Όλες οι συμμετοχές στο "Turkey’s AKP" Κατηγορία

ΙΣΛΑΜ, ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ & Η ΗΠΑ:

Ίδρυμα Κόρδοβα

Αμπντουλάχ Faliq

Εισαγωγή ,

Ισλαμικός Πολιτικός Πολιτισμός, Δημοκρατία, και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων

Daniel E. Τιμή

ΑΚΡΙΒΕΙΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟ ΠΟΛΕΜΟ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΤΡΟΜΟΥ:

Sherifa Zuhur

Τα Ισλαμικά Κόμματα της Αντιπολίτευσης και το Δυναμικό για δέσμευση της ΕΕ

Toby Archer

Heidi Huuhtanen

Το πολιτικό Ισλάμ στη Μέση Ανατολή

είναι Knudsen

STRATEGIES FOR ENGAGING POLITICAL ISLAM

SHADI HAMID

AMANDA Kadlec

Islamist Parties : participation without power

Malika Zeghal

ΙΣΛΑΜΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΚΙΝΗΜΑΤΑ ΚΑΙ Η ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΗ ΔΙΑΔΙΚΑΣΙΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΑΡΑΒΙΚΟ ΚΟΣΜΟ: Εξερευνώντας τις Γκρίζες Ζώνες

Nathan J. καφέ, Amr Hamzawy,

Μαρίνα Ottaway

ΙΣΛΑΜΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΡΙΖΟΣΠΟΠΟΙΗΣΗ

Issues relating to political Islam continue to present challenges to European foreign policies in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As EU policy has sought to come to terms with such challenges during the last decade or so political Islam itself has evolved. Experts point to the growing complexity and variety of trends within political Islam. Some Islamist organisations have strengthened their commitment to democratic norms and engaged fully in peaceable, mainstream national politics. Others remain wedded to violent means. And still others have drifted towards a more quietist form of Islam, disengaged from political activity. Political Islam in the MENA region presents no uniform trend to European policymakers. Analytical debate has grown around the concept of ‘radicalisation’. This in turn has spawned research on the factors driving ‘de-radicalisation’, and conversely, ‘re-radicalisation’. Much of the complexity derives from the widely held view that all three of these phenomena are occurring at the same time. Even the terms themselves are contested. It has often been pointed out that the moderate–radical dichotomy fails fully to capture the nuances of trends within political Islam. Some analysts also complain that talk of ‘radicalism’ is ideologically loaded. At the level of terminology, we understand radicalisation to be associated with extremism, but views differ over the centrality of its religious–fundamentalist versus political content, and over whether the willingness to resort to violence is implied or not.

Such differences are reflected in the views held by the Islamists themselves, as well as in the perceptions of outsiders.

Πολιτικό Ισλάμ και Ευρωπαϊκή Εξωτερική Πολιτική

POLITICAL ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY

MICHAEL EMERSON

RICHARD YOUNGS

Since 2001 and the international events that ensued the nature of the relationship between the West and political Islam has become a definingissue for foreign policy. In recent years a considerable amount of research and analysis has been undertaken on the issue of political Islam. This has helped to correct some of the simplistic and alarmist assumptions previously held in the West about the nature of Islamist values and intentions. Parallel to this, the European Union (EU) has developed a number of policy initiatives primarily the European Neighbourhood Policy(ENP) that in principle commit to dialogue and deeper engagement all(non-violent) political actors and civil society organisations within Arab countries. Yet many analysts and policy-makers now complain of a certain a trophy in both conceptual debate and policy development. It has been established that political Islam is a changing landscape, deeply affected bya range of circumstances, but debate often seems to have stuck on the simplistic question of ‘are Islamists democratic?’ Many independent analysts have nevertheless advocated engagement with Islamists, but theactual rapprochement between Western governments and Islamist organisations remains limited .

Islamist Parties , ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΕΣ? Εχει σημασία ?

Tarek Μασούντ

Counter Transformations in the Center and Periphery of Turkish Society and the Rise of the Justice and Development Party

Ramin Ahmadov

Turkey and the EU: A Survey on Turkish MPs’ EU Vision

Κουντρέτ Bulbul

Even though Turkey’s dream for being a member of European Union (EU) dates back to late 1950s, it can be said that this process has gained its momentum since the governing period of Justice and Development Party, which is shortly called AK party or AKP in Turkish. When compared with earlier periods, the enormous accomplishments during the AK party’s rule are recognized by domestic and European authorities alike. In the parallel of gigantic steps towardsthe European membership, which is now a real possibility for Turkey, there have been increasingdebates about this process. While some European authorities generate policies over Cyprus issueagainst Turkey’s membership, some others mainly lead by German Christian Democrats proposea privileged status rather than full membership. Turkish authorities do not stay silent over thesearguments, and probably first time the Turkish foreign minister can articulate that “should they(the EU) propose anything short of full membership, or any new conditions, we will walk away.And this time it will be for good” (The Economist 2005 30-31) After October third, Even though Mr. Abdullah Gül, who is the foreign minister of the AK party govenrment, persistentlyemphasizes that there is no such a concept so-called “privileged partnership” in the framework document, (Milliyet, 2005) the prime minister of France puts forward that this option is actually one of the possible alternatives.

ζηλωτές δημοκράτες : ΙΣΛΑΜΙΣΜΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΟ, ΙΝΔΟΝΗΣΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑ

The fear of Islamists coming to power through elections has long been an obstacle to democratisation in authoritarian states of the Muslim world. Islamists have been, and continue to be, the best organised and most credible opposition movements in many of these countries.

They are also commonly, if not always correctly, assumed to be in the best position to capitalise on any democratic opening of their political systems. Την ίδια στιγμή, the commitment of Islamists to democracy is often questioned. Πράγματι, when it comes to democracy, Islamism’s intellectual heritage and historical record (in terms of the few examples of Islamist-led states, such as Sudan and Iran) have not been reassuring. The apparent strength of Islamist movements, combined with suspicions about Islamism’s democratic compatibility, has been used by authoritarian governments as an argument to defl ect both domestic and international calls for political reform and democratisation.

Domestically, secular liberals have preferred to settle for nominally secular dictatorships over potentially religious ones. Internationally, Western governments have preferred friendly autocrats to democratically elected, but potentially hostile, Islamist-led governments.

The goal of this paper is to re-examine some of the assumptions about the risks of democratisation in authoritarian countries of the Muslim world (and not just in the Middle East) where strong Islamist movements or parties exist.

Success of Turkey’s AK Party must not dilute worries over Arab Islamists

Mona Eltahawy

It has been unsurprising that since Abdullah Gul became president of Turkey on 27 August that much misguided analyses has been wasted on how “Islamists” can pass the democracy test. His victory was bound to be described as the “Ισλαμιστής” routing of Turkish politics. And Arab Islamists – in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood, their supporters and defenders – were always going to point to Turkey and tell us that we’ve been wrong all along to worry about the Arab Islamist’ alleged flirtation with democracy. “It worked in Turkey, it can work in the Arab world,” they would try to assure us.Wrong. Wrong. And wrong.Firstly, Gul is not an Islamist. His wife’s headscarf might be the red cloth to the bull of the secular nationalists in Turkey, but neither Gul nor the AK Party which swept parliamentary elections in Turkey in June, can be called Islamists. In fact, so little does the AK Party share with the Muslim Brotherhood – aside from the common faith of its members – that it’s absurd to use its success in Turkish politics as a reason to reduce fears over the Mus-lim Brotherhood’s role in Arab politics.The three litmus tests of Islamism will prove my point: women and sex, ο “δυτικά”, and Israel.As a secular Muslim who has vowed never to live in Egypt should Islamists ever take power, I never take lightly any attempt to blend religion with politics. So it has been with a more than skeptical eye that I’ve followed Turkish politics over the past few years.

Διεκδίκηση του Κέντρου: Πολιτικό Ισλάμ σε Μετάβαση

John L. Esposito

Στη δεκαετία του 1990 το πολιτικό Ισλάμ, αυτό που λένε κάποιοι “Ισλαμικός φονταμενταλισμός,” παραμένει μια σημαντική παρουσία στην κυβέρνηση και στην αντιπολιτευτική πολιτική από τη Βόρεια Αφρική έως τη Νοτιοανατολική Ασία. Το πολιτικό Ισλάμ στην εξουσία και στην πολιτική έχει εγείρει πολλά ζητήματα και ερωτήματα: “Είναι το Ισλάμ αντίθετο με τον εκσυγχρονισμό?,” “Είναι ασυμβίβαστο το Ισλάμ και η δημοκρατία?,” “Ποιες είναι οι επιπτώσεις μιας ισλαμικής κυβέρνησης για τον πλουραλισμό, δικαιώματα των μειονοτήτων και των γυναικών,” “Πόσο αντιπροσωπευτικοί είναι οι ισλαμιστές,” “Υπάρχουν ισλαμιστές μετριοπαθείς?,” “Εάν η Δύση φοβάται μια διεθνική ισλαμική απειλή ή σύγκρουση πολιτισμών?” Σύγχρονη Ισλαμική Αναγέννηση Το τοπίο του μουσουλμανικού κόσμου σήμερα αποκαλύπτει την εμφάνιση νέων ισλαμικών δημοκρατιών (Ιράν, Σουδάν, Αφγανιστάν), ο πολλαπλασιασμός των ισλαμικών κινημάτων που λειτουργούν ως κύριοι πολιτικοί και κοινωνικοί παράγοντες στα υπάρχοντα συστήματα, και η συγκρουσιακή πολιτική των ριζοσπαστικών βίαιων εξτρεμιστών._ Σε αντίθεση με τη δεκαετία του 1980, όταν το πολιτικό Ισλάμ απλώς εξισωνόταν με το επαναστατικό Ιράν ή με λαθρομάδες με ονόματα όπως Ισλαμική Τζιχάντ ή Στρατός του Θεού, ο μουσουλμανικός κόσμος της δεκαετίας του 1990 είναι ένας κόσμος στον οποίο οι ισλαμιστές συμμετείχαν στην εκλογική διαδικασία και είναι ορατοί ως πρωθυπουργοί, στελέχη του υπουργικού συμβουλίου, ομιλητές εθνικών συνελεύσεων, βουλευτές, και δήμαρχοι σε χώρες τόσο διαφορετικές όπως η Αίγυπτος, Σουδάν, Τουρκία, Ιράν, Λίβανος, Κουβέιτ, Γέμενη, Ιορδανία, Πακιστάν, Μπαγκλαντές, Μαλαισία, Ινδονησία, και Ισραήλ/Παλαιστίνη. Στην αυγή του εικοστού πρώτου αιώνα, Το πολιτικό Ισλάμ συνεχίζει να είναι μια σημαντική δύναμη τάξης και αταξίας στην παγκόσμια πολιτική, αυτός που συμμετέχει στην πολιτική διαδικασία αλλά και σε τρομοκρατικές ενέργειες, μια πρόκληση για τον μουσουλμανικό κόσμο και τη Δύση. Κατανόηση της φύσης του πολιτικού Ισλάμ σήμερα, και ειδικότερα τα ζητήματα και τα ερωτήματα που προέκυψαν από την εμπειρία του πρόσφατου παρελθόντος, παραμένει κρίσιμο για τις κυβερνήσεις, φορείς χάραξης πολιτικής, και φοιτητές της διεθνούς πολιτικής.