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فمینیسم بین سکولاریسم و ​​اسلامیسم: قضیه فلسطین

دکتر, اصلاح جاد

انتخابات پارلمانی در کرانه باختری و نوار غزه برگزار شد 2006 جنبش اسلامگرای حماس را به قدرت رساند, که در ادامه اکثریت شورای قانونگذاری فلسطین و همچنین دولت اکثریت اول حماس را تشکیل داد. این انتخابات منجر به انتصاب اولین وزیر زن حماس شد, که وزیر امور زنان شد. بین اسفند 2006 و ژوئن 2007, دو وزیر زن مختلف حماس این سمت را بر عهده گرفتند, اما مدیریت وزارتخانه برای هر دو مشکل بود زیرا اکثر کارمندان آن از اعضای حماس نبودند بلکه به احزاب سیاسی دیگر تعلق داشتند, و بیشتر اعضای فتح بودند, جنبش مسلطی که اکثر نهادهای تشکیلات خودگردان فلسطین را کنترل می کند. یک دوره پرتنش مبارزه بین زنان حماس در وزارت امور زنان و اعضای زن فتح پس از به دست گرفتن قدرت توسط حماس در نوار غزه و در نتیجه سقوط دولت آن در کرانه باختری به پایان رسید - یک مبارزه. که گاه حالت خشونت آمیزی به خود می گرفت. یکی از دلایلی که بعداً برای توضیح این مبارزه ذکر شد، تفاوت بین گفتمان فمینیستی سکولار و گفتمان اسلام گرایانه در مورد مسائل زنان بود.. در زمینه فلسطین، این اختلاف ماهیت خطرناکی به خود گرفت، زیرا از آن برای توجیه تداوم مبارزه سیاسی خونین استفاده شد., حذف زنان حماس از مناصب یا مناصب خود, و شکاف های سیاسی و جغرافیایی حاکم در آن زمان هم در کرانه باختری و هم در نوار غزه اشغالی.
این مبارزه چندین سؤال مهم را به وجود می آورد: آیا باید جنبش اسلامی را که به قدرت رسیده مجازات کنیم؟, یا باید دلایلی را که منجر به شکست فاتح در عرصه سیاسی شد در نظر گرفت? آیا فمینیسم می تواند چارچوبی جامع برای زنان ارائه دهد؟, صرف نظر از تعلقات اجتماعی و ایدئولوژیک آنها? آیا گفتمان یک زمینه مشترک برای زنان می تواند به آنها کمک کند تا اهداف مشترک خود را تحقق بخشند و بر سر آنها توافق کنند؟? آیا پدرگرایی فقط در ایدئولوژی اسلام گرایی وجود دارد؟, و نه در ناسیونالیسم و ​​میهن پرستی? منظور ما از فمینیسم چیست؟? آیا تنها یک فمینیسم وجود دارد؟, یا چندین فمینیسم? منظور ما از اسلام چیست؟ – جنبشی است که با این نام شناخته می شود یا دین, فلسفه, یا سیستم حقوقی? ما باید به عمق این مسائل برویم و آنها را با دقت بررسی کنیم, و ما باید روی آنها توافق کنیم تا بعداً بتوانیم تصمیم بگیریم, به عنوان فمینیست, اگر انتقاد ما از پدرگرایی باید متوجه دین باشد (ایمان), که باید در قلب مؤمن محصور شود و اجازه داده نشود که جهان را به طور کلی در اختیار بگیرد, یا فقه, که مربوط به مکاتب مختلف اعتقادی است که نظام حقوقی مندرج در قرآن و سخنان پیامبر را توضیح می دهد. – سنت.
| سپتامبر 19, 2010 | نظرات 0
ادامه مطلب

فعالیت زنان اسلامگرا در فلسطین اشغالی

مصاحبه های خالد آمیره

مصاحبه با سمیرا الحلیکا

سمیرا الحلیکا یکی از اعضای منتخب شورای قانونگذاری فلسطین است. او بود

در روستای شویخ در حومه الخلیل متولد شد 1964. او لیسانس شریعت دارد (اسلامی

فقه) از دانشگاه هبرون. او به عنوان روزنامه نگار از 1996 به 2006 چه زمانی

او به عنوان یک عضو منتخب در شورای قانونگذاری فلسطین وارد شد 2006 انتخابات.

او متاهل است و هفت فرزند دارد.

س: در برخی از کشورهای غربی تصور کلی وجود دارد که زنان از آن برخوردار هستند

رفتار حقارت در گروه های مقاومت اسلامی, مانند حماس. آیا این درست است?

رفتار با فعالان زن در حماس چگونه است؟?
حقوق و تکالیف زنان مسلمان قبل از هر چیز از شریعت یا قوانین اسلامی سرچشمه می گیرد.

آنها اعمال یا حرکات داوطلبانه یا خیریه ای نیستند که ما از حماس یا کسی دریافت می کنیم

دیگر. بدین ترتیب, تا آنجا که به دخالت و کنشگری سیاسی مربوط می شود, زنان به طور کلی دارند

همان حقوق و وظایفی که مردان دارند. گذشته از همه اینها, زنان حداقل آرایش می کنند 50 درصد از

جامعه. به یک معنا, آنها کل جامعه هستند زیرا آنها به دنیا می آیند, و بالا بردن,

نسل جدید.

از این رو, می توانم بگویم که وضعیت زنان در حماس کاملاً با او مطابقت دارد

جایگاه در خود اسلام. این بدان معنی است که او یک شریک کامل در تمام سطوح است. در واقع, خواهد بود

برای یک اسلامی ناعادلانه و ناعادلانه است (یا اسلام گرا در صورت تمایل) زن شریک رنج باشد

در حالی که او از فرآیند تصمیم گیری کنار گذاشته شده است. به همین دلیل است که نقش زن در

حماس همیشه پیشگام بوده است.

س: آیا احساس می کنید که ظهور فعالیت سیاسی زنان در داخل حماس است؟

توسعه طبیعی که با مفاهیم کلاسیک اسلامی سازگار است

در مورد جایگاه و نقش زنان, یا صرفاً پاسخی ضروری به آن است

فشارهای مدرنیته و الزامات کنش سیاسی و تداوم آن

اشغال اسرائیل?

هیچ نصی در فقه اسلامی و منشور حماس وجود ندارد که زنان را از این امر بازدارد

مشارکت سیاسی. من معتقدم برعکس است — آیات قرآن فراوان است

و سخنان حضرت محمد (ص) که زنان را به حضور فعال در عرصه سیاسی و عمومی تشویق می کند

مسائلی که مسلمانان را تحت تأثیر قرار می دهد. اما این در مورد زنان نیز صادق است, همانطور که برای مردان است, فعالیت سیاسی

اجباری نیست بلکه اختیاری است, و تا حد زیادی با توجه به توانایی های هر زن تصمیم گیری می شود,

شرایط و شرایط فردی. با این حال کمتر, نشان دادن نگرانی برای عموم

امور بر هر زن و مرد مسلمان واجب است. پیامبر

محمد گفت: «کسی که به امور مسلمین توجهی نداشته باشد، مسلمان نیست».

علاوه بر این, زنان اسلام گرا فلسطینی باید همه عوامل عینی را در میدان وارد کنند

هنگام تصمیم گیری در مورد پیوستن به سیاست یا درگیر شدن در فعالیت های سیاسی حساب کنید.


| سپتامبر 19, 2010 | نظرات 0
ادامه مطلب

اسلام, اسلام سیاسی و آمریکا

بینش عرب

آیا "برادری" با آمریکا امکان پذیر است؟?

خلیل الانانی

هیچ شانسی برای برقراری ارتباط با هیچ یک از ایالات متحده وجود ندارد. تا زمانی که ایالات متحده دیدگاه دیرینه خود را نسبت به اسلام به عنوان یک خطر واقعی حفظ کند, دیدگاهی که آمریکا را در قایق دشمن صهیونیستی قرار می دهد. ما هیچ تصور قبلی در مورد مردم آمریکا یا ایالات متحده نداریم. جامعه و سازمان های مدنی و اتاق های فکر آن. ما مشکلی در ارتباط با مردم آمریکا نداریم، اما هیچ تلاش کافی برای نزدیک‌تر کردن ما انجام نمی‌شود,گفت: دکتر. عصام العیریان, رئیس بخش سیاسی اخوان المسلمین در یک مصاحبه تلفنی.
سخنان العریان خلاصه ای از دیدگاه اخوان المسلمین نسبت به مردم آمریکا و ایالات متحده است.. دولت. سایر اعضای اخوان المسلمین با این موضوع موافق هستند, همان طور که مرحوم حسن البنا, که این گروه را در 1928. ال- بانا غرب را بیشتر به عنوان نمادی از زوال اخلاقی می دید. سایر سلفی ها - یک مکتب فکری اسلامی که به اجداد به عنوان الگوهای نمونه متکی است - همین دیدگاه را نسبت به ایالات متحده داشته اند., اما فاقد انعطاف ایدئولوژیک مورد حمایت اخوان المسلمین است. در حالی که اخوان المسلمین به مشارکت آمریکایی ها در گفتگوهای مدنی معتقد است, دیگر گروه های افراطی هیچ فایده ای در گفتگو نمی بینند و معتقدند که زور تنها راه مقابله با ایالات متحده است.

| سپتامبر 15, 2010 | نظرات 0
ادامه مطلب

یادداشت هایی درباره میراث ایزوکراتیک و اندیشه سیاسی اسلامی: نمونه آموزش و پرورش

JAMES MUIR

یکی از ویژگی‌های ناگوار تاریخ بشر، تمایل به تفاوت‌ها و درگیری‌های مذهبی است که خود را با دم‌های زهرآگین جهل و تعصب تغذیه کنند.. در حالی که گاهی می توان کارهای زیادی برای کاهش تعصب انجام داد, به نظر من علما و مربیان باید در درجه اول به هدف اساسی تر و پایدارتر کاهش جهل توجه داشته باشند.. موفقیت فرد در کاهش نادانی - از جمله خود - به انگیزه های او بستگی دارد..
مطالعه فلسفه تعلیم و تربیت اسلامی ممکن است با انگیزه‌های عملی جاری باشد: تمایل مسلمانان انگلیسی به داشتن مدارس اسلامی, چه به صورت خصوصی و چه توسط دولت, یک مثال موضوعی است. از منظر فلسفه تعلیم و تربیت, با این حال, چنین انگیزه ای بسیار محدود است, محدود به مفاهیم و مقولات اختلافات سیاسی محلی آن زمان. برای کسانی که با میل به دانش و درک یک سنت خارج از سنت خود انگیزه دارند, بسیار مشکوک است که هر مطالعه ای در مورد فلسفه اسلامی که با توجه به دغدغه های عملی کنونی محدود شده باشد می تواند اصلاً سازنده باشد.. هیچ تناظر ساده ای بین دانش و "ارتباط" وجود ندارد.
باید وجود داشته باشد, با این حال, اگر قرار است نقطه عزیمتی وجود داشته باشد، بین دو سنت فکری و عملی ارتباط برقرار شود, و یک نقطه ورود, که به محقق اجازه می دهد از یک سنت به سنت دیگر گام بردارد. میراث ایزوکراتس ممکن است یکی از این نقاط عزیمت باشد, که به ما در درک رابطه بین دو سنت کمک می کند, یونانی کلاسیک و اسلامی. تسلط میراث ایزوکراتیک در آموزش و پرورش غرب به خوبی تثبیت شده و در میان مورخان به طور گسترده ای شناخته شده است, کلاسیک گرایان
و فیلسوفان سیاسی, اگرچه آگاهی از آن به تازگی در میان متخصصان آموزش ظاهر شده است, میراث ایزوکراتیک برای آموزش (و سنت غنی افلاطونی عربی در فلسفه) در انديشه نابسامان اسلامي وجود دارد, هر چند به روش هایی که هستند
هنوز به خوبی درک نشده است. هدف این مقاله نشان دادن این است که شکل اصلاح شده ای از سنت آموزشی ایزوکراتیک جزء اساسی اندیشه سیاسی اسلامی است., برای مثال, اندیشه تربیتی اسلامی. این عبارت کلی از مقصود این مقاله از منظر اندیشه سیاسی اسلامی ممکن است موجب سوء تفاهم شود. اسلام, البته, توسط طرفداران آن به عنوان یک نظام اعتقادی و رفتاری یکپارچه و جهانی در نظر گرفته می شود.

| سپتامبر 09, 2010 | نظرات 0
ادامه مطلب

On the American Constitution from the Perspective of the Qur’an and the Madinah Covenant

Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad

This paper is by no means an exhaustive comparison of the American Constitution with the Qur’an and the Madinah Covenant. Rather, it explores the kinds of insights that a comparison between these two documents may suggest. Accordingly, the constitutional topics selected are those in which the author or the commentators on earlier drafts perceived an assessment within the Islamic sources.4 This paper should be taken as an invitation for future studies with more systematic comparisons. In addition to rational inference from the text of the Qur’an and of the Madinah Covenant, I shall draw on the views of the Prophet’s Companions as recorded in the leading Hadith books. Analogously, the views of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic on constitutional
موضوعات در اسناد فدرالیستی بیان شده است. ما با بررسی میثاق مدینه شروع خواهیم کرد., و سپس اهداف قانون اساسی را همانطور که در مقدمه بیان شده است ارزیابی کنید. بعد از آن, ما موضوعات مختلفی را در بدنه اصلی متن بررسی خواهیم کرد که خود را به بررسی پیشنهادی در اینجا می‌رسانند. به خصوص, اینها نقش قوای حکومت بر اساس تفکیک قوا است, نقش انتخابات در تعیین رئیس بعدی دولت, مجازات خیانت, وجود تجارت برده و نژادپرستی, شکل حکومت جمهوری, مقررات اصلاح قانون اساسی, تست های دینی, و منشور حقوق. سرانجام, ما استدلال های مادیسونی را در مورد اینکه چگونه قانون اساسی را می توان الگویی برای اجتناب از فتنه دانست، در نظر می گیریم.
The Madinah Covenant That Muslims attach great significance to their organization as a political community can be seen in the fact that their calendar is dated neither from the birth nor the death of the Prophet, but from the establishment of the first Muslim polity in the city-state of Madinah in 622. Before Madinah was founded, the Arabs had no state to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty …” The custom at that time was that those who were too weak to protect themselves became clients of a protector (wali). Muhammad, himself an orphan, was brought up under the protection of his uncle Abu Talib.
After his uncle’s death in 619, Muhammad received an invitation from Yathrib’s feuding Arab tribes to govern there. Once in Yathrib, he entered into a covenant with all of its residents, whether they had accepted Islam or not. Even the Jews living on the city’s outskirts subscribed to it.

| سپتامبر 09, 2010 | نظرات 0
ادامه مطلب

اسلام و دموکراسی لیبرال

رابین رایت
Of all the challenges facing democracy in the 1990s, one of the greatest lies in the Islamic world. Only a handful of the more than four dozen predominantly Muslim countries have made significant strides toward establishing democratic systems. Among this handful–including Albania, Bangladesh, اردن, Kyrgyzstan, لبنان, Mali, پاکستان, and Turkey–not one has yet achieved full, stable, or secure democracy. And the largest single regional bloc holding out against the global trend toward political pluralism comprises the Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa.
Yet the resistance to political change associated with the Islamic bloc is not necessarily a function of the Muslim faith. در واقع, the evidence indicates quite the reverse. Rulers in some of the most antidemocratic regimes in the Islamic world–such as Brunei, اندونزی, عراق, Oman, Qatar, سوریه, and Turkmenistan–are secular autocrats who refuse to share power with their brethren.
Overall, the obstacles to political pluralism in Islamic countries are not unlike the problems earlier faced in other parts of the world: secular ideologies such as Ba’athism in Iraq and Syria, Pancasila in Indonesia, or lingering communism in some former Soviet Central Asian states brook no real opposition. Ironically, many of these ideologies were adapted from the West; Ba’athism, for instance, was inspired by the European socialism of the 1930s and 1940s. Rigid government controls over everything from communications in Saudi Arabia and Brunei to foreign visitors in Uzbekistan and Indonesia also isolate their people from democratic ideas and debate on popular empowerment. In the largest and poorest Muslim countries, moreover, problems common to [End Page 64] developing states, from illiteracy and disease to poverty, make simple survival a priority and render democratic politics a seeming luxury. سرانجام, like their non-Muslim neighbors in Asia and Africa, most Muslim societies have no local history of democracy on which to draw. As democracy has blossomed in Western states over the past three centuries, Muslim societies have usually lived under colonial rulers, kings, or tribal and clan leaders.
به عبارت دیگر, neither Islam nor its culture is the major obstacle to political modernity, حتی اگر حاکمان غیر دموکراتیک گاهی اسلام را بهانه خود قرار دهند. 1 در عربستان سعودی, for instance, آل سعود بر وهابیت تکیه داشت, یک نام تجاری خالص از اسلام سنی, ابتدا برای اتحاد قبایل شبه جزیره عربستان و سپس توجیه حکومت سلسله. مانند سایر ادیان توحیدی, اسلام دستورات گسترده و گاه متناقضی ارائه می دهد. در عربستان سعودی, اصول اسلام به طور انتخابی برای حفظ یک سلطنت استبدادی شکل گرفته است.
| سپتامبر 08, 2010 | نظرات 2
ادامه مطلب

The Principle of Movement in the Structure of Islam

دکتر. محمد اقبال

As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. جست‌وجوی یک بنیان صرفاً روان‌شناختی برای وحدت انسانی تنها با این درک امکان‌پذیر می‌شود که همه زندگی انسان در منشأ خود معنوی است.1 چنین برداشتی خلاقانه از وفاداری‌های تازه و بدون هیچ تشریفاتی برای زنده نگه داشتن آنهاست., و رهایی انسان از زمین را ممکن می سازد. مسیحیت که در ابتدا به عنوان یک نظام رهبانی ظاهر شده بود توسط کنستانتین به عنوان یک سیستم وحدت آزموده شد. ناکامی آن در کارکردن به عنوان چنین سیستمی باعث شد امپراتور جولیان3 به خدایان قدیمی روم بازگردد، زیرا او تلاش کرد تا تفاسیر فلسفی را بر روی آنها بگذارد.. یک مورخ مدرن تمدن، بدین ترتیب، وضعیت جهان متمدن را در مورد زمانی که اسلام در صحنه تاریخ ظاهر شد، به تصویر کشیده است.: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, غرق در طوفان های جنگ, و تنها با طناب های آداب و رسوم و قوانین باستانی به هم چسبیده است, که هر لحظه ممکن است خراب شود. آیا فرهنگ عاطفی وجود داشت که بتوان وارد کرد؟, تا بار دیگر بشریت را در وحدت جمع کند و تمدن را نجات دهد? این فرهنگ باید از نوع جدیدی باشد, زیرا تحریم ها و تشریفات قدیمی مرده بودند, و ساختن دیگران از همین نوع کار کار خواهد بود
سپس نویسنده به ما می گوید که جهان به فرهنگ جدیدی نیاز دارد تا جای فرهنگ تاج و تخت را بگیرد., و نظام های اتحاد که بر اساس رابطه خونی استوار بود.
شگفت انگیز است, او اضافه می کند, که چنین فرهنگی باید درست در زمانی که بیشتر به آن نیاز بود، از عربستان برخاسته باشد. وجود دارد, با این حال, هیچ چیز شگفت انگیزی در این پدیده وجود ندارد. زندگی جهانی به طور شهودی نیازهای خود را می بیند, و در لحظات حساس جهت خود را مشخص می کند. این چیزی است که, به زبان دین, ما وحی نبوی می نامیم. طبیعی است که اسلام باید در آگاهی مردم ساده و دست نخورده به هیچ یک از فرهنگ های باستانی بتابد., و اشغال یک موقعیت جغرافیایی که در آن سه قاره در کنار هم قرار می گیرند. فرهنگ جدید اساس وحدت جهانی را در اصل توحد می‌یابد.»5 اسلام, به عنوان یک سیاست, تنها وسیله ای عملی برای تبدیل این اصل به عاملی زنده در زندگی فکری و عاطفی بشر است. وفاداری به خدا را می طلبد, نه به تاج و تخت. و از آنجایی که خدا اساس معنوی نهایی تمام زندگی است, وفاداری به خدا عملاً معادل وفاداری انسان به فطرت آرمانی خود است. اساس معنوی نهایی تمام زندگی, همانطور که اسلام تصور می کند, جاودانه است و در تنوع و تغییر خود را نشان می دهد. جامعه ای که مبتنی بر چنین تصوری از واقعیت است، باید آشتی کند, در زندگی اش, مقوله های ماندگاری و تغییر. برای تنظیم زندگی جمعی خود باید دارای اصول ابدی باشد, زیرا امر ابدی به ما جای پایی در دنیای تغییر دائمی می دهد.

| سپتامبر 08, 2010 | نظرات 0
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Islamism revisited

ماها اعظم

There is a political and security crisis surrounding what is referred to as Islamism, a crisis whose antecedents long precede 9/11. Over the past 25 years, there have been different emphases on how to explain and combat Islamism. Analysts and policymakers
in the 1980s and 1990s spoke of the root causes of Islamic militancy as being economic malaise and marginalization. More recently there has been a focus on political reform as a means of undermining the appeal of radicalism. Increasingly today, the ideological and religious aspects of Islamism need to be addressed because they have become features of a wider political and security debate. Whether in connection with Al-Qaeda terrorism, political reform in the Muslim world, the nuclear issue in Iran or areas of crisis such as Palestine or Lebanon, it has become commonplace to fi nd that ideology and religion are used by opposing parties as sources of legitimization, inspiration and enmity.
The situation is further complicated today by the growing antagonism towards and fear of Islam in the West because of terrorist attacks which in turn impinge on attitudes towards immigration, religion and culture. The boundaries of the umma or community of the faithful have stretched beyond Muslim states to European cities. The umma potentially exists wherever there are Muslim communities. The shared sense of belonging to a common faith increases in an environment where the sense of integration into the surrounding community is unclear and where discrimination may be apparent. The greater the rejection of the values of society,
whether in the West or even in a Muslim state, the greater the consolidation of the moral force of Islam as a cultural identity and value-system.
Following the bombings in London on 7 جولای 2005 it became more apparent that some young people were asserting religious commitment as a way of expressing ethnicity. The links between Muslims across the globe and their perception that Muslims are vulnerable have led many in very diff erent parts of the world to merge their own local predicaments into the wider Muslim one, having identifi ed culturally, either primarily or partially, with a broadly defi ned Islam.

| سپتامبر 06, 2010 | نظرات 0
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DEBATING DEMOCRACY IN THE ARAB WORLD

ابتسام ابراهیم

What is Democracy?
Western scholars define democracy a method for protecting individuals’ civil and political rights. It provides for freedom of speech, press, ایمان, opinion, ownership, and assembly, as well as the right to vote, nominate and seek public office. Huntington (1984) argues that a political system is democratic to the extent that its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through
periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all adults are eligible to vote. Rothstein (1995) states that democracy is a form of government and a process of governance that changes and adapts in response to circumstances. He also adds that the Western definition of democracy — in addition to accountability, competition, some degree of participation — contains a guarantee of important civil and political rights. Anderson (1995) argues that the term democracy means a system in which the most powerful collective decision makers are selected through periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote. سعد الدین ابراهیم (1995), an Egyptian scholar, sees democracy that might apply to the Arab world as a set of rules and institutions designed to enable governance through the peaceful
management of competing groups and/or conflicting interests. با این حال, Samir Amin (1991) based his definition of democracy on the social Marxist perspective. He divides democracy into two categories: bourgeois democracy which is based on individual rights and freedom for the individual, but without having social equality; and political democracy which entitles all people in society the right to vote and to elect their government and institutional representatives which will help to obtain their equal social rights.
To conclude this section, I would say that there is no one single definition of democracy that indicates precisely what it is or what is not. با این حال, as we noticed, most of the definitions mentioned above have essential similar elements – accountability, competition, and some degree of participation – which have become dominant in the Western world and internationally.

| سپتامبر 05, 2010 | نظرات 0
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Islam and Democracy

ITAC

If one reads the press or listens to commentators on international affairs, it is often said – and even more often implied but not said – that Islam is not compatible with democracy. In the nineties, Samuel Huntington set off an intellectual firestorm when he published The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, in which he presents his forecasts for the world – writ large. In the political realm, he notes that while Turkey and Pakistan might have some small claim to “democratic legitimacy” all other “… Muslim countries were overwhelmingly non-democratic: monarchies, one-party systems, military regimes, personal dictatorships or some combination of these, usually resting on a limited family, clan, or tribal base”. The premise on which his argument is founded is that they are not only ‘not like us’, they are actually opposed to our essential democratic values. He believes, as do others, that while the idea of Western democratization is being resisted in other parts of the world, the confrontation is most notable in those regions where Islam is the dominant faith.
The argument has also been made from the other side as well. An Iranian religious scholar, reflecting on an early twentieth-century constitutional crisis in his country, declared that Islam and democracy are not compatible because people are not equal and a legislative body is unnecessary because of the inclusive nature of Islamic religious law. A similar position was taken more recently by Ali Belhadj, an Algerian high school teacher, preacher and (in this context) leader of the FIS, when he declared “democracy was not an Islamic concept”. Perhaps the most dramatic statement to this effect was that of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, leader of the Sunni insurgents in Iraq who, when faced with the prospect of an election, denounced democracy as “an evil principle”.
But according to some Muslim scholars, democracy remains an important ideal in Islam, with the caveat that it is always subject to the religious law. The emphasis on the paramount place of the shari’a is an element of almost every Islamic comment on governance, moderate or extremist. Only if the ruler, who receives his authority from God, limits his actions to the “supervision of the administration of the shari’a” is he to be obeyed. If he does other than this, he is a non-believer and committed Muslims are to rebel against him. Herein lies the justification for much of the violence that has plagued the Muslim world in such struggles as that prevailing in Algeria during the 90s

| سپتامبر 04, 2010 | نظرات 0
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In Search of Islamic Constitutionalism

Nadirsyah علیرضا واحدی

While constitutionalism in the West is mostly identified with secular thought, Islamic constitutionalism, which incorporates some religious elements, has attracted growing interest in recent years. برای مثال, the Bush administration’s response to the events of 9/11 radically transformed the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries are now rewriting their constitutions. As
Ann Elizabeth Mayer points out, Islamic constitutionalism is constitutionalism that is, in some form, based on Islamic principles, as opposed to the constitutionalism developed in countries that happen to be Muslim but which has not been informed by distinctively Islamic principles. Several Muslim scholars, among them Muhammad Asad3 and Abul A`la al-Maududi, have written on such aspects of constitutional issues as human rights and the separation of powers. با این حال, in general their works fall into apologetics, as Chibli Mallat points out:
Whether for the classical age or for the contemporary Muslim world, scholarly research on public law must respect a set of axiomatic requirements.
First, the perusal of the tradition cannot be construed as a mere retrospective reading. By simply projecting present-day concepts backwards, it is all too easy to force the present into the past either in an apologetically contrived or haughtily dismissive manner. The approach is apologetic and contrived when Bills of Rights are read into, say, the Caliphate of `Umar, with the presupposition that the “just” qualities of `Umar included the complex and articulate precepts of constitutional balance one finds in modern texts

| سپتامبر 03, 2010 | نظرات 0
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Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime

جاناتان GITHENS-کاسه

رابرت LAMBERT MBE

The perils of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime threaten to undermine basic human rights, fundamental aspects of citizenship and co-existing partnerships for Muslims and non- Muslims alike in contemporary Europe. Routine portrayals of Islam as a religion of hatred, violence and inherent intolerance have become key planks for the emergence of extremist nationalist, anti-immigration politics in Europe – planks which seek to exploit populist fears and which have the potential to lead to Muslim disempowerment in Europe. Sections of the media have created a situation where the one serves to heighten the unfounded claims and anxieties of the other – such that politicians from Austria to the Britain, and the Netherlands to Spain, feel comfortable in using terms like “Tsunamis of Muslim immigration”, and accuse Islam of being a fundamental threat to a “European way of life”. While in many cases, the traction of this populist approach reflects an ignorance of Islamic faith, practice and belief, there are many think-tanks which are currently engaged in promoting erroneous depictions of Islam and Muslim political beliefs through unsubstantiated and academically baseless studies, and a reliance on techniques such as ‘junk-polling’. Prior to researching Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime in London, we worked with Muslim Londoners to research the contested notion of what is widely termed by academics and policy makers as “violent radicalisation” (Githens-Mazer, 2010, Lambert 2010). To a large extent it was that prior research experience that persuaded us to embark on this new project. That is to say, there is an important link between the two areas
of work which we should explain at the outset. از آنجا که 9/11 Muslim Londoners, no less than Muslims in towns and cities across Europe, have often been unfairly stigmatised as subversive threats to state security and social cohesion, sometimes characterised as a fifth column (Cox and Marks 2006, Gove 2006, Mayer and Frampton 2009). We do not suggest that this stigmatisation did not exist before 9/11, still less do we argue that it revolves solely around the issues of security and social cohesion, but we do claim that the response to 9/11 – ‘the war on terror’ – and much of the rhetoric that has surrounded it has played a significant part in increasing the public perception of European Muslims as potential enemies rather than potential partners and neighbours.

| سپتامبر 02, 2010 | نظرات 0
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Speech of Dr,MUHAMMAD BADIE

دکتر,محمد بدیع

In the name of Allah, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate Praise be to Allah and Blessing on His messenger, companions and followers
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
I greet you with the Islamic greeting; Peace be upon you and God’s mercy and blessings;
It is the will of Allah that I undertake this huge responsibility which Allah has chosen for me and a request from the MB Movement which I respond to with the support of Allah. With the support of my Muslim Brothers I look forward to achieving the great goals, we devoted ourselves to, solely for the sake of Allah.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
At the outset of my speech I would like to address our teacher, older brother, and distinguished leader Mr. Mohamed Mahdy Akef, the seventh leader of the MB group a strong, dedicated and enthusiastic person who led the group’s journey amid storms and surpassed all its obstacles, thus providing this unique and outstanding model to all leaders and senior officials in the government, associations and other parties by fulfilling his promise and handing over the leadership after only one term, words are not enough to express our feelings to this great leader and guide and we can only say “May Allah reward you all the best”.
We say to our beloved Muslim brothers who are spread around the globe, it is unfortunate for us to have this big event happening while you are not among us for reasons beyond our control, however we feel that your souls are with us sending honest and sincere smiles and vibes.
As for the beloved ones who are behind the bars of tyranny and oppression for no just reason other than reiterating Allah is our God, and for seeking the dignity, pride and development of their country, we sincerely applaud and salute them for their patience, steadfastness and sacrifices which we are sure will not be without gain. We pray that those tyrants and oppressors salvage their conscience and that we see you again in our midst supporting our cause, may Allah bless and protect you all.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
As you are aware, the main goal of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (MB) is comprehensive modification, which deals with all kinds of corruption through reform and change. “I only desire (your) betterment to the best of my power; and my success (in my task) can only come from Allah.” (Hud-88) and through cooperation with all powers of the nation and those with high spirits who are sincere to their religion and nation.
The MB believes that Allah has placed all the foundations necessary for the development and welfare of nations in the great Islam; therefore, Islam is their reference towards reform, which starts from the disciplining and training of the souls of individuals, followed by regulating families and societies by strengthening them, preceded by bringing justice to it and the continuous jihad to liberate the nation from any foreign dominance or intellectual, spiritual, cultural hegemony and economic, political or military colonialism, as well as leading the nation to development, prosperity and assuming its appropriate place in the world.

| اوت 30, 2010 | نظرات 0
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BETWEEN YESTERDAY AND TODAY

HASAN AL-BANNA

The First Islamic State
On the foundation of this virtuous Qur’anic social order the first Islamic state arose, having unshakeable faith in it, meticulously applying it, and spreading it throughout the world, so that the first Khilafah used to say: ‘If I should lose a camel’s lead, I would find it in Allah’s Book.’. He fought those who refused to pay zakah, regarding them as apostates because they had overthrown one of the pillars of this order, saying: ‘By Allah, if they refused me a lead which they would hand over to the Apostle of Allah (ص), I would fight them as soon as I have a sword in my hand!’ For unity, in all its meanings and manifestations, pervaded this new forthcoming nation.
Complete social unity arose from making the Qur’anic order and it’s language universal, while complete political unity was under the shadow of the Amir Al-Mumineen and beneath the standard of the Khilafah in the capital.
The fact that the Islamic ideology was one of decentralisation of the armed forces, the state treasuries, و provincial governors proved to be no obstacle to this, since all acted according to a single creed and a unified and comprehensive control. The Qur’anic principles dispelled and laid to rest the superstitious idolatry prevalent in the Arabian Peninsula and Persia. They banished guileful Judaism and confined it to a narrow province, putting an end to its religious and political authority. They struggled with Christianity such that its influence was greatly diminished in the Asian and African continents, confined only to Europe under the guard of the Byzantine Empire in Constantinople. Thus the Islamic state became the centre of spiritual and political dominance within the two largest continents. This state persisted in its attacks against the third continent, assaulting Constantinople from the east and besieging it until the siege grew wearisome. Then it came at it from the west,
plunging into Spain, with its victorious soldiers reaching the heart of France and penetrating as far as northern and southern Italy. It established an imposing state in Western Europe, radiant with science and knowledge.
Afterwards, it ended the conquest of Constantinople itself and the confined Christianity within the restricted area of Central Europe. Islamic fleets ventured into the depths of the Mediterranean and Red seas, both became Islamic lakes. And so the armed forces of the Islamic state assumed supremacy of the seas both in the East and West, enjoying absolute mastery over land and sea. These Islamic nations had already combined and incorporated many things from other civilisations, but they triumphed through the strength of their faith and the solidness of their system over others. They Arabised them, or succeeded in doing so to a degree, and were able to sway them and convert them to the splendour, beauty and vitality of their language and religion. The Muslims were free to adopt anything beneficial from other civilisations, insofar as it did not have adverse effects on their social and political unity.

| اوت 28, 2010 | نظرات 0
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چالش های پیش روی بانکداری اسلامی

منور اقبال
AUSAF احمد
TARIQULLAH KHAN

Islamic banking practice, which started in early 1970s on a modest scale, has shown tremendous progress during the last 25 years. Serious research work of the past two and a half decades has established that Islamic banking is a viable and efficient way of financial intermediation. A number of Islamic banks have been established during this period under heterogeneous, social and economic milieu. Recently, many conventional banks, including some major multinational Western banks, have also started using Islamic banking techniques. All this is encouraging. با این حال, the Islamic banking system, like any other system, has to be seen as an evolving reality. This experience needs to be evaluated objectively and the problems ought to be carefully identified and addressed to.

It is with this objective that the Islamic Research and Training Institute (IRTI) of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) presents this paper on Challenges Facing Islamic Banking, as decided by the IDB Board of Executive Directors. A team of IRTI researchers consisting of Munawar Iqbal, Ausaf Ahmad and Tariqullah Khan has prepared the paper. Munawar Iqbal, Chief of the Islamic Banking and Finance Division acted as the project leader. Two external scholars have also refereed the study. IRTI is grateful for the contribution of these referees. The final product is being issued as the Second Occasional Paper.

It is hoped that serious consideration will be given to the challenges facing Islamic banking identified in the paper. Theoreticians and practitioners in the field of Islamic banking and finance need to find ways and means to meet those challenges so that Islamic banking can keep on progressing as it enters the 21st Century.

| اوت 24, 2010 | نظرات 1
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The Prelude to the Islamic State

Muhammad Ibn Katebur Rahman

We have been given Islam as guidance and his guidance is divided in to, acts of worship wholly between Allah and His servants and acts of achieving aims to attain the Islamic sovereignty on earth. Acts of worship are Salat, Saum, Zabh, etc which have no rational reasons for its existence. Then there are acts which have reasons for its existence such as spending wealth, جهاد, speaking truth, fighting injustice, preventing zina, drugs, interests, etc which are there for the benefit and well being of societies and nations. Each intelligent worshipper in order to achieve these goals of universal benefits therefore must always seek ways to attain it and one of it is theological and political unity. In order to envision the gateways in the world to implement and realize these universal interests we then must know about the changing world, we must know about the age of information. We must know about its nature, behavior, progression which includes knowing about politics, history, technology, science, نظامی, cultures, philosophies, psychology of nations, people of power and values, places of interest and value, resources of earth, international law, اینترنت, humanity with its divisions on basis of wealth, power and their place in history and progression. Our Prophet (saas) stated that the knowledge is a lost property of a believer and indeed this knowledge is all those knowledge which by knowing benefits Islam and the Muslims both in world and hereafter. The intelligent among us especially the clerics, therefore study books and organizes people of knowledge on basis of their respective expertise so that they can give efficient and effective solutions for the attainment of those Islamic universal benefits. The Islamic politics is just there to realize these universal benefits, to humanity on whole and Muslims in particular

| اوت 24, 2010 | نظرات 0
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