RSSL-Iskrizzjonijiet kollha fil- "Ikhwanophobia" Kategorija

Moderate and Radical Islam

ANGEL RABASA

One of the components of this study is relevant to a question that I was asked to address,which is how radical Islam differs from moderate or mainstream Islam. Frankly, one ofthe problems that we have found in the discourse about Islam is that the terms “radical”or “moderate” are often used in a subjective and imprecise way, without going through aprocess of critically examining what these terms mean. In some cases, the term radical ormilitant is defined in terms of support for terrorism or other forms of violence. Webelieve that this is too narrow a focus, that there is, in fact, a much larger universe offundamentalist or Salafi groups who may not themselves practice violence, but thatpropagate an ideology that creates the conditions for violence and that is subversive ofthe values of democratic societies.

Challenges to Democracy in the Arab and Muslim World

Alon Ben-Meir

President Bush’s notions that democratizing Iraq will have a ripple effect on the rest ofthe Arab world, bringing prosperity and peace to the region, and that democracy is the panaceafor Islamic terrorism are unsubstantiated as well as grossly misleading. Even a cursory review of the Arab political landscape indicates that the rise of democracy will not automatically translateinto the establishment of enduring liberal democracies or undermine terrorism in the region. Thesame conclusion may be generally made for the Muslim political landscape. Fil-fatt, given theopportunity to compete freely and fairly in elections, Islamic extremist organizations will mostlikely emerge triumphant. In the recent elections in Lebanon and Egypt, Hezbollah and the Muslim Brotherhood respectively, won substantial gains, and in Palestine Hamas won thenational Parliamentary elections handedly. That they did so is both a vivid example of the today’spolitical realities and an indicator of future trends. And if current sentiments in the Arab statesoffer a guide, any government formed by elected Islamist political parties will be more antagonistic to the West than the authoritarian regimes still in power. Barra minn hekk, there are noindications that democracy is a prerequisite to defeating terrorism or any empirical data tosupport the claim of linkage between existing authoritarian regimes and terrorism.

L-Ikhwan fl-Amerika ta 'Fuq: Storja Qasira

Douglas Farah

Ron Sandee


Il-każ attwali tal-qorti federali kontra l-Fondazzjoni tal-Art Imqaddsa għall-Għajnuna u l-Iżvilupp (HLF) f’Dallas, Texas,1 joffri ħarsa minn ġewwa bla preċedent lejn l-istorja tal-Fratellanza Musulmana fl-Istati Uniti, kif ukoll l-għanijiet u l-istruttura tagħha. Id-dokumenti jiddiskutu r-reklutaġġ, organizzazzjoni, ideoloġija u l-iżvilupp tal-organizzazzjoni f'fażijiet differenti fl-Istati Uniti. Il-prosekuzzjoni fil-każ ippreżentat ħafna dokumenti interni tal-Fratellanza Musulmana mis-snin tmenin u l-bidu tad-disgħinijiet li jagħtu l-ewwel darba., ħarsa pubblika tal-istorja u l-ideoloġija wara l-operazzjonijiet tal-Aħwa Musulmani (magħrufa bħala l-Ikhwan jew Il-Grupp) fl-Istati Uniti. matul l-aħħar erba’ deċennji. Għar-riċerkaturi, id-dokumenti għandhom il-piż miżjud li jinkitbu mill-mexxejja Ikhwan infushom, aktar milli interpretazzjonijiet ta’ sorsi sekondarji.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Belgium

Steve Merley,
Analista Anzjan


The Global Muslim Brotherhood has been present in Europe since 1960 when SaidRamadan, the grandson of Hassan Al-Banna, founded a mosque in Munich.1 Since that time,Brotherhood organizations have been established in almost all of the EU countries, as well asnon-EU countries such as Russia and Turkey. Despite operating under other names, some ofthe organizations in the larger countries are recognized as part of the global MuslimBrotherhood. Pereżempju, the Union des Organizations Islamiques de France (UOIF) isgenerally regarded as part of the Muslim Brotherhood in France. The network is alsobecoming known in some of the smaller countries such as the Netherlands, where a recentNEFA Foundation report detailed the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in that country.2Neighboring Belgium has also become an important center for the Muslim Brotherhood inEurope. A 2002 report by the Intelligence Committee of the Belgian Parliament explainedhow the Brotherhood operates in Belgium:“The State Security Service has been following the activities of the InternationalMuslim Brotherhood in Belgium since 1982. The International MuslimBrotherhood has had a clandestine structure for nearly 20 snin. The identityof the members is secret; they operate in the greatest discretion. They seek tospread their ideology within the Islamic community of Belgium and they aimin particular at the young people of the second and third generation ofimmigrants. In Belgium as in other European countries, they try to take controlof the religious, social, and sports associations and establish themselves asprivileged interlocutors of the national authorities in order to manage Islamicaffairs. The Muslim Brotherhood assumes that the national authorities will bepressed more and more to select Muslim leaders for such management and,in this context, they try to insert within the representative bodies, individualsinfluenced by their ideology.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Europe

Brigi t te Maréchal
Shumuliyyat al-islam (Islam as encompassing every aspect of life) is the first of twenty principles laid out by the
founder of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, Hassan al-Banna, to teach his followers the proper understanding
of Islam. Even though this principle, usually translated as the “comprehensive way of life,” still remains integral
to the teachings of the members of the Brotherhood, both in Egypt and in Europe, it is strangely enough
neither commented upon in scholarly references nor by the wider public. When the Federation of Islamic
Organizations in Europe (FIOE, representing the Muslim Brotherhood movement at the European level) presented the European Muslim Charter to the international press in January 2008, none pinpointed this “universal dimension” of their understanding of Islam despite the potential tensions or even incompatibilities, both political and
legal, that this concept might have on a discourse on integration and citizenship. What do the Muslim Brothers traditionally say about this concept and how do they justify their call for it? What are its constituents
and the scope of its application? Are there any significant modifications to the concept in attempting to contextualize it within a pluralist Europe?

The Muslim Brotherhood’s U.S. Network

Zeyno Baran


Washington D.C. has suddenly become very interested in the Muslim Brotherhood. American policymakers are debating whether to engage non-violent elements of the Muslim Brotherhood network, both inside and outside the United States, in the hope that such engagement will empower these “moderates” against violent Wahhabi and Salafi groups such as al-Qaeda. Sfortunatament, this strategy is based on a false assumption: that “moderate” Islamist groups will confront and weaken their violent co-religionists, robbing them of their support base.
This lesser-of-two-evils strategy is reminiscent of the rationale behind the Cold War-era decision to support the Afghan mujahideen against the Soviet army. In the short term, l-U.S. alliance with the mujahideen did indeed aid America in its struggle against the Soviet Union. In the long term, madankollu, L-Istati Uniti. support led to the empowerment of a dangerous and potent adversary. In choosing its allies, l-U.S. cannot afford to elevate short-term tactical considerations above longer-term strategic ones. L-aktar importanti, l-U.S. must consider the ideology of any potential partners.
Although various Islamist groups do quarrel over tactics and often bear considerable animosity towards one another, they all agree on the endgame: a world dictated by political Islam. A “divide and conquer” strategy by the United States will only push them closer together.

The Muslim Brotherhood’s Conquest of Europe

Lorenzo Vidino


Since its founding in 1928, il-Fratellanza Musulmana (Hizb al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) has profoundly influenced the political life of the Middle East. Its motto is telling: “Allah is our objective. Il-Profeta huwa l-mexxej tagħna. The Qur’an is our law. Jihad huwa mod tagħna. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope.

While the Brotherhood’s radical ideas have shaped the beliefs of generations of Islamists, over the past two decades, it has lost some of its power and appeal in the Middle East, crushed by harsh repression from local regimes and snubbed by the younger generations of Islamists who often prefer more radical organizations.

But the Middle East is only one part of the Muslim world. Europe has become an incubator for Islamist thought and political development. Mill-bidu tas-snin sittin, Muslim Brotherhood members and sympathizers have moved to Europe and slowly but steadily established a wide and well-organized network of mosques, charities, and Islamic organizations. Unlike the larger Islamic community, the Muslim Brotherhood’s ultimate goal may not be simplyto help Muslims be the best citizens they can be,” but rather to extend Islamic law throughout Europe and the United States.[2]

Four decades of teaching and cultivation have paid off. The student refugees who migrated from the Middle East forty years ago and their descendants now lead organizations that represent the local Muslim communities in their engagement with Europe’s political elite. Funded by generous contributors from the Persian Gulf, they preside over a centralized network that spans nearly every European country.

These organizations represent themselves as mainstream, even as they continue to embrace the Brotherhood’s radical views and maintain links to terrorists. With moderate rhetoric and well-spoken German, Dutch, and French, they have gained acceptance among European governments and media alike. Politicians across the political spectrum rush to engage them whenever an issue involving Muslims arises or, more parochially, when they seek the vote of the burgeoning Muslim community.

But, speaking Arabic or Turkish before their fellows Muslims, they drop their facade and embrace radicalism. While their representatives speak about interfaith dialogue and integration on television, their mosques preach hate and warn worshippers about the evils of Western society. While they publicly condemn the murder of commuters in Madrid and school children in Russia, they continue to raise money for Hamas and other terrorist organizations. Europeans, eager to create a dialogue with their increasingly disaffected Muslim minority, overlook this duplicity. The case is particularly visible in Germany, which retains a place of key importance in Europe, not only because of its location at the heart of Europe, but also because it played host to the first major wave of Muslim Brotherhood immigrants and is host to the best-organized Brotherhood presence. The German government’s reaction is also instructive if only to show the dangers of accepting Muslim Brotherhood rhetoric at face value, without looking at the broader scope of its activities.

Qutbism: An Ideology of Islamic-Fascism

DALE Ċ. EIKMEIER

The recently published National Military Strategic Plan for the War onTerrorism (NMSP-WOT) is to be commended for identifying “ideology”as al Qaeda’s center of gravity.1 The identification of an ideology as thecenter of gravity rather than an individual or group is a significant shift froma“capture and kill” philosophy to a strategy focused on defeating the rootcause of Islamic terrorism. Għaldaqstant, the plan’s principal focus is on attackingand countering an ideology that fuels Islamic terrorism. Sfortunatament,the NMSP-WOT fails to identify the ideology or suggest ways tocounter it. The plan merely describes the ideology as “extremist.” This descriptioncontributes little to the public’s understanding of the threat or to thecapabilities of the strategist who ultimately must attack and defeat it. The intentof this article is to identify the ideology of the Islamic terrorists and recommendhow to successfully counter it.Sun Tzuwisely said, “Know the enemy and know yourself; in a hundredbattles you will never be in peril.”2 Our success in theWar on Terrorismdepends on knowingwho the enemy is and understanding his ideology.While characterizing and labeling an enemymay serve such a purpose, it is only usefulif the labels are clearly defined and understood. Otherwise, overly broadcharacterizations obscure our ability to truly “know the enemy,” they diffuseefforts, and place potential allies and neutrals in the enemy’s camp. Sfortunatament,theWar on Terrorism’s use of labels contributes a great deal to themisunderstandingsassociated with the latter. The fact is, five years after 9/11 theNMSP-WOT provides little specific guidance, other than labeling the enemyas extremist.3 This inability to focus on the specific threat and its supportingphilosophy reflects our own rigid adherence to political correctness and is beingexploited bymilitant Islamists portraying these overly broad descriptionsas a war against Islam.As David F. Forte states “Wemust not fail . . . to distinguishbetween the homicidal revolutionaries like bin Laden and mainstreamMuslim believers.

Terrorist and Extremist Movements in the Middle East

Anthony H. Cordesman

Terrorism and asymmetric warfare are scarcely new features of the Middle Eastern military balance, and Islamic
extremism is scarcely the only source of extremist violence. There are many serious ethnic and sectarian differences
in the Middle East, and these have long led to sporadic violence within given states, and sometimes to major civil
conflicts. The civil wars in Yemen and the Dhofar Rebellion in Oman are examples, as are the long history of civil
war in Lebanon and Syria’s violent suppression of Islamic political groups that opposed the regime of Hafez al-
Asad. The rising power of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) led to a civil war in Jordan in September
1970. The Iranian revolution in 1979 was followed by serious political fighting, and an effort to export a theocratic
revolution that helped trigger the Iran-Iraq War. Bahrain and Saudi Arabia have both had civil clashes between their
Sunni ruling elites and hostile Shi’ites and these clashes led to significant violence in the case of Saudi Arabia.
There also, madankollu, has been a long history of violent Islamic extremism in the region, sometimes encouraged by
regimes that later became the target of the very Islamists they initially supported. Sadat attempted to use Islamic
movements as a counter to his secular opposition in Egypt only to be assassinated by one such movement after his
peace agreement with Israel. Israel thought it safe to sponsor Islamic movements after 1967 as a counter to the
PLO, only to see the rapid emergence of violently anti-Israeli groups. North and South Yemen were the scene of
coups and civil wars since the early 1960s, and it was a civil war in South Yemen that ultimately led to the collapse
of its regime and its merger with North Yemen in 1990.
The fall of the shah led to an Islamist takeover in Iran, and resistance to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan triggered
an Islamist reaction that still influences the Middle East and the entire Islamic world. Saudi Arabia had to deal with
an uprising at the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979. The religious character of this uprising shared many elements
of the movements that arose after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Gulf War in 1991.
Algerian efforts to suppress the victory of Islamic political parties in a democratic election in 1992 were followed by
a civil war that has lasted ever since. Egypt fought a long and largely successful battle with its own Islamic
extremists in the 1990s, but Egypt has only managed to have suppressed such movements rather than eradicated
them. In the rest of the Arab World, the civil wars in Kosovo and Bosnia helped create new Islamic extremist cadres.
Saudi Arabia suffered from two major terrorist attacks before 2001. These attacks struck at a National Guard
Training center and USAF barracks at Al Khobar, and at least one seems to have been the result of Islamic
extremists. Il-Marokk, Libya, It-Tuneżija, Il-Ġordan, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and Yemen have all seen hard-line Islamist
movements become a serious national threat.
While not directly part of the region, the Sudan has fought a 15-year long civil war that has probably cost over two
million lives, and this war had been supported by hard-line Islamist elements in the Arab north. Somalia has also
been the scene of a civil war since 1991 that has allowed Islamist cells to operate in that country.a

Terrorism and asymmetric warfare are scarcely new features of the Middle Eastern military balance, and Islamicextremism is scarcely the only source of extremist violence. There are many serious ethnic and sectarian differencesin the Middle East, and these have long led to sporadic violence within given states, and sometimes to major civilconflicts. The civil wars in Yemen and the Dhofar Rebellion in Oman are examples, as are the long history of civilwar in Lebanon and Syria’s violent suppression of Islamic political groups that opposed the regime of Hafez al-Asad. The rising power of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) led to a civil war in Jordan in September1970. The Iranian revolution in 1979 was followed by serious political fighting, and an effort to export a theocraticrevolution that helped trigger the Iran-Iraq War. Bahrain and Saudi Arabia have both had civil clashes between theirSunni ruling elites and hostile Shi’ites and these clashes led to significant violence in the case of Saudi Arabia.There also, madankollu, has been a long history of violent Islamic extremism in the region, sometimes encouraged byregimes that later became the target of the very Islamists they initially supported. Sadat attempted to use Islamicmovements as a counter to his secular opposition in Egypt only to be assassinated by one such movement after hispeace agreement with Israel. Israel thought it safe to sponsor Islamic movements after 1967 as a counter to thePLO, only to see the rapid emergence of violently anti-Israeli groups. North and South Yemen were the scene ofcoups and civil wars since the early 1960s, and it was a civil war in South Yemen that ultimately led to the collapseof its regime and its merger with North Yemen in 1990.The fall of the shah led to an Islamist takeover in Iran, and resistance to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan triggeredan Islamist reaction that still influences the Middle East and the entire Islamic world. Saudi Arabia had to deal withan uprising at the Grand Mosque in Mecca in 1979. The religious character of this uprising shared many elementsof the movements that arose after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Gulf War in 1991.Algerian efforts to suppress the victory of Islamic political parties in a democratic election in 1992 were followed bya civil war that has lasted ever since. Egypt fought a long and largely successful battle with its own Islamicextremists in the 1990s, but Egypt has only managed to have suppressed such movements rather than eradicatedthem. In the rest of the Arab World, the civil wars in Kosovo and Bosnia helped create new Islamic extremist cadres.Saudi Arabia suffered from two major terrorist attacks before 2001. These attacks struck at a National GuardTraining center and USAF barracks at Al Khobar, and at least one seems to have been the result of Islamicextremists. Il-Marokk, Libya, It-Tuneżija, Il-Ġordan, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and Yemen have all seen hard-line Islamistmovements become a serious national threat.While not directly part of the region, the Sudan has fought a 15-year long civil war that has probably cost over twomillion lives, and this war had been supported by hard-line Islamist elements in the Arab north. Somalia has alsobeen the scene of a civil war since 1991 that has allowed Islamist cells to operate in that country.

The Death of Political Islam

Jon B. Alterman

The obituaries for political Islam have begun to be written. After years of seemingly unstoppablegrowth, Islamic parties have begun to stumble. In Morocco, the Justice and DevelopmentParty (or PJD) did far worse than expected in last September’s elections, and Jordan’sIslamic Action Front lost more than half its seats in last month’s polling. The eagerly awaitedmanifesto of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, a draft of which appeared last September,showed neither strength nor boldness. Instead, it suggested the group was beset by intellectualcontradictions and consumed by infighting.It is too early to declare the death of political Islam, as it was premature to proclaim therebirth of liberalism in the Arab world in 2003-04, but its prospects seem notably dimmerthan they did even a year ago.To some, the fall from grace was inevitable; political Islam has collapsed under its owncontradictions, they say. They argue that, in objective terms, political Islam was never morethan smoke and mirrors. Religion is about faith and truth, and politics are about compromiseand accommodation. Seen this way, political Islam was never a holy enterprise, butmerely an effort to boost the political prospects of one side in a political debate. Backed byreligious authority and legitimacy, opposition to Islamists’ will ceased to be merely political—it became heresy—and the Islamists benefited.These skeptics see political Islam as having been a useful way to protect political movements,cow political foes, and rally support. As a governing strategy, madankollu, they arguethat political Islam has not produced any successes. In two areas where it recently rose topower, the Palestinian Authority and Iraq, governance has been anemic. In Iran, where themullahs have been in power for almost three decades, clerics struggle for respect and thecountry hemorrhages money to Dubai and other overseas markets with more predictablerules and more positive returns. The most avowedly religious state in the Middle East, L-Għarabja Sawdita, has notably less intellectual freedom than many of its neighbors, and the guardiansof orthodoxy there carefully circumscribe religious thought. As the French scholar of Islam,Olivier Roy, memorably observed more than a decade ago, the melding of religion and politics did not sanctify politics, it politicizedreligion.But while Islam has not provided a coherent theory of governance, let alone a universally accepted approach to the problems ofhumanity, the salience of religion continues to grow among many Muslims.That salience goes far beyond issues of dress, which have become more conservative for both women and men in recent years, andbeyond language, which invokes God’s name far more than was the case a decade ago. It also goes beyond the daily practice ofIslam—from prayer to charity to fasting—all of which are on the upswing.What has changed is something even more fundamental than physical appearance or ritual practice, and that is this: A growingnumber of Muslims start from the proposition that Islam is relevant to all aspects of their daily lives, and not merely the province oftheology or personal belief.Some see this as a return to traditionalism in the Middle East, when varying measures of superstition and spirituality governed dailylife. More accurately, though, what we are seeing is the rise of “neo-traditionalism,” in which symbols and slogans of the past areenlisted in the pursuit of hastening entry into the future. Islamic finance—which is to say, finance that relies on shares and returnsrather than interest—is booming, and sleek bank branches contain separate entrances for men and women. Slick young televangelistsrely on the tropes of sanctifying the everyday and seeking forgiveness, drawing tens of thousands to their meetings and televisionaudiences in the millions. Music videos—viewable on YouTube—implore young viewers to embrace faith and turn away froma meaningless secular life.Many in the West see secularism and relativism as concrete signs of modernity. In the Middle East, many see them as symbols ofa bankrupt secular nationalist past that failed to deliver justice or development, freedom or progress. The suffering of secularism ismeaningless, but the discipline of Islam is filled with signficance.It is for this reason that it is premature to declare the death of political Islam. Iżlam, increasingly, cannot be contained. It is spreadingto all aspects of life, and it is robust among some of the most dynamic forces in the Middle East. It enjoys state subsidies to be sure,but states have little to do with the creativity occurring in the religious field.The danger is that this Islamization of public life will cast aside what little tolerance is left in the Middle East, after centuries asa—fundamentally Islamic—multicultural entrepôt. It is hard to imagine how Islamizing societies can flourish if they do not embraceinnovation and creativity, diversity and difference. “Islamic” is not a self-evident concept, as my friend Mustapha Kamal Pasha onceobserved, but it cannot be a source of strength in modern societies if it is tied to ossified and parochial notions of its nature.Dealing with difference is fundamentally a political task, and it is here that political Islam will face its true test. The formal structuresof government in the Middle East have proven durable, and they are unlikely to crumble under a wave of Islamic activism. For politicalIslam to succeed, it needs to find a way to unite diverse coalitions of varying faiths and degrees of faith, not merely speak to itsbase. It has not yet found a way to do so, but that is not to say that it cannot.

DIASPORAS TERORRISTI FIL-LVANT NOFSANI U L-ASJA TAN-Nofsinhar

Shannon Peterson

David Goetze


Minn mindu d-dikjarazzjoni ta ’l-amministrazzjoni Bush ta’ gwerra globali kontra t-terrur wara d-9/11, l-akkademiċi u dawk li jfasslu l-politika fittxew modi biex jiġġieldu t-theddida terroristika globali. Madankollu bħala Jeffrey Record (2003) innota, it-trattament tat-terroriżmu monolitikament u n-nuqqas ta 'diskriminazzjoni bejn gruppi terroristiċi u atturi oħra tnaqqas il-kapaċità li tipproduċi strateġiji effettivi ta' kontra t-terroriżmu. Barra minn hekk, jista 'jistabbilixxi atturi "fuq kors ta' kunflitt miftuħ u grawnduż ma 'stati u entitajiet mhux statali li ma joħolqu l-ebda theddida serja." Jekk it-terroriżmu u l-gruppi terroristiċi mhumiex entitajiet omoġenji, imbagħad il-fehim tad-differenzi u x-xebh bejn il-gruppi huwa l-ewwel pass kruċjali fil-bini ta 'rispons effettiv kontra t-terroriżmu. Din ir-riċerka tfittex li tiddiskrimina aħjar bejn gruppi terroristiċi billi teżamina l-għanijiet, tattiċi u immaġini inkorporati fir-rakkonti ta 'organizzazzjonijiet terroristiċi jew ta' riproduzzjoni ta 'terroristi. Aħna niddefinixxu n-narrattivi bħala fehim kondiviż ta 'avvenimenti storiċi u atturi rilevanti li jintużaw biex jiġġustifikaw azzjonijiet politiċi tal-passat jew jimmobilizzaw nies għal azzjonijiet politiċi kontemporanji kif ġeneralment espressi permezz ta' deskrizzjonijiet jew karti maħruġa minn organizzazzjonijiet permezz ta 'dikjarazzjonijiet ta' mexxejja organizzattivi., kif innutat minn Benedict Anderson, tifforma ż-żaqq ta ’“ komunità immaġinata:”Il-kolla torbot grupp ta’ individwi li jaħsbuha l-istess, “Qatt ma nkunu nafu ħafna mill-membri sħabhom, iltaqa 'magħhom, jew saħansitra tisma 'bihom, iżda fl-imħuħ ta 'kull wieħed jgħix ix-xbieha tal-komunjoni tagħhom” (Anderson 6). Konsegwentement, aħna nemmnu li n-narrattivi huma sorsi eċċellenti biex jinkixfu l-kunċetti tal-grupp ta '"jien" u "oħrajn" li huma kruċjali biex jattiraw u jżommu rabtiet ma' komunitajiet tad-dijaspora, kif ukoll għanijiet relatati tal-grupp,strateġiji u tattiċi. Aħna nargumentaw li billi nqabblu l-għanijiet, immaġini u tattiċi inkorporati fl-arranġamenti ta ’dawn l-organizzazzjonijiet differenti, nistgħu nixtru għarfien dwar differenzi u similaritajiet kruċjali bejn dawn il-gruppi terroristiċi. Dawn l-għarfien mhux biss jgħinu biex jiddiskriminaw bejn gruppi terroristiċi u organizzazzjonijiet oħra, iżda wkoll tefgħu għarfien dwar l-evoluzzjoni ta 'organizzazzjonijiet bħal dawn infushom. Speċifikament, din ir-riċerka teżamina n-narrattivi ta 'erba' gruppi: il-Fratellanza Musulmana, Hamas, Al Qaeda u t-Tigri Tamil. Tnejn minn dawn il-gruppi, Hamas u AlQaeda, għandhom għeruq fil-Fratellanza Musulmana u għalhekk jistgħu jitqiesu bħala dijaspora tal-aħħar. Madankollu, filwaqt li l-Fratellanza Musulmana tieħu approċċ evoluzzjonarju u mhux vjolenti għall-kisba tal-għan, Il-Hamas u l-Al Qaeda jirrakkomandaw il-vjolenza u t-terroriżmu biex javvanzaw il-kawża tagħhom,tattiċi li huma promossi wkoll mir-raba 'grupp fl-analiżi, it-Tigri Tamil. Peress li t-Tigri tat-Tamil m'għandhom l-ebda konnessjoni mal-Fratellanza Musulmana, l-inklużjoni tagħhom fl-analiżi komparattiva tagħna tippermettilna niddeterminaw kemm mill-komuni ta 'għanijiet organizzazzjonijiet akrossterroristi jappartjenu għal għeruq komuni u kemm jappartjenu għal komuni ta' tip organizzattiv, funzjoni jew tattiċi.

Movimenti Iżlamiċi u l-Użu tal-Vjolenza:

Esen Kirdis

.


Minkejja l-enfasi akkademika u popolari reċenti fuq netwerks ta 'terroristi Iżlamiċi transnazzjonali vjolenti,hemm diversi movimenti Iżlamiċi. Din il-multipliċità tippreżenta lill-istudjużi b'żewġ puzzles. L-ewwel puzzle qed jifhem għaliex movimenti Iżlamiċi orjentati lejn id-dar li ġew iffurmati bħala reazzjoni għat-twaqqif ta 'stati-nazzjon sekulari biddlu l-attivitajiet u l-miri tagħhom fuq spazju transnazzjonali b'ħafna saffi. It-tieni taħbil il-moħħ qed jifhem għaliex gruppi bi għanijiet u miri simili jadottaw strateġiji differenti biex jużaw il-vjolenza jew in-non-vjolenza meta "jmorru transnazzjonali." Iż-żewġ mistoqsijiet ewlenin li se tindirizza dan id-dokument huma: Għaliex il-movimenti Iżlamiċi jmorru transnazzjonali? U, għaliex jieħdu forom differenti meta jittrasnazzjonalizzaw? L-ewwel, Nargumenta li l-livell transnazzjonali jippreżenta post politiku ġdid għall-movimenti Iżlamiċi li huma limitati fit-talba tagħhom fil-livell domestiku. It-tieni, Nargumenta li t-transnazzjonalizzazzjoni toħloq inċertezza għal gruppi dwar l-identità u t-talbiet tagħhom fil-livell transnazzjonali. Il-mezz adottat, jiġifieri. użu tal-vjolenza kontra n-non-vjolenza, tiddependi fuq it-tip ta 'transnazzjonalizzazzjoni, l-atturi jiltaqgħu magħhom fil-livell transnazzjonali, u l-interpretazzjonijiet tat-tmexxija dwar fejn għandu jmur il-moviment. Biex inwieġeb il-mistoqsijiet tiegħi, Se nħares lejn erba 'każijiet: (1) Islam Tork, (2) il-Fratellanza Musulmana, (3) Jemaah Islamiyah, u (4) Tablighi Jamaat

Il-Fratellanza Musulmana fl-Istati Uniti

MBusIt-tmexxija tal-U.S. Fratellanza Musulmana (MB, jew Fratellanza) qal li l-għan tagħha
kien u huwa jihad immirat biex jeqred l-Istati Uniti. minn ġewwa. It-tmexxija tal-Fratellanza għandha
qal ukoll li l-mezz biex jintlaħaq dan l-għan huwa li jiġu stabbiliti organizzazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi fil-
L-Istati Uniti. taħt il-kontroll tal-Fratellanza Musulmana. Mill-bidu tas-snin sittin, il-Fratellanza għandha
bena infrastruttura organizzattiva moħbija elaborata li fuqha nbniet sett ta’ pubbliku jew
organizzazzjonijiet “ta’ quddiem”.. L-U.S. It-tmexxija tal-Fratellanza ppruvat tiċħad din l-istorja,
it-tnejn li jsostnu li mhux preċiż u fl-istess ħin li qal li jirrappreżenta anzjan
forma ta’ ħsieb ġewwa l-Fratellanza. Eżami tad-dokumenti pubbliċi u privati ​​tal-Fratellanza,
madankollu, jindika li din l-istorja hija kemm preċiża kif ukoll li l-Fratellanza ħadet
ebda azzjoni biex turi bidla fil-mod ta’ ħsieb u/jew attività tagħha.sss

Steven MerleyMBus

It-tmexxija tal-U.S. Fratellanza Musulmana (MB, jew Fratellanza) qal li l-mira tagħha kienet u hija jihad immirata biex teqred l-Istati Uniti. minn ġewwa.

It-tmexxija tal-Fratellanza qalet ukoll li l-mezz biex jintlaħaq dan il-għan huwa li jiġu stabbiliti organizzazzjonijiet Iżlamiċi fl-Istati Uniti.. taħt il-kontroll tal-Fratellanza Musulmana.

Mill-bidu tas-snin sittin, il-Fratellanza bniet infrastruttura organizzattiva moħbija elaborata li fuqha nbniet sett ta 'organizzazzjonijiet pubbliċi jew "ta' quddiem".

L-U.S. It-tmexxija tal-Fratellanza ppruvat tiċħad din l-istorja, it-tnejn jsostnu li mhux eżatt u fl-istess ħin li jgħidu li jirrappreżenta forma eqdem ta’ ħsieb ġewwa l-Fratellanza.

Eżami tad-dokumenti pubbliċi u privati ​​tal-Fratellanza, madankollu, jindika li din l-istorja hija kemm preċiża kif ukoll li l-Fratellanza ma ħadet l-ebda azzjoni biex turi bidla fil-mod ta’ ħsieb u/jew attività tagħha.