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MIZIZI ya mbaya

IBRAHIM KALIN

In the aftermath of September 11, the long and checkered relationship between Islam and the West entered a new phase. The attacks were interpreted as the fulfillment of a prophecy that had been in the consciousness of the West for a long time, i.e., the coming of Islam as a menacing power with a clear intent to destroy Western civilization. Representations of Islam as a violent, wapiganaji, na itikadi kandamizi ya kidini ilienea kutoka kwa vipindi vya televisheni na ofisi za serikali hadi shule na mtandao. Ilipendekezwa hata Makka, mji mtakatifu zaidi wa Uislamu, kuwa "nuked" ili kutoa somo la kudumu kwa Waislamu wote. Ingawa mtu anaweza kuangalia hisia iliyoenea ya hasira, uadui, na kulipiza kisasi kama mwitikio wa kawaida wa kibinadamu kwa hasara ya kuchukiza ya maisha ya watu wasio na hatia, Ushetani wa Waislamu ni matokeo ya masuala ya kina kifalsafa na kihistoria.
Kwa njia nyingi za hila, historia ndefu ya Uislamu na Magharibi, kutoka kwa nadharia za kitheolojia za Baghdad katika karne ya nane na tisa hadi uzoefu wa Convivencia huko Andalusia katika karne ya kumi na mbili na kumi na tatu., inafahamisha mitazamo ya sasa na wasiwasi wa kila ustaarabu dhidi ya nyingine. Jarida hili litachunguza baadhi ya vipengele muhimu vya historia hii na kusema kwamba uwakilishi wa kimonolitiki wa Uislamu, iliyoundwa na kudumishwa na seti changamano changamano ya watayarishaji picha, mizinga ya kufikiri, wasomi, washawishi, watengeneza sera, na vyombo vya habari, kutawala dhamiri ya sasa ya Magharibi, wana mizizi yao katika historia ndefu ya Magharibi na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Pia itajadiliwa kuwa mashaka ya kina juu ya Uislamu na Waislamu yamesababisha na yanaendelea kusababisha maamuzi ya kisera yenye dosari na potofu ambayo yana athari ya moja kwa moja katika uhusiano wa sasa wa Uislamu na Magharibi.. Utambulisho usio na shaka wa Uislamu na ugaidi na itikadi kali katika akili za Wamarekani wengi baada ya Septemba. 11 ni matokeo yanayotokana na imani potofu zote mbili za kihistoria, ambayo itachambuliwa kwa undani zaidi hapa chini, na ajenda ya kisiasa ya makundi fulani yenye maslahi yanayoona makabiliano kuwa ndiyo njia pekee ya kukabiliana na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Inatarajiwa kuwa uchanganuzi ufuatao utatoa muktadha wa kihistoria ambao tunaweza kupata maana ya mielekeo hii na athari zake kwa walimwengu wote wawili..

Uislamu katika nchi za Magharibi

Jocelyne Cesari

uhamiaji wa Waislamu Ulaya, Marekani Kaskazini, na Australia na tata mienendo socioreligious ambayo hatimaye maendeleo kuwa alifanya Uislamu katika nchi za Magharibi kulazimisha mpya ªeld ya utafiti. jambo Salman Rushdie, hijab ubishi, mashambulizi ya World Trade Center, na furor juu katuni ya Kideni ni mifano wa migogoro ya kimataifa ambayo akadhihirisha uhusiano kati ya Waislamu katika nchi za Magharibi na kimataifa Muslim dunia. hali hizi mpya kuhusisha changamoto kinadharia na kimbinu kwa ajili ya utafiti wa Uislamu wa kisasa, na imekuwa muhimu kwamba sisi kuepuka essentializing ama Uislamu au Waislamu na kupinga mifumo ya kejeli ya hotuba hiyo ni kuchukuliwa zaidi na usalama na ugaidi.
Katika makala hii, I wanasema kuwa Uislamu kama mila ya dini ni terra incognita. sababu za awali kwa hali hii ni kwamba hakuna makubaliano juu ya dini kama kitu cha utafiti. Dini, kama taaluma ya kiakademia, imekuwa njia panda ya kihistoria, kijamii, na mbinu za kihemenetiki. pamoja na Uislamu, hali ni mbaya zaidi nje. katika nchi za Magharibi, utafiti wa Uislamu ulianza kama tawi la mashariki, masomo na hivyo ikifuatiwa tofauti na tofauti njia ya utafiti wa dini. Hata kama kukosoa Orientalism imekuwa muhimu katika kuibuka kwa utafiti wa Uislamu katika ªeld ya sayansi ya kijamii, mvutano mkubwa kati ya kubaki Islamicists na Wanaanthropolojia na wanasosholojia wote. mada ya Uislamu na Waislamu katika nchi za Magharibi ni iliyoingia katika mapambano haya. maana moja ya mvutano huu kimbinu ni kwamba wanafunzi wa Uislamu ambaye alianza kazi zao za kitaaluma kusoma Uislamu nchini Ufaransa, germany, au Amerika ªnd ni changamoto ya kuanzisha uaminifu kama wasomi wa Uislamu, hasa katika masomo ya Amerika ya Kaskazini
mazingira.

Kazi, Ukoloni, Ubaguzi wa rangi?

Baraza la Utafiti wa Sayansi ya Binadamu

Baraza la Utafiti wa Sayansi ya Kibinadamu la Afrika Kusini liliagiza utafiti huu kupima nadharia iliyotolewa na Profesa John Dugard katika ripoti aliyowasilisha kwa Baraza la Haki za Kibinadamu la Umoja wa Mataifa mwezi Januari. 2007, katika nafasi yake kama Ripota Maalum wa Umoja wa Mataifa kuhusu hali ya haki za binadamu katika maeneo ya Palestina yanayokaliwa kwa mabavu na Israel. (yaani, Ukingo wa Magharibi, ikiwemo Jerusalem Mashariki, na
Gaza, baada ya hapo OPT). Profesa Dugard aliuliza swali: Israel is clearly in military occupation of the OPT. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., elements of the occupation constitute forms of colonialism and of apartheid, which are contrary to international law. What are the legal consequences of a regime of prolonged occupation with features of colonialism and apartheid for the occupied people, the Occupying Power and third States?
In order to consider these consequences, this study set out to examine legally the premises of Professor Dugard’s question: is Israel the occupant of the OPT, na, ikiwa ni hivyo, do elements of its occupation of these territories amount to colonialism or apartheid? South Africa has an obvious interest in these questions given its bitter history of apartheid, which entailed the denial of selfdetermination
to its majority population and, during its occupation of Namibia, the extension of apartheid to that territory which South Africa effectively sought to colonise. These unlawful practices must not be replicated elsewhere: other peoples must not suffer in the way the populations of South Africa and Namibia have suffered.
To explore these issues, an international team of scholars was assembled. The aim of this project was to scrutinise the situation from the nonpartisan perspective of international law, rather than engage in political discourse and rhetoric. This study is the outcome of a fifteen-month collaborative process of intensive research, consultation, writing and review. It concludes and, it is to be hoped, persuasively argues and clearly demonstrates that Israel, since 1967, has been the belligerent Occupying Power in the OPT, na kwamba ukaliaji wake katika maeneo haya umekuwa biashara ya kikoloni ambayo inatekeleza mfumo wa ubaguzi wa rangi.. Kazi ya kivita yenyewe sio hali isiyo halali: inakubaliwa kama matokeo ya uwezekano wa migogoro ya silaha. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., chini ya sheria ya migogoro ya silaha (pia inajulikana kama sheria ya kimataifa ya kibinadamu), kazi inakusudiwa kuwa hali ya muda tu. Sheria ya kimataifa inakataza unyakuzi wa upande mmoja au utwaaji wa kudumu wa eneo kutokana na tishio au matumizi ya nguvu.: hili likitokea, hakuna Serikali inayoweza kutambua au kuunga mkono hali inayotokea kinyume cha sheria. Tofauti na kazi, both colonialism and apartheid are always unlawful and indeed are considered to be particularly serious breaches of international law because they are fundamentally contrary to core values of the international legal order. Colonialism violates the principle of self-determination,
which the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has affirmed as ‘one of the essential principles of contemporary international law’. All States have a duty to respect and promote self-determination. Apartheid is an aggravated case of racial discrimination, which is constituted according to the International Convention for the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid (1973,
hereafter ‘Apartheid Convention’) by ‘inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them’. The practice of apartheid, moreover, is an international crime.
Professor Dugard in his report to the UN Human Rights Council in 2007 suggested that an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel’s conduct should be sought from the ICJ. This advisory opinion would undoubtedly complement the opinion that the ICJ delivered in 2004 on the Legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the occupied Palestinian territories (hereafter ‘the Wall advisory opinion’). This course of legal action does not exhaust the options open to the international community, nor indeed the duties of third States and international organisations when they are appraised that another State is engaged in the practices of colonialism or apartheid.

Uislamu, DEMOKRASIA & MAREKANI:

Msingi wa Cordoba

Abdullah Faliq

Intro ,


Licha ya kuwa mjadala wa kudumu na tata, Arches Kila mara huchunguza tena kutoka kwa misingi ya kitheolojia na ya vitendo, mjadala muhimu kuhusu uhusiano na utangamano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia, kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika ajenda ya Barack Obama ya matumaini na mabadiliko. Wakati wengi wanasherehekea kupanda kwa Obama kwa Ofisi ya Oval kama katari ya kitaifa kwa Merika, wengine hubaki na matumaini kidogo juu ya mabadiliko ya itikadi na njia katika uwanja wa kimataifa. Wakati mvutano na uaminifu mwingi kati ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na USA unaweza kuhusishwa na njia ya kukuza demokrasia, kawaida hupendelea udikteta na serikali za vibaraka ambazo hulipa huduma ya mdomo kwa maadili ya kidemokrasia na haki za binadamu, tetemeko la ardhi la 9/11 kweli imesisitiza mashaka zaidi kupitia msimamo wa Amerika juu ya Uislamu wa kisiasa. Imeunda ukuta wa uzembe kama unavyopatikana na worldpublicopinion.org, kulingana na ambayo 67% Wamisri wanaamini kwamba ulimwenguni Amerika inacheza jukumu "hasi hasi".
Jibu la Amerika limekuwa sawa. Kwa kumchagua Obama, wengi kote ulimwenguni wanaweka matumaini yao kwa kuendeleza vita kidogo, lakini sera nzuri za kigeni kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Jaribio la Obama, tunapojadili, ni jinsi Amerika na washirika wake wanavyoendeleza demokrasia. Itakuwa kuwezesha au kuweka?
Kwa kuongezea, inaweza kuwa muhimu kuwa broker mwaminifu katika maeneo ya muda mrefu ya confts icts? Kuorodhesha utaalam na ufahamu wa profauti
c wasomi, wasomi, waandishi wa habari wenye uzoefu na wanasiasa, Arches Kila mwaka huonyesha uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na Demokrasia na jukumu la Amerika - na vile vile mabadiliko yaliyoletwa na Obama, katika kutafuta msingi wa pamoja. Anas Altikriti, Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa Taasisi ya Th e Cordoba hutoa kamari ya ufunguzi wa mjadala huu, ambapo anaelezea matumaini na changamoto ambazo zinategemea njia ya Obama. Kufuatia Altikriti, mshauri wa zamani wa Rais Nixon, Dr Robert Crane ameondoa uchambuzi kamili wa kanuni ya Kiislam ya haki ya uhuru. Anwar Ibrahim, Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa zamani wa Malaysia, huimarisha majadiliano na ukweli wa vitendo wa kutekeleza demokrasia katika jamii kubwa za Waislamu, yaani, nchini Indonesia na Malaysia.
Pia tuna Dr Shireen Hunter, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Georgetown, Marekani, ambaye anachunguza nchi za Kiislamu ambazo ziko nyuma katika demokrasia na kisasa. Hii inakamilishwa na mwandishi wa ugaidi, Maelezo ya Dk Nafeez Ahmed juu ya mzozo wa baada ya usasa na
kufa kwa demokrasia. Dk Daud Abdullah (Mkurugenzi wa Mashariki ya Kati Media Monitor), Alan Hart (aliyekuwa mwandishi wa ITN na BBC Panorama; mwandishi wa Uzayuni: Adui wa Kweli wa Wayahudi) na Asem Sondos (Mhariri wa Sawt Al Omma ya kila wiki ya Misri) zingatia Obama na jukumu lake dhidi ya demokrasia-kukuza katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, pamoja na uhusiano wa Marekani na Israel na Muslim Brotherhood.
Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje atangaza, Maldives, Ahmed Shaheed anakisia juu ya mustakabali wa Uislamu na Demokrasia; Cllr. Gerry Maclochlainn
– mwanachama wa Sinn Féin ambaye alivumilia miaka minne gerezani kwa shughuli za Republican na mpiganiaji wa Guildford 4 na Birmingham 6, anafikiria juu ya safari yake ya hivi karibuni huko Gaza ambapo alishuhudia athari za ukatili na udhalimu uliopatikana dhidi ya Wapalestina; Dr Marie Breen-Smyth, Mkurugenzi wa Kituo cha Utafiti wa Ukadiriaji na Unyanyasaji wa Kisiasa wa kisasa anajadili changamoto za kutafiti kwa kina ugaidi wa kisiasa; Dk Khalid al-Mubarak, mwandishi na mwandishi wa michezo, inazungumzia matarajio ya amani katika Darfur; na mwandishi wa habari na mwanaharakati wa haki za binadamu Ashur Shamis anaangalia vibaya demokrasia na siasa za Waislamu leo.
We hope all this makes for a comprehensive reading and a source for refl ection on issues that aff ect us all in a new dawn of hope.
Thank you

amani Marekani Hamas sera vitalu Mashariki ya Kati

Henry Siegman


Imeshindwa mazungumzo baina ya nchi zaidi ya hizi siku za nyuma 16 Miaka umeonyesha kuwa Mashariki ya Kati amani wa haiwezi kufikiwa na vyama vya wenyewe. Serikali za Israel zinaamini kuwa zinaweza kukaidi lawama za kimataifa za mradi wao haramu wa ukoloni katika Ukingo wa Magharibi kwa sababu wanaweza kutegemea Marekani kupinga vikwazo vya kimataifa.. Mazungumzo baina ya nchi mbili ambayo hayajaandaliwa na vigezo vilivyoundwa na Marekani (kwa kuzingatia maazimio ya Baraza la Usalama, makubaliano ya Oslo, Mpango wa Amani wa Kiarabu, "ramani ya barabara" na makubaliano mengine ya hapo awali ya Israeli na Palestina) haiwezi kufanikiwa. Serikali ya Israel inaamini kwamba Bunge la Marekani halitamruhusu rais wa Marekani kutoa vigezo hivyo na kutaka kukubalika kwao. Kuna matumaini gani kwa mazungumzo ya pande mbili ambayo yataanza tena huko Washington DC mnamo Septemba 2 inategemea kabisa na Rais Obama kuthibitisha imani hiyo kuwa si sahihi, na kama "mapendekezo ya kuweka madaraja" ambayo ameahidi, iwapo mazungumzo yatafikia mkwamo, ni neno la kusisitiza kwa uwasilishaji wa vigezo vya Amerika. Mpango kama huo wa Marekani lazima uipe Israeli uhakikisho wa vazi la chuma kwa usalama wake ndani ya mipaka yake ya kabla ya 1967., lakini wakati huo huo lazima iweke wazi hakikisho hizi hazipatikani ikiwa Israel itasisitiza kuwanyima Wapalestina taifa linaloweza kujitawala katika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Gaza.. Karatasi hii inazingatia kikwazo kingine kikubwa kwa makubaliano ya hali ya kudumu: kutokuwepo kwa interlocutor yenye ufanisi wa Palestina. Kushughulikia malalamiko halali ya Hamas - na kama ilivyobainishwa katika ripoti ya hivi majuzi ya CENTCOM, Hamas ina malalamiko halali - inaweza kusababisha kurejea kwa serikali ya mseto ya Palestina ambayo itaipatia Israel mshirika wa amani anayeaminika.. Ikiwa mawasiliano hayo yatashindwa kwa sababu ya kukataliwa kwa Hamas, uwezo wa shirika kuzuia mwafaka unaojadiliwa na vyama vingine vya kisiasa vya Palestina utakuwa umezuiliwa kwa kiasi kikubwa.. Ikiwa utawala wa Obama hautaongoza mpango wa kimataifa wa kufafanua vigezo vya makubaliano ya Israeli na Palestina na kuendeleza kikamilifu maridhiano ya kisiasa ya Palestina., Ulaya lazima kufanya hivyo, na natumai Amerika itafuata. Kwa bahati mbaya, hakuna risasi ya fedha inayoweza kuthibitisha lengo la “majimbo mawili kuishi bega kwa bega kwa amani na usalama.”
Lakini kozi ya sasa ya Rais Obama inaizuia kabisa.

Uislam upya

Matta Azzam

Kuna siasa na usalama mgogoro jirani kile ni inajulikana kama Uislam, mgogoro ambao utangulizi Hutangulia muda 9/11. Katika kipindi cha 25 miaka, kumekuwa na msisitizo tofauti juu ya jinsi ya kuelezea na kupambana Uislam. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji..
imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 Julai 2005 ilidhihirika zaidi kuwa baadhi ya vijana walikuwa wakisisitiza kujitolea kwa kidini kama njia ya kudhihirisha ukabila. Uhusiano kati ya Waislamu kote ulimwenguni na mtazamo wao kwamba Waislamu wako hatarini kumesababisha watu wengi katika sehemu mbali mbali za dunia kuunganisha matatizo yao ya ndani na kuwa Waislamu wengi zaidi., kuwa na kitambulisho kitamaduni, ama kimsingi au sehemu, na Uislamu unaojulikana kwa mapana.

Uislamu na UTAWALA WA SHERIA

Birgit Krawietz
Helmut Reifeld

In our modern Western society, state-organised legal sys-tems normally draw a distinctive line that separates religion and the law. Conversely, kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.), kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. 57 kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (1) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., (2) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa. (3) kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa.. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa..

Islamic Culture Political, Demokrasia, na Haki za Binadamu

Daniel E. Bei

Imesemekana kwamba Uislamu kuwezesha ubabe, inapingana thamani za jamii za Magharibi, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huathiri matokeo muhimu ya kisiasa katika nchi za Kiislamu. Kwa hiyo, wasomi, wachambuzi, na viongozi wa serikali mara nyingi wanasema kuwa '' fundamentalism Kiislamu '' kama ya kiitikadi tishio kwa demokrasia huria. Mtazamo huu, hata hivyo, inategemea hasa uchambuzi wa maandishi, Nadharia ya kisiasa ya Kiislamu, na masomo ya muda ya nchi binafsi, ambazo hazizingatii mambo mengine. Ni hoja yangu kwamba maandiko na mila ya Uislamu, kama zile za dini zingine, inaweza kutumika kusaidia mifumo na sera anuwai za kisiasa. Masomo maalum na ya kuelezea ya nchi hayatusaidii kupata mifumo ambayo itatusaidia kuelezea uhusiano tofauti kati ya Uislamu na siasa katika nchi zote za ulimwengu wa Kiislamu.. Kwa hivyo, mbinu mpya ya utafiti wa
uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa unahitajika.
ninashauri, kupitia tathmini kali ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu, demokrasia, na haki za binadamu katika ngazi ya kitaifa, mkazo mkubwa sana umewekwa juu ya nguvu ya Uislamu kama nguvu ya kisiasa. Kwanza mimi hutumia tafiti za kulinganisha, ambayo huzingatia mambo yanayohusiana na mwingiliano kati ya vikundi vya Kiislamu na tawala, ushawishi wa kiuchumi, machafuko ya kikabila, na maendeleo ya jamii, kuelezea utofauti wa ushawishi wa Uislamu juu ya siasa katika mataifa manane. Ninasema kuwa nguvu nyingi
kuhusishwa na Uislamu kama nguvu ya kuendesha sera na mifumo ya kisiasa katika mataifa ya Waislamu inaweza kuelezewa vizuri na mambo yaliyotajwa hapo awali. Mimi pia kupata, kinyume na imani ya kawaida, kwamba nguvu inayoongezeka ya vikundi vya siasa vya Kiisilamu mara nyingi imekuwa ikihusishwa na ujumlishaji wa kawaida wa mifumo ya kisiasa.
Nimeunda faharisi ya utamaduni wa kisiasa wa Kiislamu, kulingana na kiwango ambacho sheria ya Kiislamu inatumika na ikiwa na, ikiwa ni hivyo, vipi,Mawazo ya Magharibi, taasisi, na teknolojia zinatekelezwa, kujaribu asili ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na demokrasia na Uislamu na haki za binadamu. Kiashiria hiki kinatumika katika uchambuzi wa takwimu, ambayo inajumuisha sampuli ya nchi ishirini na tatu zenye Waislamu wengi na kikundi cha kudhibiti cha nchi ishirini na tatu zisizo za Kiislamu zinazoendelea. Mbali na kulinganisha
Mataifa ya Kiislamu kwa mataifa yasiyo ya Kiislamu yanayoendelea, uchambuzi wa takwimu unaniruhusu kudhibiti ushawishi wa anuwai zingine ambazo zimepatikana kuathiri viwango vya demokrasia na ulinzi wa haki za mtu binafsi. Matokeo yake yanapaswa kuwa picha halisi na sahihi ya ushawishi wa Uislamu juu ya siasa na sera.

Usahihi katika vita vya ulimwengu juu ya hofu:

Sherifa Zuhur

Seven years after the September 11, 2001 (9/11) attacks, many experts believe al-Qa’ida has regained strength and that its copycats or affiliates are more lethal than before. The National Intelligence Estimate of 2007 asserted that al-Qa’ida is more dangerous now than before 9/11.1 Al-Qa’ida’s emulators continue to threaten Western, Middle Eastern, and European nations, as in the plot foiled in September 2007 in Germany. Bruce Riedel states: Thanks largely to Washington’s eagerness to go into Iraq rather than hunting down al Qaeda’s leaders, the organization now has a solid base of operations in the badlands of Pakistan and an effective franchise in western Iraq. Its reach has spread throughout the Muslim world and in Europe . . . Osama bin Laden has mounted a successful propaganda campaign. . . . His ideas now attract more followers than ever.
It is true that various salafi-jihadist organizations are still emerging throughout the Islamic world. Why have heavily resourced responses to the Islamist terrorism that we are calling global jihad not proven extremely effective?
Moving to the tools of “soft power,” what about the efficacy of Western efforts to bolster Muslims in the Global War on Terror (GWOT)? Why has the United States won so few “hearts and minds” in the broader Islamic world? Why do American strategic messages on this issue play so badly in the region? Why, despite broad Muslim disapproval of extremism as shown in surveys and official utterances by key Muslim leaders, has support for bin Ladin actually increased in Jordan and in Pakistan?
This monograph will not revisit the origins of Islamist violence. It is instead concerned with a type of conceptual failure that wrongly constructs the GWOT and which discourages Muslims from supporting it. They are unable to identify with the proposed transformative countermeasures because they discern some of their core beliefs and institutions as targets in
this endeavor.
Several deeply problematic trends confound the American conceptualizations of the GWOT and the strategic messages crafted to fight that War. These evolve from (1) post-colonial political approaches to Muslims and Muslim majority nations that vary greatly and therefore produce conflicting and confusing impressions and effects; na (2) residual generalized ignorance of and prejudice toward Islam and subregional cultures. Add to this American anger, fear, and anxiety about the deadly events of 9/11, and certain elements that, despite the urgings of cooler heads, hold Muslims and their religion accountable for the misdeeds of their coreligionists, or who find it useful to do so for political reasons.

KUJADILI DEMOKRASIA KATIKA ULIMWENGU WA WARABU

Ibtisam Ibrahim

What is Democracy?
Western scholars define democracy a method for protecting individuals’ civil and political rights. It provides for freedom of speech, press, imani, opinion, ownership, and assembly, as well as the right to vote, nominate and seek public office. Huntington (1984) argues that a political system is democratic to the extent that its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through
periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all adults are eligible to vote. Rothstein (1995) states that democracy is a form of government and a process of governance that changes and adapts in response to circumstances. He also adds that the Western definition of democracyin addition to accountability, competition, some degree of participationcontains a guarantee of important civil and political rights. Anderson (1995) argues that the term democracy means a system in which the most powerful collective decision makers are selected through periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote. Saad Eddin Ibrahim (1995), an Egyptian scholar, sees democracy that might apply to the Arab world as a set of rules and institutions designed to enable governance through the peaceful
management of competing groups and/or conflicting interests. Hata hivyo, Samir Amin (1991) based his definition of democracy on the social Marxist perspective. He divides democracy into two categories: bourgeois democracy which is based on individual rights and freedom for the individual, but without having social equality; and political democracy which entitles all people in society the right to vote and to elect their government and institutional representatives which will help to obtain their equal social rights.
To conclude this section, I would say that there is no one single definition of democracy that indicates precisely what it is or what is not. Hata hivyo, as we noticed, most of the definitions mentioned above have essential similar elementsaccountability, competition, and some degree of participationwhich have become dominant in the Western world and internationally.

Demokrasia, Uchaguzi na Udugu wa Kiislamu wa Misri

Israel Elad-Altman

The American-led Middle East reform and democratization campaign of the last two years has helped shape a new political reality in Egypt. Opportunities have opened up for dissent. Na sisi. na msaada wa Ulaya, local opposition groups have been able to take initiative, kuendeleza sababu zao na kutoa makubaliano kutoka kwa serikali. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood movement (MB), which has been officially outlawed as a political organization, is now among the groups facing both new opportunities
and new risks.
Western governments, ikiwa ni pamoja na serikali ya Marekani, are considering the MB and other “moderate Islamist” groups as potential partners in helping to advance democracy in their countries, na pengine pia katika kutokomeza ugaidi wa Kiislamu. Could the Egyptian MB fill that role? Could it follow the track of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP) na Chama cha Haki ya Ufanisi cha Indonesia (PKS), two Islamist parties that, kulingana na baadhi ya wachambuzi, are successfully adapting to the rules of liberal democracy and leading their countries toward greater integration with, kwa mtiririko huo, Ulaya na Asia "ya kipagani".?
Nakala hii inachunguza jinsi MB imejibu ukweli mpya, how it has handled the ideological and practical challenges and dilemmas that have arisen during the past two years. To what extent has the movement accommodated its outlook to new circumstances? Nini malengo yake na maono yake ya utaratibu wa kisiasa? How has it reacted to U.S. mabadiliko na kampeni ya mageuzi na demokrasia?
How has it navigated its relations with the Egyptian regime on one hand, and other opposition forces on the other, wakati nchi inaelekea kwenye chaguzi mbili za vuli 2005? To what extent can the MB be considered a force that might lead Egypt
toward liberal democracy?

NDUGU WAISLAMU WA MISRI: KUPINGANA AU KUUNGANISHWA?

Utafiti

The Society of Muslim Brothers’ success in the November-December 2005 elections for the People’s Assembly sent shockwaves through Egypt’s political system. In response, the regime cracked down on the movement, harassed other potential rivals and reversed its fledging reform process. This is dangerously short-sighted. There is reason to be concerned about the Muslim Brothers’ political program, and they owe the people genuine clarifications about several of its aspects. But the ruling National Democratic
Party’s (NDP) refusal to loosen its grip risks exacerbating tensions at a time of both political uncertainty surrounding the presidential succession and serious socio-economic unrest. Though this likely will be a prolonged, gradual process, serikali inapaswa kuchukua hatua za awali za kuhalalisha ushiriki wa Ndugu wa Kiislamu katika maisha ya kisiasa. Ndugu Waislam, ambao shughuli zao za kijamii zimevumiliwa kwa muda mrefu lakini nafasi yao katika siasa rasmi ni ndogo sana, alishinda isiyo na kifani 20 asilimia ya viti vya ubunge 2005 uchaguzi. Walifanya hivyo licha ya kuwania theluthi moja tu ya viti vilivyokuwepo na licha ya vikwazo vingi, ikiwa ni pamoja na ukandamizaji wa polisi na udanganyifu katika uchaguzi. Mafanikio haya yalithibitisha msimamo wao kama nguvu ya kisiasa iliyojipanga vizuri na iliyokita mizizi. kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., ilisisitiza udhaifu wa vyama vya upinzani kisheria na chama tawala. Huenda serikali ilisema kwamba ongezeko la wastani la uwakilishi bungeni la Muslim Brothers lingeweza kutumiwa kuzua hofu ya kunyakuliwa kwa Waislam na hivyo kuwa sababu ya kusimamisha mageuzi.. Ikiwa ndivyo, mkakati uko katika hatari kubwa ya kurudisha nyuma.

Uislamu na Demokrasia: Nakala, utamaduni, na Historia

Ahrar Ahmad

Popular ubaguzi katika nchi za Magharibi huwa na wanadai maendeleo, mantiki, na bure West dhidi nyuma, ukandamizaji, na kutishia Islam. Public uchunguzi wa maoni uliofanywa nchini Marekani katika miaka ya 1990 ulionyesha muundo thabiti ya Wamarekani uwekaji Waislamu kama "wafuasi wa dini" na kuzingatia ethos Uislamu kama kimsingi "anti-kidemokrasia." 1 characterizations hizi
na wasi na, kwa sababu za wazi, kwa kiasi kikubwa kuwa mbaya zaidi tangu janga la 9/11. Hata hivyo, mitizamo hizi si yalijitokeza tu katika fahamu maarufu au vyombo vya habari ghafi uwakilishi. Wanafunzi walioheshimika pia zimechangia hali ya hewa hii ya maoni kwa kuandika kuhusu tofauti allegiance zilizoko kati ya Uislamu na Magharibi, maarufu "mgongano wa ustaarabu" ambayo wanatakiwa kuwa imminent na kuepukika, na juu ya kutopatana Wanajidai kati ya Uislamu na demokrasia. Kwa mfano, Profesa Peter Rodman wasiwasi kwamba "sisi ni changamoto kutoka nje na wapiganaji atavistic nguvu inayotokana na chuki ya wote Western kisiasa mawazo harking nyuma malalamiko umri wa miaka juu ya Kikristo." Dr. Daniel Mabomba anatangaza kwamba Waislamu changamoto West zaidi kama ya ya Wakomunisti aliyepata, kwa ajili ya "wakati Wakomunisti hawakubaliani na sera zetu, Waislamu fundamentalist kumdharau njia yetu yote ya maisha. " Profesa Bernard Lewis anaonya darkly kuhusu "majibu ya kihistoria ya mpinzani kale dhidi turathi zetu Judeo-Christian, sasa yetu ya kimwili, na upanuzi wa zote mbili. " Profesa Amos Perlmutter anauliza: "Ni Uislamu, fundamentalist au vinginevyo, sambamba na haki za binadamu oriented Western style mwakilishi demokrasia? Jibu ni mkazo NO. " Na Profesa Samuel Huntington unaonyesha na kushamiri kwamba "tatizo si fundamentalism Kiislamu, lakini Uislamu wenyewe. " Itakuwa kielimu wavivu na rahisi wenye nia kumfukuza nafasi zao kama msingi tu juu ya Pamoja au chuki. kwa kweli, kama mtu huacha baadhi overkill kejeli, baadhi ya madai yao, ingawa Awkward kwa Waislamu, ni muhimu kwa mjadala wa uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na demokrasia katika ulimwengu wa kisasa. Kwa mfano, nafasi ya wanawake au wakati mwingine wasiokuwa Waislamu katika baadhi ya nchi za Kiislamu ni tatizo katika suala la wanatakiwa usawa wa kisheria wa watu wote katika demokrasia. vile vile, kutovumilia iliyoongozwa na baadhi ya Waislamu dhidi ya waandishi (kwa mfano, Salman Rushdie nchini Uingereza, Taslima Nasrin Bangladesh, na Profesa Nasr Abu Zaid Misri) ostensibly inahatarisha kanuni ya uhuru wa kujieleza, ambayo ni muhimu kwa demokrasia.
Pia ni kweli kwamba chini ya 10 zaidi ya 50 wanachama wa Shirika la Kiislam na institutionalized misingi ya kidemokrasia au michakato kama kueleweka katika West, na kwamba pia, tu tentatively. hatimaye, aina ya utulivu wa ndani na amani ya nje ambayo ni karibu muhimu kwa demokrasia kazi unadhoofishwa na masumbuko ya kutokana na mgogoro wa ndani au wa nje uchokozi dhahiri katika nchi nyingi za Kiislamu leo (kwa mfano, Somalia, Sudan, Indonesia, Pakistan, Iraq, Afghanistan, Algeria, na Bosnia).

Iraq na Baadaye ya Uislamu wa Kisiasa

James Piscatori

Sixty-five years ago one of the greatest scholars of modern Islam asked the simple question, “whither Islam?”, where was the Islamic world going? It was a time of intense turmoil in both the Western and Muslim worlds – the demise of imperialism and crystallisation of a new state system outside Europe; the creation and testing of the neo- Wilsonian world order in the League of Nations; the emergence of European Fascism. Sir Hamilton Gibb recognised that Muslim societies, unable to avoid such world trends, were also faced with the equally inescapable penetration of nationalism, secularism, and Westernisation. While he prudently warned against making predictions – hazards for all of us interested in Middle Eastern and Islamic politics – he felt sure of two things:
(a) the Islamic world would move between the ideal of solidarity and the realities of division;
(b) the key to the future lay in leadership, or who speaks authoritatively for Islam.
Today Gibb’s prognostications may well have renewed relevance as we face a deepening crisis over Iraq, the unfolding of an expansive and controversial war on terror, and the continuing Palestinian problem. In this lecture I would like to look at the factors that may affect the course of Muslim politics in the present period and near-term future. Although the points I will raise are likely to have broader relevance, I will draw mainly on the case of the Arab world.
Assumptions about Political Islam There is no lack of predictions when it comes to a politicised Islam or Islamism. ‘Islamism’ is best understood as a sense that something has gone wrong with contemporary Muslim societies and that the solution must lie in a range of political action. Often used interchangeably with ‘fundamentalism’, Islamism is better equated with ‘political Islam’. Several commentators have proclaimed its demise and the advent of the post-Islamist era. They argue that the repressive apparatus of the state has proven more durable than the Islamic opposition and that the ideological incoherence of the Islamists has made them unsuitable to modern political competition. The events of September 11th seemed to contradict this prediction, yet, unshaken, they have argued that such spectacular, virtually anarchic acts only prove the bankruptcy of Islamist ideas and suggest that the radicals have abandoned any real hope of seizing power.

Uislamu na Demokrasia

ITAC

kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia: inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia.
kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia (kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia) kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s

Katika Tafuta wa utawala wa katiba ya Kiislamu

Nadirsyah Pants

Wakati utii wa kikatiba katika nchi za Magharibi unatambuliwa zaidi na mawazo ya kilimwengu, Ukatiba wa Kiislamu, ambayo inajumuisha baadhi ya vipengele vya kidini, imevutia hamu inayoongezeka katika miaka ya hivi karibuni. Kwa mfano, majibu ya utawala wa Bush kwa matukio ya 9/11 kwa kiasi kikubwa kubadilisha hali katika Iraq na Afghanistan, na nchi zote mbili sasa zinaandika upya katiba zao. kama
Ann Elizabeth Mayer anaonyesha, Ubunifu wa kikatiba wa Kiislamu ni utii katiba yaani, kwa namna fulani, kwa kuzingatia kanuni za Kiislamu, kinyume na mfumo wa kikatiba ulioendelezwa katika nchi ambazo ni za Kiislamu lakini ambazo hazijafahamishwa na kanuni za kipekee za Kiislamu.. Wanazuoni kadhaa wa Kiislamu, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. Hata hivyo, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
Kwanza, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts