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Demokratisasi dan Islam Politik: Sebuah Studi Mengenai Partai Wasat di Mesir

Takayuki Yokota

The aim of this article is to explore the often contradictory correlation between democratization and Islamic politics in Egypt, berfokus pada sebuah partai politik baru Islam, Partai Wasat (Ḥizb al-Wasaṭ).
Secara teoretis, democratization and Islamic politics are not incompatible if Islamic political organizations can and do operate within a legal and democratic framework. Di sisi lain, this requires democratic tolerance by governments for Islamic politics, as long as they continue to act within a legal framework. Di Timur Tengah, Namun, Islamic political parties are often suspected of having undemocratic agendas, and governments have often used this suspicion as a justification to curb democratization. This is also the case with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (Jam'īya al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin) di bawah rezim Husni Mubarak. Although the Brotherhood is a mainstream Islamic movement in Egypt, operasi terbuka dan menikmati popularitas yang cukup besar,
pemerintah berturut-turut tidak pernah berubah status ilegal untuk lebih dari setengah abad. Some of the Brotherhood members decided to form the Wasat Party as its legal political organ in order to break this stalemate.
Ada beberapa studi mengenai Partai Wasat. Stacher [2002] analyzes the “Platform of the Egyptian Wasat Party” [Hizb al-Wasat al-Misri 1998] and explains the basic principles of the Wasat Party as follows: demokrasi, syariah (Hukum Islam), hak-hak perempuan, and Muslim- Christian relations. Tukang roti [2003] regards the Wasat Party as one of the new Islamist groups that have appeared in contemporary Egypt, dan analisis ideologinya sesuai. Wickham [2004] discusses the moderation of Islamic movements in Egypt and the attempt to form the Wasat Party from the perspective of comparative politics. Norton [2005] examines the ideology and activities of the Wasat Party in connection with the Brotherhood’s political activities. As these earlier studies are mainly concerned with the Wasat Party during the 1990s and the early 2000s, I will examine the ideology and activities of the Wasat Party till the rise of the democratization movement in Egypt in around 2005. Aku akan melakukannya berdasarkan dokumen Partai Wasat's, seperti
sebagai "Platform Partai Wasat Baru" [Hizb al-Wasat al-Jadid 2004]1), and my interviews with its members.

Pihak Islam : mengapa mereka tidak bisa demokratis

Bassam Tibi

Noting Islamism’s growing appeal and strength on the ground, many

Western scholars and officials have been grasping for some way to take

an inclusionary approach toward it. In keeping with this desire, memiliki

become fashionable contemptuously to dismiss the idea of insisting on

clear and rigorous distinctions as “academic.” When it comes to Islam

and democracy, this deplorable fashion has been fraught with unfortunate

consequences.

Diskusi cerdas tentang Islamisme, demokrasi, dan Islam mewajibkan

definisi yang jelas dan akurat. Tanpa mereka, analisis akan runtuh menjadi

kebingungan dan pembuatan kebijakan akan menderita. Pandangan saya sendiri, terbentuk setelah

tiga puluh tahun studi dan refleksi tentang masalah ini, apakah itu Islam dan

demokrasi memang cocok, asalkan agama tertentu yang diperlukan

reformasi dilakukan. Kecenderungan untuk mewujudkan reformasi semacam itu adalah—

Saya melihat kurang dalam Islam politik. Ketertarikan saya sendiri—sebagai orang Arab-

Ahli teori dan praktisi prodemokrasi Muslim—adalah untuk mempromosikan kemapanan

demokrasi sekuler dalam lingkup peradaban Islam.

Untuk membantu menghilangkan kebingungan yang terlalu sering terjadi

topik ini, Saya akan menjelaskan beberapa poin dasar yang perlu diingat. Yang pertama adalah

bahwa, sejauh ini, Praktik Barat vis-`a-vis Islam politik telah salah

karena mereka tidak memiliki dasar penilaian yang beralasan.

Kecuali keberuntungan buta campur tangan, tidak ada kebijakan yang lebih baik dari penilaian

yang menjadi dasar. Penilaian yang tepat adalah awal dari

semua kebijaksanaan praktis.

STRATEGI UNTUK MELAKUKAN POLITIK ISLAM

Shadi HAMID

AMANDA KADLEC

Politik Islam adalah kekuatan politik yang paling aktif di Timur Tengah hari ini. masa depan adalah terkait erat dengan daerah. Jika Amerika Serikat dan Uni Eropa berkomitmen untuk mendukung reformasi politik di daerah, mereka akan perlu untuk merancang beton, koheren strategi untuk melibatkan kelompok-kelompok Islam. Belum, Amerika Serikat. secara umum telah bersedia untuk membuka dialog dengan gerakan-gerakan ini. Demikian pula, keterlibatan Uni Eropa dengan Islam telah pengecualian, tidak aturan. Dimana tingkat rendah ada kontak, mereka terutama melayani tujuan pengumpulan-informasi, tidak strategis tujuan. Amerika Serikat. dan Uni Eropa memiliki sejumlah program yang menangani pembangunan ekonomi dan politik di wilayah ini - di antara mereka di Timur Tengah Inisiatif Kemitraan (MEPI), Millennium Challenge Corporation (PKS), Uni untuk Mediterania, dan Kebijakan Lingkungan Eropa (EPP) - Namun mereka memiliki sedikit untuk mengatakan tentang bagaimana tantangan oposisi Islam politik pas dengan tujuan regional yang lebih luas. AS. dan Uni Eropa demokrasi bantuan dan program diarahkan hampir seluruhnya baik pemerintah otoriter sendiri atau kelompok-kelompok masyarakat sipil sekuler dengan dukungan minimal dalam masyarakat mereka sendiri.
Waktu yang matang untuk penilaian ulang kebijakan saat ini. Sejak serangan teroris September 11, 2001, mendukung demokrasi di Timur Tengah telah mengambil kepentingan yang lebih besar bagi para pembuat kebijakan Barat, yang melihat hubungan antara kurangnya demokrasi dan kekerasan politik. Perhatian yang lebih besar telah dikhususkan untuk memahami variasi dalam Islam politik. Pemerintah Amerika baru yang lebih terbuka untuk memperluas komunikasi dengan dunia Muslim. Sementara itu, sebagian besar organisasi Islam mainstream - termasuk Ikhwanul Muslimin di Mesir, Yordania Front Aksi Islam (IAF), Maroko Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (PJD), Gerakan Konstitusi Islam Kuwait, dan Yaman Islah Partai - telah semakin membuat dukungan bagi reformasi politik dan demokrasi komponen utama dalam platform politik mereka. Selain, banyak telah mengisyaratkan minat yang kuat dalam membuka dialog dengan AS. dan pemerintah Uni Eropa.
Masa depan hubungan antara negara-negara Barat dan Timur Tengah mungkin sebagian besar ditentukan oleh sejauh mana yang pertama melibatkan partai-partai Islam anti kekerasan dalam dialog yang luas tentang kepentingan bersama dan tujuan. Telah ada proliferasi baru-baru ini studi tentang keterlibatan dengan Islamis, tetapi sedikit alamat jelas apa yang mungkin memerlukan dalam praktek. Sebagai Nautré Zoe, mengunjungi rekan-rekan di Dewan Hubungan Luar Negeri Jerman, dikatakan, "Uni Eropa berpikir tentang keterlibatan tetapi tidak benar-benar tahu bagaimana." 1 Dalam harapan mengklarifikasi diskusi, kita membedakan antara tiga tingkat "keterlibatan,"Masing-masing dengan cara yang bervariasi dan berakhir: tingkat rendah kontak, dialog strategis, dan kemitraan.

Pihak Islam : partisipasi tanpa kekuasaan

Malika Zeghal

Over the last two decades, social and political movements grounding their ideologies in references to Islam have sought to become legal political parties in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Some of these Islamist movements have been authorized to take part lawfully in electoral competition. Among the best known is Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won a parliamentary majority in 2002 and has led the government ever since. Morocco’s own Party of Justice and Development (PJD) has been legal since the mid- 1990s and commands a significant bloc of seats in Parliament. Di Mesir, Ikhwanul Muslimin (MB) has never been authorized to form a political party, but in spite of state repression it has successfully run candidates as nominal independents in both national and local elections.
Sejak awal 1990-an, this trend has gone hand-in-hand with official policies of limited political liberalization. Together, the two trends have occasioned a debate about whether these movements are committed to “democracy.” A vast literature has sprung up to underline the paradoxes as well as the possible risks and benefits of including Islamist parties in the electoral process. The main paradigm found in this body of writing focuses on the consequences that might ensue when Islamists use democratic instruments, and seeks to divine the “true” intentions that Islamists will manifest if they come to power.

Manajemen Aktivisme Islam: Salafi, Ikhwanul Muslimin, dan Negara Power di Yordania

Faisal Ghori

In his first book, Manajemen Aktivisme Islam, Quintan Wiktorowicz examines the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis through the lens of social movement theory. Unlike some political scientists who dismiss Islamic movements because of their informal networks, Wiktorowicz contends that social movement theory is an apt framework through which Islamic movements can be examined and studied. Dalam kasus ini, his work leads the field. Yet for all its promise, this book largely fails to deliver.
The book is divided into four primary sections, through which he tries to construct his conclusion: Jordanian political liberalization has occurred because of structural necessities, not because of its commitment to democratization. Selain, the state has been masterful in what he dubs the “management of collective action," (p. 3) which has, for all practical purposes, stifled any real opposition. While his conclusion is certainly tenable, given his extensive fieldwork, the book is poorly organized and much of the evidence examined earlier in the work leaves many questions unanswered.

Apa yang Membuat Para Pemilih Mendukung Oposisi di Bawah Otoritarianisme ?

Michael DH. Robbins

Elections have become commonplace in most authoritarian states. While this may seem to be a contradiction in terms, in reality elections play an important role in these regimes. While elections for positions of real power tend to be non-competitive, many
elections—including those for seemingly toothless parliaments—can be strongly contested.
The existing literature has focused on the role that elections play in supporting the regime. Misalnya, they can help let off steam, help the regime take the temperature of society, or can be used to help a dominant party know which individuals it should promote (Schedler 2002; Blaydes 2006). Belum, while the literature has focused on the supply-side of elections in authoritarian states, there are relatively few systematic studies of voter behavior in these elections (see Lust-Okar 2006 for an exception). Agak, most analyses have argued that patronage politics are the norm in these societies and that ordinary citizens tend to be very cynical about these exercises given that they cannot bring any real change (Kassem 2004; Desposato 2001; Zaki 1995). While the majority of voters in authoritarian systems may behave in this manner, not all do. Sebenarnya, at times, even the majority vote against the regime leading to
significant changes as has occurred recently in Kenya, the Ukraine and Zimbabwe. Belum, even in cases where opposition voters make up a much smaller percentage of voters, it is important to understand who these voters are and what leads them to vote against the
rezim.

Energizing Hubungan AS-Suriah: Memanfaatkan Kendaraan Diplomatik lebih lanjut

Benjamin E. Daya,

Andrew Akhlaghi,

Steven Rotchtin

Prospek untuk stabilitas yang lebih besar di Timur Tengah sebagian besar bergantung pada kemampuan untuk membawa Suriah ke dalam diskusi diplomatik dan keamanan sebagai stakeholder yang produktif, mengharuskan mencair dalam keadaan kurang dari normal US. - Hubungan Suriah. While Syria’s
importance as a keystone state to a Middle East peace process was acknowledged in the 2006 Iraq Study Group Report,1 which called for a shift from disincentives to incentives in seeking constructive results, only in the past few months has there been a demonstrable shift in Washington’s disposition. Recent meetings between high-ranking U.S. officials and their counterparts in Damascus, and even the announcement of reinstating a U.S. ambassador to Syria, have led to widespread speculation in policy circles that a diplomatic thaw is afoot.
This report analyzes key trends in Syria’s domestic and regional socio-political situation that currently function to make Syria a natural ally of the United States.

Orang Jerman Masuk Islam dan Hubungan Ambivalen Mereka dengan Imigran Muslim

Esra Ozyurek

“I would never have become a Muslim if I had met Muslims before I met Islam.” I heard these words over and over again during my yearlong ethnographic research among ethnic German converts to Islam in Berlin.1 The first time, it was uttered by a self-declared German imam who had converted to Islam while trying to convert Arabs and Turks to Christianity. The second time, the speaker was a twenty-five-year-old former East German woman who came to Islam through her Bosnian boyfriend, whose family never accepted her. The third time, the comment was made by a fifty-year-old man who converted to Islam about thirty years ago after meeting Iranians who came to Europe to collect money and organize for the Iranian revolution. After that I stopped counting. Although all of the several dozen German converts I talked to (and the dozens of converts whose narratives I read on the internet) claim that they embraced Islam in a context of significant personal relationships with Muslims,2 a substantial portion of German Muslims are quite discontented with born Muslims, especially those of immigrant backgrounds. This paper is an attempt to comprehend the paradoxical feelings of love and hate for Islam and Muslims that many German Muslims experience. My aim in exploring this issue is to understand what it takes to be a (supposed) Islamophile in a political and social context that is highly Islamophobic.

Wawancara dengan Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim

Daniel Benaim

In the weeks leading up to Egypt’s Presidential election, I had the opportunity to interview Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim. Dr. Ibrahim is
perhaps Egypt’s best-known dissident intellectual and the Founder and Chairman of the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies in Cairo, where I was a Summer Fellow in 2005. pada bulan Juni 2000, Dr. Ibrahim and two dozen of his associates were arrested and jailed on charges ranging from defrauding the European Union to disseminating information harmful to Egypt’s interests. After a
three-year ordeal during which Dr. Ibrahim (62years old at the time) was sentenced to seven years of hard laborall charges against him were dismissed by Egypt’s highest court and he was released from prison in 2003. Sitting in his office in a beautiful Islamic villa in Cairo’s Mokattam Heights, Dr. Ibrahim reflected on the prospects for democratization in Egypt and on his unique role in
Egyptian politics.
People have said that one of the major problems with the United States’ Middle East policy is a failure to predict and account for
change. Are the US and Western governments ready to deal with the possibility of religious
parties taking major roles across the region?
Religious parties have already taken control in Turkey, and I don’t see any reason why they cannot do it here. We are telling policymakers to be ready. I am telling everybody to get ready, because if we don’t open the process to religious
parties, then we will be beholden to the autocrats.
And if the autocrats continue, they will be the greatest help to the theocrats, who are their mirror image.

MASA DEPAN MESIR UNTUK MENGIKUTI PEMILU dan terobosan DARI PERSAUDARAAN MUSLIM

Dimitri Dela PENGGANTI

A little less than three months after presidential elections returned Hosni Mubarak to power (see ESISC note of 12.9.05) parliamentary elections ended in unprecedented violence.
The breath of democracy both Egyptians and the international community had hoped to feel hardly lasted any time. The regime of President Mubarak, who saw is power seriously eroded by the extraordinary advance of the Muslim Brotherhood, had no hesitation in turning to those totalitarian methods Egypt has sadly become used to in order to crush opposition: closing polling stations,
mass arrests, intimidation and demonstrations which left at least 12 people dead and hundreds injured.
But the elections, in spite of an extremely feeble turnout of 25%, are undoubtedly a turning point in the country’s fortunes. The result for the Muslim Brotherhood –which becomes the leading opposition party and gains six times as many seats as before, dengan 88 seats out of a total of 444, or one Islamist out of every five deputies – is a sign of a profound change in the national political
landscape.
But the success of the Islamists is more a result of the accumulation of opposition votes than any ideological rallying by the people to radical Islam – although the rise in power of the Brotherhood is a cause for worry.

Overage persaudaraan adalah jurnalisme murni, bukan kesepakatan politik dengan Al Dostour: Eisa

Pierre Loza
CAIRO: With two court cases that target his writings, Al Dostour editor Ibrahim Eissa is also accused of being a Muslim Brotherhood ally due to the paper’s coverage of the banned group.
While the latter accusation hasn’t taken any legal form, Eissa says those who make such claims are blind to the fact that all political streams are given an opportunity to publish their views in his newspaper.
Eissa — who is standing trial for spreading false rumors about the president’s health and appealing another ruling that found him guilty of insulting symbols of the National Democratic Party (NDP) — believes freedom of the press is under severe attack in Egypt. A champion of press freedom, Eissa has been among the loudest critics of the Egyptian
leadership.
Daily News Egypt: You have been accused of being an ally to the banned Muslim Brotherhood organization. How would you describe your relationship with the group?
Ibrahim Eissa: If you mean by relationship the fact that I have friends and acquaintances from among the Brotherhood’s ranks then yes I do have a relationship with the Brotherhood.
But you must also consider that I have relations with people inside the NDP whom I love and respect. I also have friends who are communists.
I am a journalist so I have contacts with all political streams. You must also consider that these are primarily human relationships, not political ones. But to hint or imply that the newspaper is biased towards or has cut a deal with the MB is nonsense. For the past three years, they [state-run media] have been accusing us of cutting a deal with the Brotherhood, yet they never managed to present any evidence of such a deal. This assumption is because we publish news about the Brotherhood everyday or every week, dan
we publish their point of view and defend Brotherhood members who have been detained and are standing trials. In my opinion this is an honor for any journalist. The Brotherhood represents 20 percent of parliament — 88 kursi. It is the foremost opposition in the parliament, yang [in itself] is insignificant and bare. It is like a semi parliament, something that resembles a parliament. The effective and active elements in it are those of the Muslim Brotherhood. The state-owned media doesn’t want us to ever come near the
Persaudaraan.
Another point is that over the past three years the Brotherhood’s members have been detained more than anyone else in Egypt. They (persaudaraan) are being tried continuously. They don’t want me to cover the trials of the Brotherhood. When I do cover the trials, they want me to present the point of view of the State Security officer on the case? How is this possible in
any profession, any legislature or any mentality?

Hamas bisa membuat sebuah contoh

Khader Khader

Perhaps the single most important aspect of Hamasoverwhelming victory in Palestinian Legislative Council elections last month is that it was the first time in the contemporary history of the Middle East that democracy was exercised for real without any direct external or internal interference. The ramifications of such free elections may well reverberate around the region for years to come and might mark a new phase in the geopolitical map of the Middle East.
This, Namun, was not the first time an Islamic political party showed its popularity at the ballot box. Algeria’s Islamic Front appeared headed to certain victory in elections in the mid-1990s before external intervention on the part of the “demokratis” West and its allies in Algiers nipped that experience in the bud. In Algeria, the result of burying democracy has been an extremely bloody conflict that still drags on, much to the embarrassment of western countries, which prefer not to comment. For the ordinary citizen in the Arab world, it was an experience that only added to the sense of oppression and frustration felt in every corner of the region.
Thus Hamaselectoral victory has sparked widespread hope among the Arab masses that they have another chance to find out if an Islamic party can rule better than the current regimes in the Arab world. Hamas, in this sense, carries the hopes of millions of Arabs and Muslims all over the world.
But with such expectations comes a time fraught with danger. Hamas and the way it runs matters in the Palestinian territories can set a very interesting example: if it succeeds; if it proves it can run Palestinian affairs more transparently and to the benefit of more ordinary Palestinians than previously, while at the same time managing tough negotiations with Israel, the experience will encourage other Islamic movements in the Arab world to use it as an example to convince their citizens that Islamic political movements are a viable alternative.
But if Hamas fails in its difficult and challenging task, the setback will strike a devastating blow to all Islamic movements and parties in the region. A Hamas failure could perhaps send the entire region into another period of political wilderness akin to the era after the failure of the pan-Arabists.
Demikian, Hamas in power is an interesting and illuminating phenomenon, and one that will be followed closely by all concerned parties. According to a leading Hamas figure in Khan Yunis, Dr. Younis al-Astal, the International Muslim Brotherhood has already expressed its readiness to assist Hamas with all the needed expertise to make it succeed in its mission. The Brotherhood will of course be the principal benefactor of any Hamas success.
By the same token, Namun, the West may feel itself forced now to exert all possible efforts to make Hamas fail even if the movement proves successful in meeting the needs of the people. The issue in question here is not how efficient a government is but how loyal a government shows itself to be to the West. This is the measure the West has generally used to assess the Middle East, where billions of US dollars have been spent on keeping Arab regimesmoderate and realistic”, especially in relation to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
There is a curious parallel to the Cold War now in the dynamic that is developing between the West and the Muslim world. During the Cold War, the West was confident that democracy would bring the Eastern Bloc to its knees and forcefully spread the message that individual freedom and the right to vote were human rights par excellence.
Sekarang, Namun, that same message is likely to backfire on the West. If real elections were held in Egypt and Jordan, it is highly likely that Muslim Brotherhood movements would come to power and cast into doubt the peace treaties between those countries and Israel, in which the West has invested so much effort.
Everyone knows that democracy comes at a cost in the Middle East. Is the world ready to engage in this game? The key is likely to be the success or otherwise of Hamas, which is operating under extremely adverse conditions. Arabs and Muslims across the region, so often let down by political promise from various quarters, may well be disappointed again. But in the meantime their hopes are with a political movement that is posing the first serious challenge in decades to Arab regimes everywhere.

CATATAN KEBIJAKAN DAN PRAKTEK

Kenneth Roth

Hari ini, hampir setiap pemerintah ingin dilihat sebagai negara demokrasi, tetapi banyak yang menolak mengizinkan hak asasi manusia yang akan membuat demokrasi bermakna karena hal itu dapat membahayakan cengkeraman mereka atas kekuasaan. Sebagai gantinya, pemerintah menggunakan berbagai tipu daya untuk mengelola atau merusak proses pemilu. Tugas mereka difasilitasi oleh kurangnya definisi 'demokrasi' yang diterima secara luas yang mirip dengan aturan rinci hukum hak asasi manusia internasional.. Tetapi sebagian besar masalah terletak pada kenyataan itu, karena kepentingan komersial atau strategis, demokrasi mapan di dunia sering menutup mata terhadap manipulasi pemilu, sehingga lebih mudah bagi para demokrat palsu untuk menyamar sebagai sosok yang nyata. Persetujuan itu merongrong upaya untuk memajukan hak asasi manusia karena akan lebih sulit bagi organisasi hak asasi manusia untuk menstigmatisasi pemerintah atas pelanggaran hak asasi manusia ketika pemerintah itu dapat menyatakan dirinya sebagai 'demokrasi' yang diterima. Tantangan yang dihadapi gerakan hak asasi manusia adalah untuk menyoroti taktik yang digunakan oleh rezim diktator untuk berpura-pura menjadi pemerintahan demokratis dan untuk membangun tekanan pada demokrasi yang sudah mapan untuk menolak menerima orang-orang yang berpura-pura ini ke dalam klub demokrasi dengan biaya murah.. Kata kunci: masyarakat sipil, promosi demokrasi, kediktatoran, pemilihan,
manipulasi pemilu, kekerasan politik Jarang ada demokrasi yang begitu diakui namun begitu dilanggar, sangat dipromosikan namun sangat tidak dihargai, sangat penting namun sangat mengecewakan. Demokrasi telah menjadi kunci legitimasi. Beberapa pemerintah ingin dianggap tidak demokratis. Namun kredensial para penggugat tidak sejalan dengan demokrasi
semakin populer. Hari-hari ini, bahkan diktator terang-terangan menginginkan status yang diberikan oleh label demokrasi. Bertekad untuk tidak membiarkan fakta menghalangi mereka, para penguasa ini telah menguasai seni retorika demokrasi yang disandangnya
sedikit hubungan dengan praktik pemerintahan mereka.
Kecenderungan yang berkembang ini menjadi tantangan besar bagi gerakan hak asasi manusia. Kelompok hak asasi manusia hampir tidak bisa menentang promosi demokrasi, tetapi mereka harus waspada bahwa pelukan demokrasi tidak menjadi dalih untuk menghindari standar yang lebih menuntut dari hukum hak asasi manusia internasional.. Kelompok hak asasi manusia harus secara khusus menegaskan bahwa sekutu pemerintah alami mereka - demokrasi yang mapan - tidak membiarkan kepentingan yang bersaing dan strategi berpandangan sempit menghalangi jalan mereka.
pelukan yang lebih kaya, konsep demokrasi yang lebih bermakna.

ISLAM POLITIK DI SOMALIA

Georg-Sebastian Holzer

Sejak serangan 9/11 Somalia telah menjadi subyek perhatian baru dari Amerika Serikat dan Eropa. Sebagai jenis pola dari keadaan gagal, Ancaman yang ditimbulkannya telah disamakan dengan apa yang dihadapi AS di Afghanistan dan dipandang sebagai lahan subur bagi kelompok-kelompok Islam radikal., khususnya al-Qaeda. Bagaimanapun Islam di Somalia memiliki sifat yang berbeda. Pemeriksaan sejarahnya mengarah pada pemahaman tentang hubungan kompleks antara agama dan masyarakat berbasis Somaliclan. Penyelidikan lebih dekat dari dua kelompok Islam yang paling penting, al-Itihaad dan Dewan Pengadilan Islam, akan membantu untuk memahami hubungan ini dalam konteks Somalia kontemporer. Akhirnya, Artikel ini menganalisis peran Islam dalam ekonomi baru Somalia dengan berfokus pada contoh perusahaan pengiriman uang dan telekomunikasi al-Barakaat yang dikaitkan dengan al-Qaeda oleh AS setelahnya. 9/11 serangan teroris. YANG BERBEDA SIFAT ISLAM DI SOMALIA Sejarah Islam di Tanduk Afrika membentang kembali 1400 tahun. Keyakinan mencapai Tanduk Afrika dari Jazirah Arab melalui perdagangan dan migrasi, terutama dari Yaman dan Oman. 1By 1400AD, konversi besar-besaran ke Islam sedang terjadi di Somalia, pertama kali disebarkan oleh keluarga klan Dir, tetapi diikuti oleh seluruh bangsa.2 Di Somalia hari ini, hampir 100% populasinya adalah Muslim Sunni, umumnya menganut agama versi Syafi'i. Lewis telah menunjukkan, hal ini terkait erat dengan mitos silsilah identitas klan Somalia dan dicirikan oleh pemujaan para santo serta nenek moyang berbagai klan Somalia. Sufisme apolitik secara tradisional mendominasi keyakinan ini..

Reformasi arab Buletin

kelompok peneliti


Mesir: Regresi dalam Platform Partai Ikhwanul Muslimin?

Amr Hamzawy


Rancangan platform partai Ikhwanul Muslimin mengirimkan sinyal beragam tentang pandangan politik gerakan tersebut

dan posisi. Padahal sudah beredar luas, dokumen belum final
persetujuan dari biro pembinaan gerakan.
Perlakuan mendetail platform terhadap politik, sosial, dan masalah ekonomi menandai perubahan yang signifikan
dari posisi yang sebelumnya kurang berkembang, diartikulasikan antara lain dalam a 2004 inisiatif reformasi dan 2005
platform pemilihan untuk calon parlemen Ikhwanul. Pergeseran ini membahas salah satu dari yang paling banyak
kritik penting dari Ikhwan, yaitu memperjuangkan ideologis dan religius yang samar-samar

slogan dan ketidakmampuan untuk menghasilkan resep kebijakan tertentu.
Dokumen tersebut menimbulkan pertanyaan yang meresahkan, Namun, tentang identitas Persaudaraan masa depan

partai politik serta posisi kelompok dalam beberapa masalah politik dan sosial. Dirilis di
konteks pertikaian yang sedang berlangsung antara rezim Mesir dan Ikhwan, itu mengungkapkan signifikan
ambiguitas dan mungkin kemunduran dalam pemikiran gerakan.
Pertama, para perancang memilih untuk tidak membahas hubungan masa depan antara partai dan gerakan. Di

melakukannya, mereka dengan sengaja mengabaikan ide-ide penting yang baru-baru ini dibahas di dalam gerakan,
terutama di antara anggota blok parlemen. Terinspirasi oleh pengalaman partai-partai Islam di
Kulit kambing yg halus, Jordan, dan Yaman, anggota ini menganjurkan pemisahan fungsional antara partai dan
pergerakan, dengan yang pertama berfokus terutama pada partisipasi politik dan yang kedua berfokus pada agama
aktivisme. Selain perlakuan dangkal terhadap sifat partai dan organisasi internalnya, yang
Platform tidak menyertakan pernyataan yang jelas tentang pembukaan keanggotaan partai untuk semua orang Mesir, terlepas dari mereka
agama, salah satu syarat mendirikan partai politik menurut konstitusi Mesir.
Kedua, draf platform Persaudaraan mengidentifikasi penerapan syariah sebagai salah satu utama partai

tujuan. Meskipun ini konsisten dengan interpretasi grup atas Artikel 2 dari Konstitusi Mesir
(“Islam adalah agama negara, dan hukum Islam adalah sumber utama perundang-undangan”), itu berangkat dari
semangat pragmatis dari berbagai pernyataan dan inisiatif Persaudaraan sejak itu 2004 di mana kurang penekanan
diberikan untuk masalah syariah. Kembalinya fokus pada syariah di platform telah menghasilkan posisi
pada dasarnya bertentangan dengan sifat sipil negara dan hak kewarganegaraan penuh tanpa memandang agama
afiliasi.

Islam dan Demokrasi

Dalia Mogahed

Islam dalam politik telah ditegaskan di banyak negara di dunia Muslim melalui pemilihan demokratis. Partai-partai Islam telah memperoleh berbagai tingkat kekuatan politik di Turki, Mesir, Libanon, dan wilayah Palestina yang diduduki, dan memiliki pengaruh luas di Maroko dan Yordania. Sekarang, lebih dari sebelumnya, Pemerintah Barat, khawatir dengan hasil ini, telah mengangkat pertanyaan abadi: Apakah Islam sesuai dengan demokrasi?Survei Gallup mendalam baru-baru ini di 10 negara berpenduduk mayoritas Muslim,mewakili lebih dari 80% dari populasi Muslim global, menunjukkan bahwa ketika ditanya apa yang paling mereka kagumi tentang Barat, Muslim sering menyebut kebebasan politik, kebebasan, sistem peradilan yang adil, dan kebebasan berbicara. Ketika diminta untuk mengkritik masyarakat mereka sendiri, ekstremisme dan kepatuhan yang tidak memadai terhadap ajaran Islam adalah keluhan utama mereka, sementara Muslim mengatakan mereka mengagumi kebebasan dan sistem politik yang terbuka,Survei Gallup menunjukkan bahwa mereka tidak percaya bahwa mereka harus memilih antara Islam dan demokrasi, melainkan, bahwa keduanya dapat hidup berdampingan dalam satu pemerintahan fungsional.