RSSMaingizo zote "Makala" Kundi

Ufeministi KATI secularism na Uislam: Kesi ya PALESTINE

Dk, Islah Jad

Uchaguzi wa wabunge uliofanyika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza nchini 2006 kuliingiza madarakani vuguvugu la Kiislamu la Hamas, ambayo iliendelea kuunda wengi wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina na pia serikali ya kwanza yenye wingi wa Hamas. Uchaguzi huu ulisababisha kuteuliwa kwa waziri wa kwanza mwanamke wa Hamas, ambaye alikua Waziri wa Masuala ya Wanawake. Kati ya Machi 2006 na Juni 2007, mawaziri wawili tofauti wa kike wa Hamas walichukua wadhifa huu, lakini wote wawili walipata ugumu wa kuisimamia Wizara kwa vile wengi wa watumishi wake hawakuwa wanachama wa Hamas bali walikuwa wa vyama vingine vya siasa, na wengi walikuwa wanachama wa Fatah, harakati kubwa inayodhibiti taasisi nyingi za Mamlaka ya Palestina. Kipindi cha mvutano kati ya wanawake wa Hamas katika Wizara ya Masuala ya Wanawake na wanachama wa kike wa Fatah kilifikia kikomo kufuatia Hamas kuchukua mamlaka katika Ukanda wa Gaza na matokeo yake kuanguka kwa serikali yake katika Ukingo wa Magharibi - mapambano. ambayo wakati mwingine ilichukua zamu ya vurugu. Sababu moja iliyotajwa baadaye kuelezea mapambano haya ilikuwa tofauti kati ya mazungumzo ya kidunia ya ufeministi na mazungumzo ya Kiislamu juu ya maswala ya wanawake.. Katika muktadha wa Palestina kutokubaliana huku kulichukua sura ya hatari kwani ilitumika kuhalalisha kuendeleza mapambano ya kisiasa ya umwagaji damu., kuondolewa kwa wanawake wa Hamas kwenye nyadhifa au nyadhifa zao, na migawanyiko ya kisiasa na kijiografia iliyokuwepo wakati huo katika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza unaokaliwa kwa mabavu..
Mapambano haya yanazua maswali kadhaa muhimu: tuiadhibu vuguvugu la Kiislamu ambalo limeingia madarakani, au tuzingatie sababu zilizopelekea Fateh kushindwa katika medani ya kisiasa? Je, ufeministi unaweza kutoa mfumo wa kina kwa wanawake, bila kujali misimamo yao ya kijamii na kiitikadi? Je, mazungumzo ya msingi wa pamoja kwa wanawake yanaweza kuwasaidia kutambua na kukubaliana juu ya malengo yao ya pamoja? Je! Ubaba upo tu katika itikadi ya Kiislamu, na si katika utaifa na uzalendo? Tunamaanisha nini kwa ufeministi? Je, kuna ufeministi mmoja tu, au ufeministi kadhaa? Tunamaanisha nini kwa Uislamu – ni vuguvugu linalojulikana kwa jina hili au dini, falsafa, au mfumo wa kisheria? Tunahitaji kwenda chini ya masuala haya na kuyazingatia kwa makini, na lazima tukubaliane nao ili baadaye tuamue, kama watetezi wa haki za wanawake, ikiwa ukosoaji wetu wa ubaba uelekezwe kwenye dini (imani), ambayo yanapaswa kufungiwa ndani ya moyo wa muumini na kutoruhusiwa kutawala ulimwengu kwa ujumla, au sheria, ambayo inahusiana na madhehebu mbalimbali ya imani ambayo yanaeleza mfumo wa kisheria uliomo ndani ya Quran na maneno ya Mtume – Sunnah.

Kiislamu WANAWAKE harakati katika ulichukua PALESTINE

Mahojiano na Khaled Amayreh

Mahojiano na Sameera Al-Halayka

Sameera Al-Halayka ni mjumbe aliyechaguliwa wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina. Alikuwa

alizaliwa katika kijiji cha Shoyoukh karibu na Hebroni 1964. Ana BA katika Sharia (Islamic

Jurisprudence) kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Hebron. Alifanya kazi kama mwandishi wa habari kutoka 1996 kwa 2006 lini

aliingia katika Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina kama mjumbe aliyechaguliwa 2006 uchaguzi.

Ameolewa na ana watoto saba.

Q: Kuna hisia ya jumla katika baadhi ya nchi za magharibi ambayo wanawake hupokea

matibabu duni ndani ya vikundi vya upinzani vya Kiislamu, kama vile Hamas. Je, hii ni kweli?

Jinsi gani wanaharakati wanawake wanachukuliwa katika Hamas?
Haki na wajibu wa wanawake wa Kiislamu hutoka kwanza kabisa kutoka kwa Sharia au sheria ya Kiislamu.

Sio vitendo vya hiari au hisani au ishara tunazopokea kutoka kwa Hamas au mtu yeyote

mwingine. Hivyo, kuhusu ushiriki wa kisiasa na uanaharakati, wanawake kwa ujumla

haki na wajibu sawa na wanaume. Baada ya yote, wanawake wanatengeneza angalau 50 asilimia ya

jamii. Kwa maana fulani, wao ni jamii nzima kwa sababu wanazaa, na kuinua,

kizazi kipya.

Kwa hiyo, Ninaweza kusema kwamba hadhi ya wanawake ndani ya Hamas inalingana naye kikamilifu

hadhi katika Uislamu wenyewe. Hii ina maana kwamba yeye ni mshirika kamili katika ngazi zote. Kwa kweli, ingekuwa

dhulma na dhuluma kwa Muislamu (au Muislamu ukipenda) mwanamke kuwa mshirika katika mateso

huku akiwa ametengwa katika mchakato wa kufanya maamuzi. Hii ndiyo sababu jukumu la mwanamke katika

Hamas daima imekuwa waanzilishi.

Q: Je, unahisi kuwa kuibuka kwa harakati za kisiasa za wanawake ndani ya Hamas ni

maendeleo ya asili ambayo yanapatana na dhana za Kiislamu za kitambo

kuhusu hadhi na nafasi ya mwanamke, au ni jibu la lazima tu

shinikizo za usasa na mahitaji ya hatua za kisiasa na kuendelea

Uvamizi wa Israeli?

Hakuna maandishi katika sheria za Kiislamu wala katika hati ya Hamas ambayo inawazuia wanawake kutoka

ushiriki wa kisiasa. Naamini kinyume chake ni kweli — kuna aya nyingi za Quran

na maneno ya Mtume Muhammad (s.a.w.w.) ya kuwataka wanawake kujishughulisha na siasa na umma

masuala yanayowahusu Waislamu. Lakini pia ni kweli kwamba kwa wanawake, kama ilivyo kwa wanaume, harakati za kisiasa

si lazima bali ni hiari, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huamuliwa kwa kuzingatia uwezo wa kila mwanamke,

sifa na hali ya mtu binafsi. Hakuna kidogo, kuonyesha kujali umma

mambo ni wajibu kwa kila Mwislamu mwanamume na mwanamke. Mtume

Muhammad alisema: "Yeyote asiyejali mambo ya Waislamu sio Muislamu."

Kwa kuongezea, Wanawake wa Kiislam wa Palestina wanapaswa kuzingatia mambo yote ya msingi

akaunti wakati wa kuamua kujiunga na siasa au kujihusisha na harakati za kisiasa.


Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika

Arab Insight

Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?

khalil al-anani

"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.

Maelezo juu ya Legacy ya Isocratic na Kiislamu Siasa Thought: Mfano wa Elimu

JAMES Muir

An unfortunate feature of human history is the tendency for religious differences and con icts to nourish themselves with the poisonous brew of ignorance and prejudice. While much can sometimes be done to reduce prejudice, it seems to me that scholars and educators ought to be primarily concerned with the more fundamental and enduring goal of reducing ignorance. One’s success in reducing ignorance—including one’s own—will depend upon one’s motives.
The study of Islamic educational philosophy may be motivated by current practical concerns: the desire of British Muslims to have Islamic schools, whether funded privately or by the state, is one topical example. From the perspective of educational philosophy, hata hivyo, such a motive is exceedingly narrow, circumscribed by the concepts and categories of the local political disputes of the moment. For those motivated by a desire for knowledge and understanding of a tradition outside their own, it is most doubtful that any study of Islamic philosophy restricted by current practical concerns can be at all productive. There is no simple correspondence between knowledge and “relevance.”
There must, hata hivyo, be some connection between two traditions of thought and practice if there is to be a point of departure, and a point of entry, which allows the scholar to step from one tradition to another. The legacy of Isocrates may constitute one such point of departure, which will help us to understand the relation between two traditions, the classical Greek and the Islamic. The dominance of the Isocratic legacy in Western education is well established and widely known among historians, classicists
and political philosophers, although awareness of it has only just begun to surface among educationists.2 Similarly, the Isocratic legacy to education (and the rich tradition of Arabic Platonism in philosophy) has in uenced Islamic thought, though in ways that are
still not yet well understood. The intention of this paper is to suggest that a modiŽ ed form of the Isocratic educational tradition is a fundamental component of Islamic political thought, yaani, Islamic educational thought. This general wording of the intention of this paper in terms of Islamic political thought may give rise to a misunderstanding. Uislamu, bila shaka, is regarded by its adherents as a uniŽ ed and universal system of belief and behaviour.

Juu ya Katiba ya Amerika kutoka kwa Mtazamo wa Kurani na Agano la Madinah

Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad

This paper is by no means an exhaustive comparison of the American Constitution with the Qur’an and the Madinah Covenant. Rather, it explores the kinds of insights that a comparison between these two documents may suggest. Kwa hiyo, the constitutional topics selected are those in which the author or the commentators on earlier drafts perceived an assessment within the Islamic sources.4 This paper should be taken as an invitation for future studies with more systematic comparisons. In addition to rational inference from the text of the Qur’an and of the Madinah Covenant, I shall draw on the views of the Prophet’s Companions as recorded in the leading Hadith books. Analogously, the views of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic on constitutional
matters are articulated in The Federalist Papers.We shall begin by reviewing the Madinah Covenant, na kisha kutathmini malengo ya Katiba kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika utangulizi. Baada ya hapo, tutachunguza mada anuwai katika sehemu kuu ya maandishi ambayo yanafaa kwa mtihani uliopendekezwa hapa. Hasa, haya ni majukumu ya matawi ya serikali kulingana na mgawanyo wa madaraka, jukumu la uchaguzi katika kuamua mkuu wa nchi ajaye, adhabu ya uhaini, kuwepo kwa biashara ya utumwa na ubaguzi wa rangi, aina ya serikali ya jamhuri, masharti ya marekebisho ya Katiba, mitihani ya kidini, na Mswada wa Haki. hatimaye, tunazingatia hoja za Madison kuhusu jinsi Katiba inavyoweza kuchukuliwa kuwa kielelezo cha kuepuka fitna.
The Madinah Covenant That Muslims attach great significance to their organization as a political community can be seen in the fact that their calendar is dated neither from the birth nor the death of the Prophet, but from the establishment of the first Muslim polity in the city-state of Madinah in 622. Before Madinah was founded, the Arabs had no state to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty” The custom at that time was that those who were too weak to protect themselves became clients of a protector (wali). Muhammad, himself an orphan, was brought up under the protection of his uncle Abu Talib.
After his uncle’s death in 619, Muhammad alipokea mwaliko kutoka kwa makabila ya Kiarabu yenye uhasama ya Yathrib kutawala huko. Mara moja huko Yathrib, aliingia agano na wakazi wake wote, iwe wameukubali Uislamu au la. Hata Wayahudi walioishi viunga vya jiji walijiunga nayo.

UISLAMU NA DEMOKRASIA huria

Robin Wright
Kati ya changamoto zote zinazoikabili demokrasia katika miaka ya 1990, moja ya uongo mkubwa katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Ni nchi chache tu kati ya zaidi ya dazeni nne zenye Waislamu wengi ambazo zimepiga hatua kubwa katika kuanzisha mifumo ya kidemokrasia.. Miongoni mwa wachache hawa–ikiwa ni pamoja na Albania, Bangladesh, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Mali, Pakistan, na Uturuki–hakuna hata mmoja aliyepata mafanikio kamili, imara, au kulinda demokrasia. Na kambi kubwa zaidi ya kikanda inayoshikilia dhidi ya mwelekeo wa kimataifa kuelekea vyama vingi vya kisiasa inajumuisha nchi za Kiislamu za Mashariki ya Kati na Afrika Kaskazini..
Hata hivyo upinzani dhidi ya mabadiliko ya kisiasa unaohusishwa na kambi ya Kiislamu si lazima uwe kazi ya imani ya Kiislamu. Kwa kweli, ushahidi unaonyesha kinyume kabisa. Watawala katika baadhi ya tawala zinazopinga demokrasia katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu–kama vile Brunei, Indonesia, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Syria, na Turkmenistan–ni watawala wa kidunia wanaokataa kugawana madaraka na ndugu zao.
Kwa ujumla, vikwazo kwa wingi wa kisiasa katika nchi za Kiislamu si tofauti na matatizo yaliyokabiliwa awali katika sehemu nyingine za dunia: itikadi za kilimwengu kama vile Baathism huko Iraqi na Syria, Pancasila huko Indonesia, au Ukomunisti unaoendelea katika baadhi ya majimbo ya zamani ya Asia ya Kati ya Sovieti hakuna upinzani wa kweli. Cha kushangaza, nyingi ya itikadi hizi zilichukuliwa kutoka Magharibi; Ubatizo, kwa mfano, ulitiwa msukumo na ujamaa wa Ulaya wa miaka ya 1930 na 1940. Rigid government controls over everything from communications in Saudi Arabia and Brunei to foreign visitors in Uzbekistan and Indonesia also isolate their people from democratic ideas and debate on popular empowerment. In the largest and poorest Muslim countries, moreover, problems common to [End Page 64] developing states, from illiteracy and disease to poverty, make simple survival a priority and render democratic politics a seeming luxury. hatimaye, like their non-Muslim neighbors in Asia and Africa, most Muslim societies have no local history of democracy on which to draw. As democracy has blossomed in Western states over the past three centuries, Muslim societies have usually lived under colonial rulers, kings, or tribal and clan leaders.
In other words, neither Islam nor its culture is the major obstacle to political modernity, hata kama watawala wasio na demokrasia wakati mwingine hutumia Uislamu kama kisingizio chao. 1 Katika Saudi Arabia, kwa mfano, Baraza tawala la Saud liliegemea Uwahabi, chapa ya puritanical ya Uislamu wa Sunni, kwanza kuunganisha makabila ya Bara Arabu na kisha kuhalalisha utawala wa nasaba. Kama dini zingine za Mungu mmoja, Uislamu unatoa mafundisho mapana na wakati mwingine yanapingana. Katika Saudi Arabia, Misingi ya Uislamu imeundwa kwa kuchagua ili kudumisha ufalme wa kimabavu.

Kanuni ya Harakati katika Muundo wa Uislamu

Dk. Muhammad Iqbal

As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. The search for a purely psychological foundation of human unity becomes possible only with the perception that all human life is spiritual in its origin.1 Such a perception is creative of fresh loyalties without any ceremonial to keep them alive, and makes it possible for man to emancipate himself from the earth. Christianity which had originally appeared as a monastic order was tried by Constantine as a system of unification.2 Its failure to work as such a system drove the Emperor Julian3 to return to the old gods of Rome on which he attempted to put philosophical interpretations. A modern historian of civilization has thus depicted the state of the civilized world about the time when Islam appeared on the stage of History: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, riven by the storms of war, and held together only by the cords of ancient customs and laws, that might snap at any moment. Was there any emotional culture that could be brought in, to gather mankind once more into unity and to save civilization? This culture must be something of a new type, for the old sanctions and ceremonials were dead, and to build up others of the same kind would be the work
of centuries.’The writer then proceeds to tell us that the world stood in need of a new culture to take the place of the culture of the throne, and the systems of unification which were based on bloodrelationship.
It is amazing, he adds, that such a culture should have arisen from Arabia just at the time when it was most needed. There is, hata hivyo, nothing amazing in the phenomenon. The world-life intuitively sees its own needs, and at critical moments defines its own direction. This is what, in the language of religion, we call prophetic revelation. It is only natural that Islam should have flashed across the consciousness of a simple people untouched by any of the ancient cultures, and occupying a geographical position where three continents meet together. The new culture finds the foundation of world-unity in the principle of Tauhâd.’5 Islam, as a polity, is only a practical means of making this principle a living factor in the intellectual and emotional life of mankind. It demands loyalty to God, not to thrones. And since God is the ultimate spiritual basis of all life, loyalty to God virtually amounts to man’s loyalty to his own ideal nature. The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change.

Uislam upya

Matta Azzam

Kuna siasa na usalama mgogoro jirani kile ni inajulikana kama Uislam, mgogoro ambao utangulizi Hutangulia muda 9/11. Katika kipindi cha 25 miaka, kumekuwa na msisitizo tofauti juu ya jinsi ya kuelezea na kupambana Uislam. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji..
imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji., imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.. imekuwa kawaida kupata kwamba itikadi na dini hutumiwa na vyama vinavyopingana kama vyanzo vya uhalalishaji.,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 Julai 2005 it became more apparent that some young people were asserting religious commitment as a way of expressing ethnicity. The links between Muslims across the globe and their perception that Muslims are vulnerable have led many in very diff erent parts of the world to merge their own local predicaments into the wider Muslim one, having identifi ed culturally, either primarily or partially, with a broadly defi ned Islam.

KUJADILI DEMOKRASIA KATIKA ULIMWENGU WA WARABU

Ibtisam Ibrahim

What is Democracy?
Western scholars define democracy a method for protecting individuals’ civil and political rights. It provides for freedom of speech, press, imani, opinion, ownership, and assembly, as well as the right to vote, nominate and seek public office. Huntington (1984) argues that a political system is democratic to the extent that its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through
periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all adults are eligible to vote. Rothstein (1995) states that democracy is a form of government and a process of governance that changes and adapts in response to circumstances. He also adds that the Western definition of democracyin addition to accountability, competition, some degree of participationcontains a guarantee of important civil and political rights. Anderson (1995) argues that the term democracy means a system in which the most powerful collective decision makers are selected through periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote. Saad Eddin Ibrahim (1995), an Egyptian scholar, sees democracy that might apply to the Arab world as a set of rules and institutions designed to enable governance through the peaceful
management of competing groups and/or conflicting interests. Hata hivyo, Samir Amin (1991) based his definition of democracy on the social Marxist perspective. He divides democracy into two categories: bourgeois democracy which is based on individual rights and freedom for the individual, but without having social equality; and political democracy which entitles all people in society the right to vote and to elect their government and institutional representatives which will help to obtain their equal social rights.
To conclude this section, I would say that there is no one single definition of democracy that indicates precisely what it is or what is not. Hata hivyo, as we noticed, most of the definitions mentioned above have essential similar elementsaccountability, competition, and some degree of participationwhich have become dominant in the Western world and internationally.

Uislamu na Demokrasia

ITAC

kuna idadi ya jumuiya za kanda mpya za Kiislamu ambapo dini na sheria zimefungamana kwa karibu na kuunganishwa leo kama ilivyokuwa kabla ya mwanzo wa enzi ya kisasa., inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia: inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia. inasemwa mara nyingi - na hata mara nyingi zaidi inadokezwa lakini haisemwi - kwamba Uislamu hauendani na demokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia.
kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia. kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia (kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia) kwa hakika wanapinga maadili yetu muhimu ya kidemokrasia, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s

Katika Tafuta wa utawala wa katiba ya Kiislamu

Nadirsyah Pants

While constitutionalism in the West is mostly identified with secular thought, Islamic constitutionalism, which incorporates some religious elements, has attracted growing interest in recent years. For instance, the Bush administration’s response to the events of 9/11 radically transformed the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries are now rewriting their constitutions. kama
Ann Elizabeth Mayer points out, Islamic constitutionalism is constitutionalism that is, in some form, based on Islamic principles, as opposed to the constitutionalism developed in countries that happen to be Muslim but which has not been informed by distinctively Islamic principles. Several Muslim scholars, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. Hata hivyo, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
Kwanza, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts

Uislamu na Uhalifu wa chuki dhidi ya Waislamu

Jonathan GITHENS-MAZER

Robert Lambert MBE

The perils of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime threaten to undermine basic human rights, fundamental aspects of citizenship and co-existing partnerships for Muslims and non- Muslims alike in contemporary Europe. Routine portrayals of Islam as a religion of hatred, violence and inherent intolerance have become key planks for the emergence of extremist nationalist, anti-immigration politics in Europe – planks which seek to exploit populist fears and which have the potential to lead to Muslim disempowerment in Europe. Sections of the media have created a situation where the one serves to heighten the unfounded claims and anxieties of the other – such that politicians from Austria to the Britain, and the Netherlands to Spain, feel comfortable in using terms like “Tsunamis of Muslim immigration”, and accuse Islam of being a fundamental threat to a “European way of life”. While in many cases, the traction of this populist approach reflects an ignorance of Islamic faith, practice and belief, there are many think-tanks which are currently engaged in promoting erroneous depictions of Islam and Muslim political beliefs through unsubstantiated and academically baseless studies, and a reliance on techniques such as ‘junk-polling’. Prior to researching Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime in London, we worked with Muslim Londoners to research the contested notion of what is widely termed by academics and policy makers as “violent radicalisation” (Githens-Mazer, 2010, Lambert 2010). To a large extent it was that prior research experience that persuaded us to embark on this new project. That is to say, there is an important link between the two areas
of work which we should explain at the outset. Since 9/11 Muslim Londoners, no less than Muslims in towns and cities across Europe, have often been unfairly stigmatised as subversive threats to state security and social cohesion, sometimes characterised as a fifth column (Cox and Marks 2006, Gove 2006, Mayer and Frampton 2009). We do not suggest that this stigmatisation did not exist before 9/11, still less do we argue that it revolves solely around the issues of security and social cohesion, but we do claim that the response to 9/11 – ‘the war on terror’ – and much of the rhetoric that has surrounded it has played a significant part in increasing the public perception of European Muslims as potential enemies rather than potential partners and neighbours.

Hotuba ya Dk,MUHAMMAD BADIE

Dk,Muhammad Badie

In the name of Allah, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate Praise be to Allah and Blessing on His messenger, companions and followers
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
I greet you with the Islamic greeting; Peace be upon you and God’s mercy and blessings;
It is the will of Allah that I undertake this huge responsibility which Allah has chosen for me and a request from the MB Movement which I respond to with the support of Allah. With the support of my Muslim Brothers I look forward to achieving the great goals, we devoted ourselves to, solely for the sake of Allah.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
At the outset of my speech I would like to address our teacher, older brother, and distinguished leader Mr. Mohamed Mahdy Akef, the seventh leader of the MB group a strong, dedicated and enthusiastic person who led the group’s journey amid storms and surpassed all its obstacles, thus providing this unique and outstanding model to all leaders and senior officials in the government, associations and other parties by fulfilling his promise and handing over the leadership after only one term, words are not enough to express our feelings to this great leader and guide and we can only sayMay Allah reward you all the best”.
We say to our beloved Muslim brothers who are spread around the globe, it is unfortunate for us to have this big event happening while you are not among us for reasons beyond our control, however we feel that your souls are with us sending honest and sincere smiles and vibes.
As for the beloved ones who are behind the bars of tyranny and oppression for no just reason other than reiterating Allah is our God, and for seeking the dignity, pride and development of their country, we sincerely applaud and salute them for their patience, steadfastness and sacrifices which we are sure will not be without gain. We pray that those tyrants and oppressors salvage their conscience and that we see you again in our midst supporting our cause, may Allah bless and protect you all.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
As you are aware, the main goal of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MB) is comprehensive modification, which deals with all kinds of corruption through reform and change. “I only desire (your) betterment to the best of my power; and my success (in my task) can only come from Allah.” (Hud-88) and through cooperation with all powers of the nation and those with high spirits who are sincere to their religion and nation.
The MB believes that Allah has placed all the foundations necessary for the development and welfare of nations in the great Islam; kwa hiyo, Islam is their reference towards reform, which starts from the disciplining and training of the souls of individuals, followed by regulating families and societies by strengthening them, preceded by bringing justice to it and the continuous jihad to liberate the nation from any foreign dominance or intellectual, spiritual, cultural hegemony and economic, political or military colonialism, as well as leading the nation to development, prosperity and assuming its appropriate place in the world.

KATI YA JANA NA LEO

HASAN AL-BANNA

The First Islamic State
On the foundation of this virtuous Qur’anic social order the first Islamic state arose, having unshakeable faith in Kwa kuzingatia kuongezeka kwa umuhimu wa harakati za Kiislamu katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu na, meticulously applying it, and spreading it throughout the world, so that the first Khilafah used to say: ‘If I should lose a camel’s lead, I would find it in Allah’s Book.’. He fought those who refused to pay zakah, regarding them as apostates because they had overthrown one of the pillars of this order, saying: ‘By Allah, if they refused me a lead which they would hand over to the Apostle of Allah (PBUH), I would fight them as soon as I have a sword in my hand!’ For unity, in all its meanings and manifestations, pervaded this new forthcoming nation.
Complete social unity arose from making the Qur’anic order and it’s language universal, while complete political unity was under the shadow of the Amir Al-Mumineen and beneath the standard of the Khilafah in the capital.
The fact that the Islamic ideology was one of decentralisation of the armed forces, the state treasuries, na provincial governors proved to be no obstacle to this, since all acted according to a single creed and a unified and comprehensive control. The Qur’anic principles dispelled and laid to rest the superstitious idolatry prevalent in the Arabian Peninsula and Persia. They banished guileful Judaism and confined it to a narrow province, putting an end to its religious and political authority. They struggled with Christianity such that its influence was greatly diminished in the Asian and African continents, confined only to Europe under the guard of the Byzantine Empire in Constantinople. Thus the Islamic state became the centre of spiritual and political dominance within the two largest continents. This state persisted in its attacks against the third continent, assaulting Constantinople from the east and besieging it until the siege grew wearisome. Then it came at it from the west,
plunging into Spain, with its victorious soldiers reaching the heart of France and penetrating as far as northern and southern Italy. It established an imposing state in Western Europe, radiant with science and knowledge.
Afterwards, it ended the conquest of Constantinople itself and the confined Christianity within the restricted area of Central Europe. Islamic fleets ventured into the depths of the Mediterranean and Red seas, both became Islamic lakes. And so the armed forces of the Islamic state assumed supremacy of the seas both in the East and West, enjoying absolute mastery over land and sea. These Islamic nations had already combined and incorporated many things from other civilisations, but they triumphed through the strength of their faith and the solidness of their system over others. They Arabised them, or succeeded in doing so to a degree, and were able to sway them and convert them to the splendour, beauty and vitality of their language and religion. The Muslims were free to adopt anything beneficial from other civilisations, insofar as it did not have adverse effects on their social and political unity.

CHANGAMOTO inakabiliwa na benki ya Kiislamu

MUNAWAR Iqbal
AUSAF Ahmad
TARIQULLAH Khan

Islamic benki mazoezi, ambayo ilianza katika miaka ya 1970 na mapema kwa kiasi ya kawaida, umeonyesha mafanikio makubwa wakati wa mwisho 25 miaka. Mbaya utafiti kazi ya mbili zilizopita na miongo nusu imeanzisha kwamba benki ya Kiislamu ni njia ya faida na ufanisi wa fedha intermediation. Idadi ya benki ya Kiislamu kuwa imara katika kipindi hiki chini heterogeneous, kijamii na kiuchumi milieu. Hivi karibuni, mengi ya kawaida ya benki, ikiwa ni pamoja na baadhi ya makampuni makubwa ya kimataifa mabenki ya Magharibi, pia kuanza kutumia mbinu za benki ya Kiislamu. Yote hii ni kuhimiza. Hata hivyo, ya Kiislamu mabenki, kama mfumo wowote mwingine, yanapaswa kuonekana kama ukweli wa kutoa. Uzoefu huu mahitaji ya kuwa tathmini objectively na matatizo tunapaswa kuwa makini kutambuliwa na kushughulikiwa na.

Ni kwa lengo hili kwamba Utafiti wa Kiislamu na Taasisi ya Mafunzo ya (Terminated) wa Benki ya Maendeleo ya Kiislamu (IDB) inatoa hii mada juu ya Changamoto za benki ya Kiislamu Facing, kama aliamua na Bodi ya Wakurugenzi wa Halmashauri Kuu ya IDB. Timu ya watafiti IRTI likijumuisha Munawar Iqbal, Ausaf Ahmad na Tariqullah Khan tayari ya karatasi. Munawar Iqbal, Mkuu wa Benki ya Kiislamu na Idara ya Fedha alitenda kama kiongozi wa mradi. Mbili wasomi wa nje pia refereed utafiti. IRTI ni kushukuru kwa mchango wa referees haya. bidhaa ya mwisho ni kuwa zilizotolewa kama ya Pili ya mara kwa mara Paper.

Inatarajiwa kwamba maanani kubwa atapewa changamoto zinazowakabili benki ya Kiislamu zilizoainishwa katika karatasi. Theoreticians na wataalamu katika uwanja wa benki ya Kiislamu na fedha haja ya kutafuta njia na mbinu za kukabiliana na changamoto hizo ili kwamba benki ya Kiislamu wanaweza kuendelea inaendelea kama inaingia ya karne ya 21.

Utangulizi wa Dola la Kiislamu

Muhammad Ibn Katebur Rahman

We have been given Islam as guidance and his guidance is divided in to, acts of worship wholly between Allah and His servants and acts of achieving aims to attain the Islamic sovereignty on earth. Acts of worship are Salat, Saum, Zabh, etc which have no rational reasons for its existence. Then there are acts which have reasons for its existence such as spending wealth, Jihad, speaking truth, fighting injustice, preventing zina, drugs, interests, etc which are there for the benefit and well being of societies and nations. Each intelligent worshipper in order to achieve these goals of universal benefits therefore must always seek ways to attain it and one of it is theological and political unity. In order to envision the gateways in the world to implement and realize these universal interests we then must know about the changing world, we must know about the age of information. We must know about its nature, behavior, progression which includes knowing about politics, history, technology, science, kijeshi, cultures, philosophies, psychology of nations, people of power and values, places of interest and value, resources of earth, international law, Internet, humanity with its divisions on basis of wealth, power and their place in history and progression. Our Prophet (saas) stated that the knowledge is a lost property of a believer and indeed this knowledge is all those knowledge which by knowing benefits Islam and the Muslims both in world and hereafter. The intelligent among us especially the clerics, therefore study books and organizes people of knowledge on basis of their respective expertise so that they can give efficient and effective solutions for the attainment of those Islamic universal benefits. The Islamic politics is just there to realize these universal benefits, to humanity on whole and Muslims in particular