penyelesaian sengketa Israel-Palestina atau meredakan dapat membantu untuk membendung gelombang radikalisme Islam dan sentimen anti-Amerika. Tetapi pada tingkat ideologis, kita harus menghadapi interpretasi tertentu hukum Islam, sejarah,dan kitab suci yang merupakan bahaya untuk kedua Amerika Serikat dan sekutunya. To win that ideological war, we must understand the sources of both Islamic radicalism and liberalism. We need to comprehend more thoroughly the ways in which militants misinterpret and pervert Islamic scripture. Al-Qaeda has produced its own group of spokespersons who attempt to provide religious legitimacy to the nihilism they preach. Many frequently quote from the Quran and hadith (the Prophet Muhammad’s sayings and deeds) in a biased manner to draw justification for their cause. Lieutenant Commander Youssef Aboul-Enein and Dr. Sherifa Zuhur delve into the Quran and hadith to articulate a means by which Islamic militancy can be countered ideologically, drawing many of their insights from these and other classical Islamic texts. Dalam melakukan, they expose contradictions and alternative approaches in the core principles that groups like al-Qaeda espouse. The authors have found that proper use of Islamic scripture actually discredits the tactics of al-Qaeda and other jihadist organizations. This monograph provides a basis for encouraging our Muslim allies to challenge the theology supported by Islamic militants. Seeds of doubt planted in the minds of suicide bombers might dissuade them from carrying out their missions. The Strategic Studies Institute is pleased to offer this study of Islamic rulings on warfare to the national defense community as an effort to contribute to the ongoing debate over how to defeat Islamic militancy.

Islam dan Barat

Preface

John J. DeGioia

The remarkable feeling of proximity between people and nations is the unmistakable reality of our globalized world. Encounters with other peoples’ ways oflife, current affairs, politik, welfare and faithsare more frequent than ever. We are not onlyable to see other cultures more clearly, butalso to see our differences more sharply. The information intensity of modern life has madethis diversity of nations part of our every dayconsciousness and has led to the centrality ofculture in discerning our individual and collectiveviews of the world.Our challenges have also become global.The destinies of nations have become deeply interconnected. No matter where in the world we live, we are touched by the successes and failures of today’s global order. Yet our responses to global problems remain vastly different, not only as a result of rivalry and competing interests,but largely because our cultural difference is the lens through which we see these global challenges.Cultural diversity is not necessarily a source of clashes and conflict. Sebenarnya, the proximity and cross-cultural encounters very often bring about creative change – a change that is made possible by well-organized social collaboration.Collaboration across borders is growing primarily in the area of business and economic activity. Collaborative networks for innovation,production and distribution are emerging as the single most powerful shaper of the global economy.

mengapa tidak ada demokrasi arab ?

Larry Diamond

During democratization’s “third wave,” democracy ceased being a mostly Western phenomenon and “went global.” When the third wave began in 1974, the world had only about 40 democracies, and only a few of them lay outside the West. By the time the Journal of Democracy began publishing in 1990, there were 76 electoral democracies (accounting for slightly less than half the world’s independent states). Oleh 1995, that number had shot up to 117—three in every five states. By then, a critical mass of democracies existed in every major world region save one—the Middle East.1 Moreover, every one of the world’s major cultural realms had become host to a significant democratic presence, albeit again with a single exception—the Arab world.2 Fifteen years later, this exception still stands.
The continuing absence of even a single democratic regime in the Arab world is a striking anomaly—the principal exception to the globalization of democracy. Why is there no Arab democracy? Memang, why is it the case that among the sixteen independent Arab states of the Middle East and coastal North Africa, Lebanon is the only one to have ever been a democracy?
The most common assumption about the Arab democracy deficit is that it must have something to do with religion or culture. Lagipula, the one thing that all Arab countries share is that they are Arab.

Masyarakat Sipil Muslim di Ruang Publik Perkotaan: Globalisasi, Pergeseran diskursif, dan Gerakan Sosial

Paul M. Lubeck
Bryana Britt
Kota adalah proses, tidak produk. Tiga elemen Islam yang digerakkan proses yang menimbulkan kota-kota Islam yang: perbedaan antara anggota Umma dan luar, which led to juridical and spatial distinction by neighborhoods; the segregation of the sexes which gave rise to a particular solution to the question of spatial organization; and a legal system which, rather than imposing general regulations over land uses of various types in various places, left to the litigation of the neighbors the detailed adjudication of mutual rights over space and use. (Janet Abu Lughod 1987: 173)
Framing: Muslim Movements in Urban Situations We live in an intellectual moment when the complexity of the global Islamic
revival renders it difficult to generalize about Muslim institutions, social movements, and discursive practices. While diversity and locality remain paramount features of Muslim cities, globalization has inadvertently nurtured transnational Muslim networks from the homeland of Islam and extended them into the web of interconnected world cities. Quite opportunistically, urban-based
Muslim networks and insurrectionist movements now thrive in the interstitial spaces created by the new global communication and transportation infrastructures. What, then, are the long-term patterns for Muslims in cities? Since the last millennium, as Janet Abu-Lughod reminds us, “the Islamic cityhas been the primary site for: defining power relations between ruler and subject, specifying the rights and identities of spatial communities, and regulating urban social relations between genders. Today’s Muslim city remains the epicenter of a burgeoning public sphere in which informed publics debate highly contested Islamic discourses regarding social justice,

Demokrasi, Terorisme dan Kebijakan Amerika di Dunia Arab

F. Gregory Gause

Amerika Serikat telah memulai apa yang Presiden Bush dan Menteri Luar Negeri Rice disebut “tantangan generasi” untuk mendorong reformasi politik dan demokrasi di dunia Arab. Pemerintahan Bush dan pembela lain dari kampanye demokrasi berpendapat bahwa dorongan untuk demokrasi Arab tidak hanya tentang menyebarkan nilai-nilai Amerika, tetapi juga tentang mengasuransikan keamanan Amerika. They hypothesize that as democracy grows in the Arab world, anti-American terrorism from the Arab world will decline. Oleh karena itu, the promotion of democracy inthe Arab world is not only consistent with American security goals in the area, but necessary to achieve those goals.
Two questions present themselves in considering this element of the “Bush Doctrine” in the Arab world: 1) Is there a relationship between terrorism and democracy such that the more democratic a country becomes, the less likely it is to produce terrorists and terrorist groups? Dengan kata lain, is the security rationale for democracy promotion in the Arab world based on a sound premise?; dan 2) What kind of governments would likely be generated by democratic elections in Arab countries? Would they be willing to cooperate with the United States on important policy objectives in the Middle East, not only in maintaining democracy but also on
Arab-Israeli, Gulf security and oil issues?
This paper will consider these two questions. It finds that there is little empirical evidence linking democracy with an absence of or reduction in terrorism. It questions whether democracy would reduce the motives and opportunities of groups like al-Qa’ida, which oppose democracy on both religious and practical grounds. It examines recent trends in Arab public opinion and elections, concluding that while Arab publics are very supportive of democracy, democratic elections in Arab states are likely to produce Islamist governments which would be much less likely to cooperate with the United States than their authoritarian predecessors.

Hamas bisa membuat sebuah contoh

Khader Khader

Perhaps the single most important aspect of Hamasoverwhelming victory in Palestinian Legislative Council elections last month is that it was the first time in the contemporary history of the Middle East that democracy was exercised for real without any direct external or internal interference. The ramifications of such free elections may well reverberate around the region for years to come and might mark a new phase in the geopolitical map of the Middle East.
This, Namun, was not the first time an Islamic political party showed its popularity at the ballot box. Algeria’s Islamic Front appeared headed to certain victory in elections in the mid-1990s before external intervention on the part of the “demokratis” West and its allies in Algiers nipped that experience in the bud. In Algeria, the result of burying democracy has been an extremely bloody conflict that still drags on, much to the embarrassment of western countries, which prefer not to comment. For the ordinary citizen in the Arab world, it was an experience that only added to the sense of oppression and frustration felt in every corner of the region.
Thus Hamaselectoral victory has sparked widespread hope among the Arab masses that they have another chance to find out if an Islamic party can rule better than the current regimes in the Arab world. Hamas, in this sense, carries the hopes of millions of Arabs and Muslims all over the world.
But with such expectations comes a time fraught with danger. Hamas and the way it runs matters in the Palestinian territories can set a very interesting example: if it succeeds; if it proves it can run Palestinian affairs more transparently and to the benefit of more ordinary Palestinians than previously, while at the same time managing tough negotiations with Israel, the experience will encourage other Islamic movements in the Arab world to use it as an example to convince their citizens that Islamic political movements are a viable alternative.
But if Hamas fails in its difficult and challenging task, the setback will strike a devastating blow to all Islamic movements and parties in the region. A Hamas failure could perhaps send the entire region into another period of political wilderness akin to the era after the failure of the pan-Arabists.
Demikian, Hamas in power is an interesting and illuminating phenomenon, and one that will be followed closely by all concerned parties. According to a leading Hamas figure in Khan Yunis, Dr. Younis al-Astal, the International Muslim Brotherhood has already expressed its readiness to assist Hamas with all the needed expertise to make it succeed in its mission. The Brotherhood will of course be the principal benefactor of any Hamas success.
By the same token, Namun, the West may feel itself forced now to exert all possible efforts to make Hamas fail even if the movement proves successful in meeting the needs of the people. The issue in question here is not how efficient a government is but how loyal a government shows itself to be to the West. This is the measure the West has generally used to assess the Middle East, where billions of US dollars have been spent on keeping Arab regimesmoderate and realistic”, especially in relation to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
There is a curious parallel to the Cold War now in the dynamic that is developing between the West and the Muslim world. During the Cold War, the West was confident that democracy would bring the Eastern Bloc to its knees and forcefully spread the message that individual freedom and the right to vote were human rights par excellence.
Sekarang, Namun, that same message is likely to backfire on the West. If real elections were held in Egypt and Jordan, it is highly likely that Muslim Brotherhood movements would come to power and cast into doubt the peace treaties between those countries and Israel, in which the West has invested so much effort.
Everyone knows that democracy comes at a cost in the Middle East. Is the world ready to engage in this game? The key is likely to be the success or otherwise of Hamas, which is operating under extremely adverse conditions. Arabs and Muslims across the region, so often let down by political promise from various quarters, may well be disappointed again. But in the meantime their hopes are with a political movement that is posing the first serious challenge in decades to Arab regimes everywhere.

Keterlibatan Eropa dengan Islamis Moderat

Kristina Kausch

Keterlibatan langsung1 dengan gerakan politik Islam biasanya dilarang bagi pemerintah Eropa. Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, Namun, batas-batas Uni Eropa (SAYA) pendekatan berorientasi stabilitas ke arah kerja sama dengan penguasa otoriter di Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara (MENA) untuk mempertahankan kepentingan strategis UE di kawasan ini menjadi semakin jelas. Upaya para penguasa MENA yang sedang menjabat untuk menggambarkan pilihan lawan bicara Eropa di wilayah tersebut sebagai pemerintah yang menstabilkan atau kelompok Islamis yang tidak menstabilkan semakin dianggap sebagai picik dan kontradiktif.. Perdebatan baru-baru ini menunjukkan bahwa pencarian pendekatan kebijakan alternatif yang layak mengarah pada pergeseran sikap pembuat kebijakan Eropa terhadap aktor Islamis moderat.
Tidak ada kekurangan insentif untuk mengarahkan kembali arah kebijakan UE di wilayah tersebut. Mencegah
radikalisasi gerakan Islam di wilayah tersebut merupakan bagian integral dari strategi kontra-terorisme UE. Saya t
Telah menjadi kebijaksanaan umum bahwa reformasi politik yang substansial hanya akan terjadi melalui tekanan efektif dari
dalam. Tanpa kekerasan, partai-partai Islamis non-revolusioner yang bercita-cita merebut kekuasaan dengan cara demokratis
Oleh karena itu, proses ini sering digambarkan sebagai aktor reformasi potensial yang membawa harapan akan wilayah yang bergejolak
untuk perkembangan demokrasi yang sejati dan stabilitas jangka panjang