Усі записи в "Turkey’s AKP" Категорія
ІСЛАМ, ДЕМОКРАТІЯ & США:
Кордовський фонд
Абдулла Фалік |
Вступ ,
Ісламська політична культура, демократія, та права людини
Даніель. Ціна
ТОЧНІСТЬ У ГЛОБАЛЬНІЙ ВІЙНІ З ТЕРОРОМ:
Sherifa Zuhur
Ісламістські опозиційні партії та потенціал залучення до ЄС
Тобі Арчер
Хайді Хуухтанен
Політичний іслам на Близькому Сході
Є Кнудсен
СТРАТЕГІЇ ЗАКЛЮЧЕННЯ ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ІСЛАМУ
ШАДІ ХАМІД
АМАНДА КАДЛЕЦ
Ісламістські партії : участь без влади
Malika Zeghal
ІСЛАМІСТСЬКІ РУХИ ТА ДЕМОКРАТИЧНИЙ ПРОЦЕС В АРАБСЬКОМУ СВІТІ: Дослідження сірих зон
Натан Дж. Коричневий, Амр Хамзаві,
Марина Оттавей
ІСЛАМІСТСЬКА РАДИКАЛІЗАЦІЯ
Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.
Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.
Політичний іслам і європейська зовнішня політика
ПОЛІТИЧНИЙ ІСЛАМ ТА ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКА ПОЛІТИКА СУСІДСТВА
МАЙКЛ ЕМЕРСОН
РІЧАРД ЯНГ
Оскільки 2001 і міжнародні події, які послідували, характер відносин між Заходом і політичним ісламом став визначальним питанням зовнішньої політики. В останні роки було проведено значну кількість досліджень та аналізу питання політичного ісламу. Це допомогло виправити деякі спрощені та панікерські припущення, які раніше дотримувались на Заході щодо природи ісламістських цінностей та намірів.. Паралельно з цим, Європейський Союз (ЄС) розробила низку політичних ініціатив, насамперед Європейську політику сусідства(ЄПС) які в принципі прагнуть до діалогу та глибшої взаємодії з усіма(ненасильницький) політичні актори та організації громадянського суспільства в арабських країнах. Проте багато аналітиків і політиків зараз скаржаться на певний трофей як у концептуальних дебатах, так і в розробці політики. Було встановлено, що політичний іслам – це мінливий ландшафт, глибоко вплинула низка обставин, але, здається, дебати часто зупиняються на спрощеному питанні «чи є ісламісти демократичними».?Проте багато незалежних аналітиків виступають за взаємодію з ісламістами, але фактичне зближення між західними урядами та ісламістськими організаціями залишається обмеженим .
Ісламістські партії , ВОНИ ДЕМОКРАТИ? Це важливо ?
Тарек Масуд
Контртрансформації в центрі та на периферії турецького суспільства та піднесення Партії справедливості та розвитку
Рамін Ахмедов
Туреччина та ЄС: Опитування бачення ЄС турецькими депутатами
Кудрет Бюльбюль
Even though Turkey’s dream for being a member of European Union (ЄС) dates back to late 1950s, it can be said that this process has gained its momentum since the governing period of Justice and Development Party, which is shortly called AK party or AKP in Turkish. When compared with earlier periods, the enormous accomplishments during the AK party’s rule are recognized by domestic and European authorities alike. In the parallel of gigantic steps towardsthe European membership, which is now a real possibility for Turkey, there have been increasingdebates about this process. While some European authorities generate policies over Cyprus issueagainst Turkey’s membership, some others mainly lead by German Christian Democrats proposea privileged status rather than full membership. Turkish authorities do not stay silent over thesearguments, and probably first time the Turkish foreign minister can articulate that “should they(the EU) propose anything short of full membership, or any new conditions, we will walk away.And this time it will be for good” (The Economist 2005 30-31) After October third, Even though Mr. Abdullah Gül, who is the foreign minister of the AK party govenrment, persistentlyemphasizes that there is no such a concept so-called “privileged partnership” in the framework document, (Milliyet, 2005) the prime minister of France puts forward that this option is actually one of the possible alternatives.
завзяті демократи : ІСЛАМІЗМ ТА ДЕМОКРАТІЯ В ЄГИПТИ, ІНДОНЕЗІЯ ТА ТУРЕЧИНА
The fear of Islamists coming to power through elections has long been an obstacle to democratisation in authoritarian states of the Muslim world. Islamists have been, and continue to be, the best organised and most credible opposition movements in many of these countries.
They are also commonly, if not always correctly, assumed to be in the best position to capitalise on any democratic opening of their political systems. В той самий час, the commitment of Islamists to democracy is often questioned. Дійсно, when it comes to democracy, Islamism’s intellectual heritage and historical record (in terms of the few examples of Islamist-led states, such as Sudan and Iran) have not been reassuring. The apparent strength of Islamist movements, combined with suspicions about Islamism’s democratic compatibility, has been used by authoritarian governments as an argument to defl ect both domestic and international calls for political reform and democratisation.
Domestically, secular liberals have preferred to settle for nominally secular dictatorships over potentially religious ones. Internationally, Western governments have preferred friendly autocrats to democratically elected, but potentially hostile, Islamist-led governments.
The goal of this paper is to re-examine some of the assumptions about the risks of democratisation in authoritarian countries of the Muslim world (and not just in the Middle East) where strong Islamist movements or parties exist.
Успіх турецької партії AK не повинен розбавляти занепокоєння з приводу арабських ісламістів
Mona Eltahawy
It has been unsurprising that since Abdullah Gul became president of Turkey on 27 August that much misguided analyses has been wasted on how “Islamists” can pass the democracy test. His victory was bound to be described as the “ісламіст” routing of Turkish politics. And Arab Islamists – in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood, their supporters and defenders – were always going to point to Turkey and tell us that we’ve been wrong all along to worry about the Arab Islamist’ alleged flirtation with democracy. “It worked in Turkey, it can work in the Arab world,” they would try to assure us.Wrong. Wrong. And wrong.Firstly, Gul is not an Islamist. His wife’s headscarf might be the red cloth to the bull of the secular nationalists in Turkey, but neither Gul nor the AK Party which swept parliamentary elections in Turkey in June, can be called Islamists. Насправді, so little does the AK Party share with the Muslim Brotherhood – aside from the common faith of its members – that it’s absurd to use its success in Turkish politics as a reason to reduce fears over the Mus-lim Brotherhood’s role in Arab politics.The three litmus tests of Islamism will prove my point: women and sex, в “Захід”, and Israel.As a secular Muslim who has vowed never to live in Egypt should Islamists ever take power, I never take lightly any attempt to blend religion with politics. So it has been with a more than skeptical eye that I’ve followed Turkish politics over the past few years.
Претензія Центру: Перехідний політичний іслам
Джон Л. Еспозіто
In the 1990s political Islam, what some call “Islamic fundamentalism,” remains a major presence in government and in oppositional politics from North Africa to Southeast Asia. Political Islam in power and in politics has raised many issues and questions: “Is Islam antithetical to modernization?,” “Are Islam and democracy incompatible?,” “What are the implications of an Islamic government for pluralism, minority and women’s rights,” “How representative are Islamists,” “Are there Islamic moderates?,” “Should the West fear a transnational Islamic threat or clash of civilizations?” Contemporary Islamic Revivalism The landscape of the Muslim world today reveals the emergence of new Islamic republics (Іран, Sudan, Афганістан), the proliferation of Islamic movements that function as major political and social actors within existing systems, and the confrontational politics of radical violent extremists._ In contrast to the 1980s when political Islam was simply equated with revolutionary Iran or clandestine groups with names like Islamic jihad or the Army of God, the Muslim world in the 1990s is one in which Islamists have participated in the electoral process and are visible as prime ministers, cabinet officers, speakers of national assemblies, parliamentarians, and mayors in countries as diverse as Egypt, Sudan, Туреччина, Іран, Ліван, Kuwait, Ємен, Йорданія, Пакистан, Bangladesh, Малайзія, Індонезія, and Israel/Palestine. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, political Islam continues to be a major force for order and disorder in global politics, one that participates in the political process but also in acts of terrorism, a challenge to the Muslim world and to the West. Understanding the nature of political Islam today, and in particular the issues and questions that have emerged from the experience of the recent past, remains critical for governments, policymakers, and students of international politics alike.