Lahat ng Entries sa "Itinatampok" Kategoryang
Ang Arabo Bukas
DAVID B. OTTAWAY
Oktubre 6, 1981, ay sinadya upang maging isang araw ng pagdiriwang sa Egypt. Minarkahan nito ang anibersaryo ng pinakadakilang sandali ng tagumpay ng Egypt sa tatlong salungatan ng Arab-Israeli, nang ang underdog na hukbo ng bansa ay tumawid sa Suez Canal sa mga pagbubukas ng araw ng 1973 Yom Kippur War at nagpadala ng mga tropang Israeli sa pag-urong. Sa isang cool, walang ulap na umaga, ang istadyum ng Cairo ay puno ng mga pamilyang Ehipsiyo na dumating upang makita ang militar na strut ang hardware nito. Sa reviewing stand, Pangulong Anwar el-Sadat,arkitekto ng digmaan, nanonood nang may kasiyahan habang nagpaparada ang mga lalaki at makina sa kanyang harapan. Nasa malapit ako, isang bagong dating na foreign correspondent.Bigla, isa sa mga trak ng hukbo ay direktang huminto sa harap ng reviewing stand habang anim na Mirage jet ang umuungal sa itaas sa isang akrobatikong pagtatanghal, pagpinta sa langit na may mahabang landas na pula, dilaw, lila,at berdeng usok. Tumayo si Sadat, tila naghahanda na makipagpalitan ng mga pagpupugay sa isa pang pangkat ng mga tropang Egyptian. Ginawa niyang perpektong target ang kanyang sarili para sa apat na Islamist assassin na tumalon mula sa trak, bumangga sa podium, at nilagyan ng mga bala ang kanyang katawan. Habang ang mga pumatay ay nagpatuloy para sa tila isang walang hanggan upang iwiwisik ang stand ng kanilang nakamamatay na apoy, Nag-isip ako saglit kung tatama sa lupa at nanganganib na matapakan hanggang mamatay ng mga natarantang manonood o mananatiling lakad at nanganganib na matamaan ng ligaw na bala. Instinct told me to stay on my feet, at ang aking pakiramdam ng tungkulin sa pamamahayag ay nagtulak sa akin na alamin kung si Sadat ay buhay o patay na.
| Sep 26, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Islam at ang Paggawa ng Kapangyarihan ng Estado
seyyed vali reza nasr
Sa 1979 Heneral Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, ang pinunong militar ng Pakistan, ipinahayag na ang Pakistan ay magiging isang Islamic state. Ang mga halaga at pamantayan ng Islam ay magsisilbing pundasyon ng pambansang pagkakakilanlan, batas, ekonomiya, at ugnayang panlipunan, at magbibigay inspirasyon sa lahat ng paggawa ng patakaran. Sa 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, ang bagong punong ministro ng Malaysia, nagpakilala ng katulad na malawak na nakabatay sa plano upang iangkla ang paggawa ng patakaran ng estado sa mga halagang Islamiko, at upang maiayon ang mga batas at gawaing pang-ekonomiya ng kanyang bansa sa mga turo ng Islam. Bakit pinili ng mga pinunong ito ang landas ng "Islamisasyon" para sa kanilang mga bansa? At paano naging mga ahente ng Islamisasyon ang isang beses na sekular na postkolonyal na estado at ang tagapagbalita ng "tunay" na estadong Islam.?
Ang Malaysia at Pakistan ay mula noong huling bahagi ng 1970s–unang bahagi ng 1980s ay sumunod sa isang natatanging landas tungo sa pag-unlad na nag-iiba mula sa mga karanasan ng ibang mga estado ng Third World. Sa dalawang bansang ito, ang pagkakakilanlan ng relihiyon ay isinama sa ideolohiya ng estado upang ipaalam ang layunin at proseso ng pag-unlad na may mga pagpapahalagang Islamiko.
Ang gawaing ito ay nagpakita rin ng ibang larawan ng kaugnayan sa pagitan ng Islam at pulitika sa mga lipunang Muslim. Sa Malaysia at Pakistan, ito ay mga institusyon ng estado sa halip na mga aktibistang Islamista (yaong nagtataguyod ng politikal na pagbabasa ng Islam; kilala rin bilang mga revivalist o fundamentalists) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, at mas malawak kung paano nagsisilbi ang kultura at relihiyon sa mga pangangailangan ng kapangyarihan at pag-unlad ng estado. Ang pagsusuri dito ay umaasa sa mga teoretikal na talakayan
sa mga agham panlipunan ng pag-uugali ng estado at ang papel ng kultura at relihiyon dito. Mas mahalaga, kumukuha ito ng mga hinuha mula sa mga kaso na sinusuri upang makagawa ng mas malawak na konklusyon ng interes sa mga disiplina.
| Sep 25, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
PEMINISMO SA PAGITAN NG SEKULARISMO AT ISLAMISMO: ANG KASO NG PALESTIN
Sinabi ni Dr., Islah Jad
Legislative elections na ginanap sa West Bank at Gaza Strip sa 2006 dinala sa kapangyarihan ang kilusang Islam na Hamas, na nagpatuloy sa pagbuo ng mayorya ng Palestinian Legislative Council at gayundin ang unang mayoryang pamahalaan ng Hamas. Ang mga halalan na ito ay nagresulta sa paghirang ng unang babaeng ministro ng Hamas, na naging Ministro ng Women’s Affairs. Sa pagitan ng Marso 2006 at Hunyo 2007, dalawang magkaibang babaeng ministro ng Hamas ang umako sa post na ito, ngunit pareho silang nahirapang pamahalaan ang Ministri dahil karamihan sa mga empleyado nito ay hindi miyembro ng Hamas ngunit kabilang sa ibang mga partidong pampulitika, at karamihan ay miyembro ng Fatah, ang nangingibabaw na kilusan na kumokontrol sa karamihan ng mga institusyong Awtoridad ng Palestinian. Ang isang maigting na panahon ng pakikibaka sa pagitan ng mga kababaihan ng Hamas sa Ministry of Women's Affairs at ng mga babaeng miyembro ng Fatah ay natapos kasunod ng pagkuha ng kapangyarihan ng Hamas sa Gaza Strip at ang resulta ng pagbagsak ng gobyerno nito sa West Bank – isang pakikibaka na kung minsan ay nagiging marahas. Ang isang dahilan sa kalaunan ay binanggit upang ipaliwanag ang pakikibaka na ito ay ang pagkakaiba sa pagitan ng sekular na feminist na diskurso at Islamist na diskurso sa mga isyu ng kababaihan. Sa kontekstong Palestinian, ang hindi pagkakasundo na ito ay nagkaroon ng mapanganib na kalikasan dahil ginamit ito upang bigyang-katwiran ang pagpapatuloy ng madugong pakikibaka sa pulitika., ang pagtanggal sa mga kababaihan ng Hamas sa kanilang mga posisyon o post, at ang pulitikal at heograpikal na mga paghahati na namamayani sa panahong iyon sa parehong West Bank at sa sinasakop na Gaza Strip.
Ang pakikibaka na ito ay nagtataas ng ilang mahahalagang katanungan: dapat ba nating parusahan ang kilusang Islamista na nasa kapangyarihan, o dapat nating isaalang-alang ang mga dahilan na humantong sa kabiguan ni Fateh sa larangan ng pulitika? Maaari bang mag-alok ang feminismo ng komprehensibong balangkas para sa kababaihan, anuman ang kanilang panlipunan at ideolohikal na kaakibat? Can a discourse of a shared common ground for women help them to realize and agree upon their common goals? Is paternalism only present in Islamist ideology, and not in nationalism and patriotism? What do we mean by feminism? Is there only one feminism, or several feminisms? What do we mean by Islam – is it the movement known by this name or the religion, the philosophy, or the legal system? We need to go to the bottom of these issues and consider them carefully, and we must agree upon them so that we can later decide, as feminists, if our criticism of paternalism should be directed at religion (pananampalataya), which should be confined to the heart of the believer and not be allowed to take control of the world at large, or the jurisprudence, na nauugnay sa iba't ibang paaralan ng pananampalataya na nagpapaliwanag sa sistemang legal na nakapaloob sa Quran at mga kasabihan ng Propeta – ang Sunnah.
| Sep 19, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
AKTIBISMO NG MGA KABABAIHAN ISLAM SA SINAKOP NA PALESTIN
Mga panayam ni Khaled Amayreh
Panayam kay Sameera Al-Halayka
Si Sameera Al-Halayka ay isang nahalal na miyembro ng Palestinian Legislative Council. Siya ay
ipinanganak sa nayon ng Shoyoukh malapit sa Hebron noong 1964. Mayroon siyang BA sa Sharia (Islamic
Jurisprudence) mula sa Hebron University. Nagtrabaho siya bilang isang mamamahayag mula sa 1996 sa 2006 kailan
pumasok siya sa Palestinian Legislative Council bilang nahalal na miyembro sa 2006 halalan.
Siya ay may asawa at may pitong anak.
Q: Mayroong pangkalahatang impresyon sa ilang kanluraning bansa na natatanggap ng mga kababaihan
mababang pagtrato sa loob ng mga grupo ng paglaban sa Islam, tulad ng Hamas. Totoo ba ito?
Paano ginagamot ang mga babaeng aktibista sa Hamas?
Ang mga karapatan at tungkulin ng mga babaeng Muslim ay nagmumula sa Islamic Sharia o batas.
Ang mga ito ay hindi boluntaryo o kawanggawa o mga kilos na natatanggap namin mula sa Hamas o sinuman
iba pa. Sa gayon, hanggang sa pakikilahok sa pulitika at aktibismo ay nababahala, karaniwang mayroon ang mga kababaihan
ang parehong mga karapatan at tungkulin ng mga lalaki. Kung tutuusin, ang mga kababaihan ay bumubuo ng hindi bababa sa 50 porsyento ng
lipunan. Sa isang tiyak na kahulugan, sila ang buong lipunan dahil pinanganak nila, at itaas,
ang bagong henerasyon.
Samakatuwid, Masasabi kong ang katayuan ng mga kababaihan sa loob ng Hamas ay ganap na umaayon sa kanya
katayuan sa Islam mismo. Nangangahulugan ito na siya ay ganap na kasosyo sa lahat ng antas. Sa totoo lang, ito ay magiging
hindi patas at hindi makatarungan para sa isang Islam (o Islamist kung gusto mo) babaeng magiging katuwang sa paghihirap
while she is excluded from the decision-making process. This is why the woman’s role in
Hamas has always been pioneering.
Q: Do you feel that the emergence of women’s political activism within Hamas is
a natural development that is compatible with classical Islamic concepts
regarding the status and role of women, or is it merely a necessary response to
pressures of modernity and requirements of political action and of the continued
Israeli occupation?
There is no text in Islamic jurisprudence nor in Hamas’ charter which impedes women from
political participation. I believe the opposite is true — there are numerous Quranic verses
and sayings of the Prophet Muhammed urging women to be active in politics and public
issues affecting Muslims. But it is also true that for women, as it is for men, aktibismo sa pulitika
ay hindi sapilitan ngunit boluntaryo, at higit na napagpasyahan ayon sa kakayahan ng bawat babae,
mga kwalipikasyon at indibidwal na kalagayan. None the less, nagpapakita ng pagmamalasakit sa publiko
ang mga bagay ay ipinag-uutos sa bawat at bawat Muslim na lalaki at babae. Ang Propeta
sabi ni Muhammad: "Siya na hindi nagpapakita ng pagmamalasakit sa mga gawain ng mga Muslim ay hindi isang Muslim."
At saka, Ang mga Palestinian Islamist na kababaihan ay kailangang kunin ang lahat ng layunin na mga kadahilanan sa lupa
account kapag nagpapasya kung sasali sa pulitika o makisali sa aktibismo sa pulitika.
| Sep 19, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
MGA BABAENG IRANIAN PAGKATAPOS NG ISLAMIC REVOLUTION
Ansiia Khaz Allii
Mahigit tatlumpung taon na ang lumipas mula nang magtagumpay ang Rebolusyong Islamiko sa Iran, gayon ma'y nananatili ang isang number of questions and ambiguities about the way the Islamic Republic and its laws deal with contemporary problems and current circumstances, particularly with regard to women and women’s rights. This short paper will shed light on these issues and study the current position of women in various spheres, comparing this to the situation prior to the Islamic Revolution. Reliable and authenticated data has been used wherever possible. The introduction summarises a number of theoretical and legal studies which provide the basis for the subsequent more practical analysis and are the sources from where the data has been obtained.
The first section considers attitudes of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards women and women’s rights, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. The fourth section then examines questions of the family, the relationship between women and the family, and the family’s role in limiting or increasing women’s rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
| Sep 19, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Women in Islam
Amira Burghul
Despite major consensus amongst a large number of philosophers and historians that the
ang mga prinsipyo at turo ng Islam ay nagdulot ng pangunahing pagbabago sa posisyon ng mga kababaihan
kumpara sa umiiral na sitwasyon sa mga bansa sa parehong Silangan at Kanluran noong panahong iyon, at sa kabila
ang kasunduan ng malaking bilang ng mga nag-iisip at mambabatas na ang mga kababaihan sa panahon ng
Propeta (PBUH) ay pinagkalooban ng mga karapatan at legal na pribilehiyong hindi ipinagkaloob ng mga batas na gawa ng tao hanggang sa
kamakailan lang, mga kampanyang propaganda ng mga Kanluranin at mga taong may Kanluraning pananaw
patuloy na inaakusahan ang Islam na hindi makatarungan sa mga kababaihan, ng pagpapataw ng mga paghihigpit sa kanila, at
marginalizing ang kanilang papel sa lipunan.
Ang sitwasyong ito ay pinalala ng kapaligiran at mga kondisyon na laganap sa buong
mundo ng mga Muslim, kung saan ang kamangmangan at kahirapan ay nagbunga ng limitadong pag-unawa sa relihiyon
at pamilya at relasyong pantao na humahadlang sa hustisya at isang sibilisadong paraan ng pamumuhay, partikular
sa pagitan ng lalaki at babae. Ang maliit na grupo ng mga tao na nabigyan ng pagkakataon na
makakuha ng edukasyon at mga kakayahan ay nahulog din sa bitag ng paniniwalang ang pagkamit ng hustisya
para sa mga kababaihan at pagsasamantala sa kanilang mga kakayahan ay nakasalalay sa pagtanggi sa relihiyon at kabanalan at
pagpapatibay ng Kanluraning paraan ng pamumuhay, bunga ng kanilang mababaw na pag-aaral ng Islam sa isang banda
at ang epekto ng mga dibersiyon ng buhay sa iba.
Napakaliit na bilang lamang ng mga tao mula sa dalawang grupong ito ang nakatakas at nagpalayas
kanilang mga balabal ng kamangmangan at tradisyon. Ang mga taong ito ay pinag-aralan nang husto ang kanilang pamana
at detalye, and have looked at the results of Western experiences with an open mind. They have
distinguished between the wheat and the chaff in both the past and the present, and have dealt
scientifically and objectively with the problems which have arisen. They have refuted the false
charges made against Islam with eloquent arguments, and have admitted to concealed flaws.
They have also re-examined the sayings and customs of the Infallible Ones in order to
distinguish between what is established and holy and what has been altered and distorted.
The responsible behaviour of this group has established new directions and new ways of dealing
with the question of women in Islamic societies. They have clearly not yet tackled all problems
and found final solutions for the many legislative gaps and deficiencies, but they have laid the
ground for the emergence of a new model for Muslim women, who are both strong and
committed to the legal and effective foundations of their society.
With the triumph of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the blessing of its leaders, which is the
main religious authority for the participation of women and their effective political and social
participation, the scope for strong debate over women in Islam has been significantly expanded.
The model of Muslim women in Iran has spread to Islamic resistance movements in Lebanon,
Palestine other Arab countries and even the Western world, and as a result, propaganda
campaigns against Islam have abated to some extent.
The emergence of Salafi Islamic movements such as the Taliban in Afghanistan and similar
Mga kilusang Salafi sa Saudi Arabia at North Africa, at ang kanilang panatikong paraan ng pagtrato sa kababaihan,
ay nagdulot ng nerbiyos na mga nanonood na natatakot sa muling pagkabuhay ng Islam sa paglulunsad ng bagong propaganda
mga kampanyang inaakusahan ang Islam na nagbibigay inspirasyon sa terorismo at pagiging atrasado at hindi makatarungan sa
mga babae.
| Sep 17, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
pagpapahid: Paano kumalat ang mga Islamophobes ng takot, pagkapanatiko at maling impormasyon
PATAS
Julie Hollar
Jim Naureckas
Paggawa ng Islamophobia na Mainstream:
Kung paano i-broadcast ng mga Muslim-basher ang kanilang pagkapanatiko
Isang kahanga-hangang bagay ang nangyari sa National Book Critics Circle (NBCC) nominasyon noong Pebrero 2007: Ang karaniwang mataas ang kilay at mapagparaya na grupo ay hinirang para sa pinakamahusay na libro sa larangan ng kritisismo ng isang aklat na malawak na tinitingnan bilang nanlalait sa isang buong grupo ng relihiyon.
Ang nominasyon ng While Europe Slept ni Bruce Bawer: How Radical Islam Is Destroying the West From Within didn’t pass without controversy. Past nominee Eliot Weinberger denounced the book at the NBCC’s annual gathering, calling it ‘‘racism as criticism’’ (New York Times, 2/8/07). NBCC board president John Freeman wrote on the group’s blog (Critical Mass, 2/4/07): ‘‘I have never been
more embarrassed by a choice than I have been with Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept…. Its hyperventilated rhetoric tips from actual critique into Islamophobia.’’
Though it didn’t ultimately win the award, While Europe Slept’s recognition in the highest literary circles was emblematic of a mainstreaming of Islamophobia, not just in American publishing but in the broader media. This report takes a fresh look at Islamophobia in today’s media and its perpetratrators, outlining some of the behind-the-scenes connections that are rarely explored in media. The report also provides four snapshots, or “case studies,” describing how Islamophobes continue to manipulate media to in order to paint Muslims with a broad, hateful brush. Our aim is to document smearcasting: the public writings and appearances of Islamophobic activists and pundits who intentionally and regularly spread fear, pagkapanatiko at maling impormasyon. The term “Islamophobia” refers to hostility toward Islam and Muslims that tends to dehumanize an entire faith, portraying it as fundamentally alien and attributing to it an inherent, essential set of negative traits such as irrationality, intolerance and violence. And not unlike the charges made in the classical document of anti-Semitism, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, some of Islamophobia’s more virulent expressions–like While Europe Slept–include evocations of Islamic designs to dominate the West.
Islamic institutions and Muslims, of course, should be subject to the same kind of scrutiny and criticism as anyone else. For instance, when a Norwegian Islamic Council debates whether gay men and lesbians should be executed, one may forcefully condemn individuals or groups sharing that opinion without pulling all European Muslims into it, as did Bawer’s Pajamas Media post (8/7/08),
“European Muslims Debate: Should Gays Be Executed?"
Ganun din, extremists who justify their violent actions by invoking some particular interpretation of Islam can be criticized without implicating the enormously diverse population of Muslims around the world. Kung tutuusin, reporters managed to cover the Oklahoma City bombing by Timothy McVeigh–an adherent of the racist Christian Identity sect–without resorting to generalized statements about “Christian terrorism.” Likewise, media have covered acts of terrorism by fanatics who are Jewish–for instance the Hebron massacre carried out by Baruch Goldstein (Extra!, 5/6/94)–without implicating the entirety of Judaism.
| Sep 16, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
The Totalitarianism of Jihadist Islamism and its Challenge to Europe and to Islam
Basso tibi
When reading the majority of texts that comprise the vast literature that has been published by self-proclaimed pundits on political Islam, it is easy to miss the fact that a new movement has arisen. Further, this literature fails to explain in a satisfactory manner the fact that the ideology which drives it is based on a particular interpretation of Islam, and that it is thus a politicised religious faith,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, gayunpaman, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
in the history of politics since it has its roots in two parallel and related phenomena: first, the culturalisation of politics which leads to politics being conceptualised as a cultural system (a view pioneered by Clifford Geertz); and second the return of the sacred, or ‘re-enchantment’ of the world, as a reaction to its intensive secularisation resulting from globalisation.
The analysis of political ideologies that are based on religions, and that can exert appeal as a political religion as a consequence of this, involves a social science understanding of the role of religion played by world politics, especially after the bi-polar system of the Cold War has given way to a multi-polar world. In a project conducted at the Hannah Arendt Institute for the application of totalitarianism to the study of political religions, I proposed the distinction between secular ideologies that act as a substitute for religion, and religious ideologies based on genuine religious faith, which is the case in religious fundamentalism (see note
24). Another project on ‘Political Religion’, carried out at the University of Basel, has made clearer the point that new approaches to politics become necessary once a religious faith becomes clothed in a political garb.Drawing on the authoritative sources of political Islam, this article suggests that the great variety of organisations inspired by Islamist ideology are to be conceptualised both as political religions and as political movements. The unique quality of political Islam lies is the fact that it is based on a transnational religion (see note 26).
| Sep 15, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Islam, Political Islam at Amerika
Pananaw ng Arab
Posible ba ang "Kapatiran" sa Amerika?
khalil al-anani
"Walang pagkakataon na makipag-usap sa anumang U.S. pamamahala hangga't mapanatili ng Estados Unidos ang matagal nang pagtingin nito sa Islam bilang isang tunay na panganib, isang pagtingin na inilalagay ang Estados Unidos sa parehong bangka tulad ng kaaway ng Zionist. Wala kaming paunang naiisip na mga ideya tungkol sa mga mamamayang Amerikano o sa U.S.. lipunan at mga organisasyong sibiko nito at mga think tank. Wala kaming problema sa pakikipag-usap sa mga mamamayang Amerikano ngunit walang sapat na pagsisikap na ginagawa upang mapalapit kami,”Sabi ni Dr.. Issam al-Iryan, pinuno ng kagawaran ng pampulitika ng Pagkakapatiran ng Muslim sa isang pakikipanayam sa telepono.
Al-Iryan’s words sum up the Muslim Brotherhood’s views of the American people and the U.S. government. Other members of the Muslim Brotherhood would agree, as would the late Hassan al-Banna, who founded the group in 1928. Al- Banna viewed the West mostly as a symbol of moral decay. Other Salafis – an Islamic school of thought that relies on ancestors as exemplary models – have taken the same view of the United States, but lack the ideological flexibility espoused by the Muslim Brotherhood. While the Muslim Brotherhood believes in engaging the Americans in civil dialogue, other extremist groups see no point in dialogue and maintain that force is the only way of dealing with the United States.
| Sep 15, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Notes on the Isocratic Legacy and Islamic Political Thought: The Example of Education
JAMES MUIR
An unfortunate feature of human history is the tendency for religious differences and con icts to nourish themselves with the poisonous brew of ignorance and prejudice. While much can sometimes be done to reduce prejudice, it seems to me that scholars and educators ought to be primarily concerned with the more fundamental and enduring goal of reducing ignorance. One’s success in reducing ignorance—including one’s own—will depend upon one’s motives.
The study of Islamic educational philosophy may be motivated by current practical concerns: the desire of British Muslims to have Islamic schools, whether funded privately or by the state, is one topical example. From the perspective of educational philosophy, gayunpaman, such a motive is exceedingly narrow, circumscribed by the concepts and categories of the local political disputes of the moment. For those motivated by a desire for knowledge and understanding of a tradition outside their own, it is most doubtful that any study of Islamic philosophy restricted by current practical concerns can be at all productive. There is no simple correspondence between knowledge and “relevance.”
There must, gayunpaman, be some connection between two traditions of thought and practice if there is to be a point of departure, and a point of entry, which allows the scholar to step from one tradition to another. The legacy of Isocrates may constitute one such point of departure, which will help us to understand the relation between two traditions, the classical Greek and the Islamic. The dominance of the Isocratic legacy in Western education is well established and widely known among historians, classicists
and political philosophers, although awareness of it has only just begun to surface among educationists.2 Similarly, the Isocratic legacy to education (and the rich tradition of Arabic Platonism in philosophy) has in uenced Islamic thought, though in ways that are
still not yet well understood. The intention of this paper is to suggest that a modi ed form of the Isocratic educational tradition is a fundamental component of Islamic political thought, namely, Islamic educational thought. This general wording of the intention of this paper in terms of Islamic political thought may give rise to a misunderstanding. Islam, of course, is regarded by its adherents as a uni ed and universal system of belief and behaviour.
| Sep 09, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Liberal Democracy and Political Islam: the Search for Common Ground.
Mostapha Benhenda
This paper seeks to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic political theories.1 The interplay between them is puzzling: for example, in order to explain the relationship existing between democracy and their conception of the ideal Islamic political
rehimen, the Pakistani scholar Abu ‘Ala Maududi coined the neologism “theodemocracy” whereas the French scholar Louis Massignon suggested the oxymoron “secular theocracy”. These expressions suggest that some aspects of democracy are evaluated positively and others are judged negatively. Halimbawa, Muslim scholars and activists often endorse the principle of accountability of rulers, which is a defining feature of democracy. On the contrary, they often reject the principle of separation between religion and the state, which is often considered to be part of democracy (at least, of democracy as known in the United States today). Given this mixed assessment of democratic principles, it seems interesting to determine the conception of democracy underlying Islamic political models. In other words, we should try to find out what is democratic in “theodemocracy”. To that end, among the impressive diversity and plurality of Islamic traditions of normative political thought, we essentially focus on the broad current of thought going back to Abu ‘Ala Maududi and the Egyptian intellectual Sayyed Qutb.8 This particular trend of thought is interesting because in the Muslim world, it lies at the basis of some of the most challenging oppositions to the diffusion of the values originating from the West. Based on religious values, this trend elaborated a political model alternative to liberal democracy. Broadly speaking, the conception of democracy included in this Islamic political model is procedural. With some differences, this conception is inspired by democratic theories advocated by some constitutionalists and political scientists.10 It is thin and minimalist, up to a certain point. Halimbawa, it does not rely on any notion of popular sovereignty and it does not require any separation between religion and politics. The first aim of this paper is to elaborate this minimalist conception. We make a detailed restatement of it in order to isolate this conception from its moral (liberal) foundations, which are controversial from the particular Islamic viewpoint considered here. Sa totoo lang, ang demokratikong proseso ay kadalasang nagmula sa isang prinsipyo ng personal na awtonomiya, na hindi itinataguyod ng mga teoryang ito ng Islam.11 Dito, ipinapakita namin na ang gayong prinsipyo ay hindi kailangan para bigyang-katwiran ang isang demokratikong proseso.
| Sep 09, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Sa Konstitusyon ng Amerika mula sa Pananaw ng Qur’an at ang Tipan sa Madinah
Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad
Ang papel na ito ay hindi nangangahulugang isang kumpletong paghahambing ng Konstitusyon ng Amerika sa Qur'an at sa Madinah na Tipan.. Sa halip, tinutuklasan nito ang mga uri ng mga insight na maaaring imungkahi ng paghahambing sa pagitan ng dalawang dokumentong ito. Alinsunod dito, the constitutional topics selected are those in which the author or the commentators on earlier drafts perceived an assessment within the Islamic sources.4 This paper should be taken as an invitation for future studies with more systematic comparisons. In addition to rational inference from the text of the Qur’an and of the Madinah Covenant, I shall draw on the views of the Prophet’s Companions as recorded in the leading Hadith books. Analogously, the views of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic on constitutional
matters are articulated in The Federalist Papers.We shall begin by reviewing the Madinah Covenant, and then evaluate the Constitution’s goals as expressed in the preamble. After that, we shall explore a variety of topics in the main body of the text that lend themselves to the examination proposed here. In particular, these are the roles of the branches of government according to the separation of powers, the role of elections in determining the next head of state, the penalty for treason, the existence of the slave trade and racism, the republican form of government, the provisions for amending the Constitution, religious tests, and the Bill of Rights. Finally, we consider the Madisonian arguments on how the Constitution may be considered a model for avoiding fitnah.
The Madinah Covenant That Muslims attach great significance to their organization as a political community can be seen in the fact that their calendar is dated neither from the birth nor the death of the Prophet, ngunit mula sa pagkakatatag ng unang Muslim na pamahalaan sa lungsod-estado ng Madinah noong 622. Bago itinatag ang Madinah, ang mga Arabo ay walang estado para “magtatag ng hustisya, insure ang domestic
katahimikan, magbigay para sa karaniwang pagtatanggol, itaguyod ang pangkalahatang kapakanan, at tiyakin ang mga pagpapala ng kalayaan …” Ang kaugalian noong panahong iyon ay ang mga napakahina upang protektahan ang kanilang sarili ay naging mga kliyente ng isang tagapagtanggol (wali). Muhammad, kanyang sarili ay ulila, ay pinalaki sa ilalim ng proteksyon ng kanyang tiyuhin na si Abu Talib.
Matapos ang pagkamatay ng kanyang tiyuhin sa 619, Nakatanggap si Muhammad ng isang paanyaya mula sa magkaaway na mga tribong Arabo ng Yathrib na mamahala doon. Minsan sa Yathrib, nakipagtipan siya sa lahat ng naninirahan dito, kung tinanggap nila ang Islam o hindi. Maging ang mga Judiong naninirahan sa labas ng lungsod ay nag-subscribe dito.
| Sep 09, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
ISLAM AT LIBERAL DEMOCRACY
Robin Wright
Of all the challenges facing democracy in the 1990s, one of the greatest lies in the Islamic world. Only a handful of the more than four dozen predominantly Muslim countries have made significant strides toward establishing democratic systems. Among this handful–including Albania, Bangladesh, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Mali, Pakistan, and Turkey–not one has yet achieved full, stable, or secure democracy. And the largest single regional bloc holding out against the global trend toward political pluralism comprises the Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa.
Yet the resistance to political change associated with the Islamic bloc is not necessarily a function of the Muslim faith. Sa totoo lang, the evidence indicates quite the reverse. Rulers in some of the most antidemocratic regimes in the Islamic world–such as Brunei, Indonesia, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Syria, and Turkmenistan–are secular autocrats who refuse to share power with their brethren.
Overall, the obstacles to political pluralism in Islamic countries are not unlike the problems earlier faced in other parts of the world: secular ideologies such as Ba’athism in Iraq and Syria, Pancasila in Indonesia, or lingering communism in some former Soviet Central Asian states brook no real opposition. Ironically, many of these ideologies were adapted from the West; Ba’athism, for instance, was inspired by the European socialism of the 1930s and 1940s. Ang mahigpit na kontrol ng gobyerno sa lahat ng bagay mula sa mga komunikasyon sa Saudi Arabia at Brunei hanggang sa mga dayuhang bisita sa Uzbekistan at Indonesia ay naghihiwalay din sa kanilang mga tao mula sa mga demokratikong ideya at debate sa popular na empowerment. Sa pinakamalaki at pinakamahihirap na bansang Muslim, saka, mga problemang karaniwan sa [Pangwakas na Pahina 64] umuunlad na estado, mula sa kamangmangan at sakit hanggang sa kahirapan, gawing priyoridad ang simpleng kaligtasan at gawing tila luho ang demokratikong pulitika. Finally, tulad ng kanilang mga kapitbahay na hindi Muslim sa Asia at Africa, karamihan sa mga lipunang Muslim ay walang lokal na kasaysayan ng demokrasya kung saan mahuhugot. Habang umusbong ang demokrasya sa mga estadong Kanluranin sa nakalipas na tatlong siglo, Ang mga lipunang Muslim ay karaniwang nabubuhay sa ilalim ng mga kolonyal na pinuno, mga hari, o mga pinuno ng tribo at angkan.
In other words, hindi ang Islam o ang kultura nito ang pangunahing hadlang sa modernidad sa pulitika, kahit na minsan ginagamit ng mga di-demokratikong pinuno ang Islam bilang kanilang dahilan. 1 Sa Saudi Arabia, for instance, ang namumunong House of Saud ay umasa sa Wahhabism, isang puritanical brand ng Sunni Islam, una upang pag-isahin ang mga tribo ng Arabian Peninsula at pagkatapos ay bigyang-katwiran ang pamamahala ng dinastiya. Tulad ng ibang monoteistikong relihiyon, Nag-aalok ang Islam ng malawak at kung minsan ay salungat na pagtuturo. Sa Saudi Arabia, Ang mga paniniwala ng Islam ay piling hinubog upang mapanatili ang isang awtoritaryan na monarkiya.
| Sep 08, 2010 | Mga Komento 2
Islam at ang Bagong Political Landscape
Les Balik, Michael Keith, Azra Khan,
Kalbir Shukra at John Solomos
KASUNDUAN ng pag-atake sa World Trade Center noong 11 Setyembre 2001, at ang mga pambobomba sa Madrid at London ng 2004 at 2005, a literature that addresses the forms and modalities of religious expression – particularly Islamic religious expression – has flourished in the penumbral regions that link mainstream social science to social policy design, think tanks and journalism. Much of the work has attempted to define attitudes or predispositions of a Muslim population in a particular site of tension such as London or the UK (Barnes, 2006; Ethnos Consultancy, 2005; GFK, 2006; GLA, 2006; Populus, 2006), or critiqued particular forms of social policy intervention (Bright, 2006a; Mirza et al., 2007). Studies of Islamism and Jihadism have created a particular focus on the syncretic and complex links between Islamic religious faith and forms of social movement and political mobilization (Husain, 2007; Kepel, 2004, 2006; McRoy, 2006; Neville-Jones et al., 2006, 2007; Phillips, 2006; Roy, 2004, 2006). Conventionally, the analytical focus has spotlighted the culture of Islam, the belief systems of the faithful, and the historical and geographical trajectories of Muslim populations across the world in general and in ‘the West’ in particular (Abbas, 2005; Ansari, 2002; Eade and Garbin, 2002; Hussein, 2006; Modood, 2005; Ramadan, 1999, 2005). In this article the emphasis is different. We argue that studies of Islamic political participation need to be contextualized carefully without recourse to grand generalities about culture and faith. This is because both culture and faith are structured by and in turn structure the cultural, institutional and deliberative landscapes through which they are articulated. In the case of the British experience, the hidden traces of Christianity in the formation of the welfare state in the last century, the rapidly changing cartography of spaces of the political and the role of ‘faith organizations’ in the restructuring of welfare provision generate the material social context determining the opportunities and the outlines of new forms of political participation.
| Sep 08, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
The Principle of Movement in the Structure of Islam
Sinabi ni Dr.. Muhammad Iqbal
As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. Ang paghahanap para sa isang purong sikolohikal na pundasyon ng pagkakaisa ng tao ay nagiging posible lamang sa pang-unawa na ang lahat ng buhay ng tao ay espirituwal sa pinagmulan nito., at ginagawang posible para sa tao na palayain ang kanyang sarili mula sa lupa. Ang Kristiyanismo na orihinal na lumitaw bilang isang monastikong orden ay sinubukan ni Constantine bilang isang sistema ng pag-iisa.2 Ang kabiguan nitong gumana bilang ganoong sistema ay nagtulak sa Emperador Julian3 na bumalik sa mga lumang diyos ng Roma kung saan sinubukan niyang maglagay ng mga interpretasyong pilosopikal.. Ang isang modernong mananalaysay ng sibilisasyon ay naglalarawan sa kalagayan ng sibilisadong mundo tungkol sa panahon kung kailan lumitaw ang Islam sa yugto ng Kasaysayan.: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, riven by the storms of war, and held together only by the cords of ancient customs and laws, that might snap at any moment. Was there any emotional culture that could be brought in, to gather mankind once more into unity and to save civilization? This culture must be something of a new type, for the old sanctions and ceremonials were dead, and to build up others of the same kind would be the work
of centuries.’The writer then proceeds to tell us that the world stood in need of a new culture to take the place of the culture of the throne, and the systems of unification which were based on bloodrelationship.
It is amazing, he adds, that such a culture should have arisen from Arabia just at the time when it was most needed. There is, gayunpaman, nothing amazing in the phenomenon. The world-life intuitively sees its own needs, and at critical moments defines its own direction. This is what, in the language of religion, we call prophetic revelation. It is only natural that Islam should have flashed across the consciousness of a simple people untouched by any of the ancient cultures, and occupying a geographical position where three continents meet together. The new culture finds the foundation of world-unity in the principle of Tauhâd.’5 Islam, as a polity, is only a practical means of making this principle a living factor in the intellectual and emotional life of mankind. It demands loyalty to God, not to thrones. And since God is the ultimate spiritual basis of all life, loyalty to God virtually amounts to man’s loyalty to his own ideal nature. The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change.
| Sep 08, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
Repormasyon sa Islam
Adnan Khan
The Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi boasted after the events of 9/11:
“…we must be aware of the superiority of our civilisation, a system that has guaranteed
well being, respect for human rights and – in contrast with Islamic countries – respect
for religious and political rights, a system that has its values understanding of diversity
and tolerance…The West will conquer peoples, like it conquered communism, even if it
means a confrontation with another civilisation, the Islamic one, stuck where it was
1,400 years ago…”1
And in a 2007 report the RAND institute declared:
“The struggle underway throughout much of the Muslim world is essentially a war of
ideas. Its outcome will determine the future direction of the Muslim world.”
Building moderate Muslim Networks, RAND Institute
The concept of ‘islah’ (reform) is a concept unknown to Muslims. It never existed throughout the
history of the Islamic civilisation; it was never debated or even considered. A cursory glance at classical
Islamic literature shows us that when the classical scholars laid the foundations of usul, and codified
their Islamic rulings (fiqh) sila ay tumitingin lamang sa pag-unawa sa mga alituntunin ng Islam upang
ilapat ang mga ito. Ang isang katulad na sitwasyon ay naganap nang ang mga tuntunin ay inilatag para sa hadith, tafseer at ang
wikang Arabe. Mga iskolar, ang mga nag-iisip at intelektuwal sa buong kasaysayan ng Islam ay gumugol ng maraming oras
pag-unawa sa kapahayagan ng Allah – ang Qur’an at paglalapat ng ayaat sa mga katotohanan at likha
punong-guro at disiplina upang mapadali ang pag-unawa. Kaya't ang Qur'an ay nanatiling batayan ng
pag-aaral at lahat ng mga disiplina na umusbong ay palaging nakabatay sa Qur’an. Yung naging
tinamaan ng pilosopiyang Griyego tulad ng mga pilosopong Muslim at ilang mula sa mga Mut'azilah
ay itinuturing na umalis sa kulungan ng Islam dahil ang Qur’an ay hindi na naging batayan ng kanilang pag-aaral. Thus for
any Muslim attempting to deduce rules or understand what stance should be taken upon a particular
issue the Qur’an is the basis of this study.
The first attempt at reforming Islam took place at the turn of the 19th century. By the turn of the
century the Ummah had been in a lengthy period of decline where the global balance of power shifted
from the Khilafah to Britain. Mounting problems engulfed the Khilafah whilst Western Europe was in
the midst of the industrial revolution. The Ummah came to lose her pristine understanding of Islam, at
in an attempt to reverse the decline engulfing the Uthmani’s (Ottomans) some Muslims were sent to the
Kanluran, and as a result became smitten by what they saw. Rifa’a Rafi’ al-Tahtawi of Egypt (1801-1873),
on his return from Paris, nagsulat ng isang talambuhay na aklat na tinatawag na Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis Bariz (The
Pagkuha ng Ginto, o isang Pangkalahatang-ideya ng Paris, 1834), pinupuri ang kanilang kalinisan, pagmamahal sa trabaho, at sa itaas
lahat ng panlipunang moralidad. Ipinahayag niya na dapat nating gayahin ang ginagawa sa Paris, nagsusulong ng mga pagbabago sa
ang lipunang Islam mula sa liberalisasyon ng kababaihan hanggang sa mga sistema ng pamamahala. Ang kaisipang ito, at iba pang katulad nito,
minarkahan ang simula ng reinventing trend sa Islam.
| Sep 07, 2010 | Mga Komento 0
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