Arab Kesho

Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'

Oktoba 6, 1981, Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan' 1973 Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan',Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan'. Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', Mlisho wa RSS wa Kitengo cha 'Jordan', moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.,moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi.. moja ya lori la jeshi lilisimama moja kwa moja mbele ya stendi ya kukagua mara tu ndege sita aina ya Mirage zilipokuwa zikiunguruma katika mchezo wa sarakasi., na hisia yangu ya wajibu wa uandishi wa habari ilinisukuma kwenda kujua kama Sadat alikuwa hai au amekufa.

Uislamu na Uundaji wa Madaraka ya Serikali

seyyed vali Reza Nasr

katika 1979 Jenerali Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, mtawala wa kijeshi wa Pakistan, alitangaza kuwa Pakistan itakuwa taifa la Kiislamu. Maadili na kanuni za Kiislamu zingetumika kama msingi wa utambulisho wa kitaifa, sheria, uchumi, na mahusiano ya kijamii, na ingehimiza uundaji wa sera zote. katika 1980 Mahathir Muhammad, waziri mkuu mpya wa Malaysia, ilianzisha mpango mpana sawa wa kusisitiza uundaji wa sera za serikali katika maadili ya Kiislamu, na kuleta sheria za nchi yake na mwenendo wa kiuchumi sambamba na mafundisho ya Uislamu. Kwa nini watawala hawa walichagua njia ya “Uislamu” kwa ajili ya nchi zao? Na ni vipi mataifa ya wakati mmoja baada ya ukoloni yaligeuka kuwa mawakala wa Uislamu na ishara ya dola ya "kweli" ya Kiislamu??
Malaysia na Pakistan tangu mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1970-mapema miaka ya 1980 zimefuata njia ya kipekee ya maendeleo ambayo inatofautiana na uzoefu wa mataifa mengine ya Dunia ya Tatu.. Katika nchi hizi mbili utambulisho wa kidini uliunganishwa katika itikadi ya serikali ili kufahamisha lengo na mchakato wa maendeleo na maadili ya Kiislamu.
Ahadi hii pia imetoa taswira tofauti kabisa ya uhusiano kati ya Uislamu na siasa katika jamii za Kiislamu. Katika Malaysia na Pakistan, imekuwa taasisi za serikali badala ya wanaharakati wa Kiislamu (wale wanaotetea usomaji wa kisiasa wa Uislamu; pia wanajulikana kama waamsho au wafuasi wa kimsingi) that have been the guardians of Islam and the defenders of its interests. This suggests a
very different dynamic in the ebbs and flow of Islamic politics—in the least pointing to the importance of the state in the vicissitudes of this phenomenon.
What to make of secular states that turn Islamic? What does such a transformation mean for the state as well as for Islamic politics?
This book grapples with these questions. This is not a comprehensive account of Malaysia’s or Pakistan’s politics, nor does it cover all aspects of Islam’s role in their societies and politics, although the analytical narrative dwells on these issues considerably. This book is rather a social scientific inquiry into the phenomenon of secular postcolonial states becoming agents of Islamization, na kwa upana zaidi jinsi utamaduni na dini zinavyohudumia mahitaji ya mamlaka na maendeleo ya serikali. Uchambuzi hapa unategemea mijadala ya kinadharia
katika sayansi ya kijamii ya tabia ya serikali na jukumu la utamaduni na dini ndani yake. Muhimu zaidi, huchota makisio kutoka kwa kesi zinazochunguzwa ili kufanya hitimisho pana la maslahi kwa taaluma.

Ufeministi KATI secularism na Uislam: Kesi ya PALESTINE

Dk, Islah Jad

Uchaguzi wa wabunge uliofanyika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza nchini 2006 kuliingiza madarakani vuguvugu la Kiislamu la Hamas, ambayo iliendelea kuunda wengi wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina na pia serikali ya kwanza yenye wingi wa Hamas. Uchaguzi huu ulisababisha kuteuliwa kwa waziri wa kwanza mwanamke wa Hamas, ambaye alikua Waziri wa Masuala ya Wanawake. Kati ya Machi 2006 na Juni 2007, mawaziri wawili tofauti wa kike wa Hamas walichukua wadhifa huu, lakini wote wawili walipata ugumu wa kuisimamia Wizara kwa vile wengi wa watumishi wake hawakuwa wanachama wa Hamas bali walikuwa wa vyama vingine vya siasa, na wengi walikuwa wanachama wa Fatah, harakati kubwa inayodhibiti taasisi nyingi za Mamlaka ya Palestina. Kipindi cha mvutano kati ya wanawake wa Hamas katika Wizara ya Masuala ya Wanawake na wanachama wa kike wa Fatah kilifikia kikomo kufuatia Hamas kuchukua mamlaka katika Ukanda wa Gaza na matokeo yake kuanguka kwa serikali yake katika Ukingo wa Magharibi - mapambano. ambayo wakati mwingine ilichukua zamu ya vurugu. Sababu moja iliyotajwa baadaye kuelezea mapambano haya ilikuwa tofauti kati ya mazungumzo ya kidunia ya ufeministi na mazungumzo ya Kiislamu juu ya maswala ya wanawake.. Katika muktadha wa Palestina kutokubaliana huku kulichukua sura ya hatari kwani ilitumika kuhalalisha kuendeleza mapambano ya kisiasa ya umwagaji damu., kuondolewa kwa wanawake wa Hamas kwenye nyadhifa au nyadhifa zao, na migawanyiko ya kisiasa na kijiografia iliyokuwepo wakati huo katika Ukingo wa Magharibi na Ukanda wa Gaza unaokaliwa kwa mabavu..
Mapambano haya yanazua maswali kadhaa muhimu: tuiadhibu vuguvugu la Kiislamu ambalo limeingia madarakani, au tuzingatie sababu zilizopelekea Fateh kushindwa katika medani ya kisiasa? Je, ufeministi unaweza kutoa mfumo wa kina kwa wanawake, bila kujali misimamo yao ya kijamii na kiitikadi? Je, mazungumzo ya msingi wa pamoja kwa wanawake yanaweza kuwasaidia kutambua na kukubaliana juu ya malengo yao ya pamoja? Je! Ubaba upo tu katika itikadi ya Kiislamu, na si katika utaifa na uzalendo? Tunamaanisha nini kwa ufeministi? Je, kuna ufeministi mmoja tu, au ufeministi kadhaa? Tunamaanisha nini kwa Uislamu – ni vuguvugu linalojulikana kwa jina hili au dini, falsafa, au mfumo wa kisheria? Tunahitaji kwenda chini ya masuala haya na kuyazingatia kwa makini, na lazima tukubaliane nao ili baadaye tuamue, kama watetezi wa haki za wanawake, ikiwa ukosoaji wetu wa ubaba uelekezwe kwenye dini (imani), ambayo yanapaswa kufungiwa ndani ya moyo wa muumini na kutoruhusiwa kutawala ulimwengu kwa ujumla, au sheria, ambayo inahusiana na madhehebu mbalimbali ya imani ambayo yanaeleza mfumo wa kisheria uliomo ndani ya Quran na maneno ya Mtume – Sunnah.

Kiislamu WANAWAKE harakati katika ulichukua PALESTINE

Mahojiano na Khaled Amayreh

Mahojiano na Sameera Al-Halayka

Sameera Al-Halayka ni mjumbe aliyechaguliwa wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina. Alikuwa

alizaliwa katika kijiji cha Shoyoukh karibu na Hebroni 1964. Ana BA katika Sharia (Islamic

Jurisprudence) kutoka Chuo Kikuu cha Hebron. Alifanya kazi kama mwandishi wa habari kutoka 1996 kwa 2006 lini

aliingia katika Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Palestina kama mjumbe aliyechaguliwa 2006 uchaguzi.

Ameolewa na ana watoto saba.

Q: Kuna hisia ya jumla katika baadhi ya nchi za magharibi ambayo wanawake hupokea

matibabu duni ndani ya vikundi vya upinzani vya Kiislamu, kama vile Hamas. Je, hii ni kweli?

Jinsi gani wanaharakati wanawake wanachukuliwa katika Hamas?
Haki na wajibu wa wanawake wa Kiislamu hutoka kwanza kabisa kutoka kwa Sharia au sheria ya Kiislamu.

Sio vitendo vya hiari au hisani au ishara tunazopokea kutoka kwa Hamas au mtu yeyote

mwingine. Hivyo, kuhusu ushiriki wa kisiasa na uanaharakati, wanawake kwa ujumla

haki na wajibu sawa na wanaume. Baada ya yote, wanawake wanatengeneza angalau 50 asilimia ya

jamii. Kwa maana fulani, wao ni jamii nzima kwa sababu wanazaa, na kuinua,

kizazi kipya.

Kwa hiyo, Ninaweza kusema kwamba hadhi ya wanawake ndani ya Hamas inalingana naye kikamilifu

hadhi katika Uislamu wenyewe. Hii ina maana kwamba yeye ni mshirika kamili katika ngazi zote. Kwa kweli, ingekuwa

dhulma na dhuluma kwa Muislamu (au Muislamu ukipenda) mwanamke kuwa mshirika katika mateso

huku akiwa ametengwa katika mchakato wa kufanya maamuzi. Hii ndiyo sababu jukumu la mwanamke katika

Hamas daima imekuwa waanzilishi.

Q: Je, unahisi kuwa kuibuka kwa harakati za kisiasa za wanawake ndani ya Hamas ni

maendeleo ya asili ambayo yanapatana na dhana za Kiislamu za kitambo

kuhusu hadhi na nafasi ya mwanamke, au ni jibu la lazima tu

shinikizo za usasa na mahitaji ya hatua za kisiasa na kuendelea

Uvamizi wa Israeli?

Hakuna maandishi katika sheria za Kiislamu wala katika hati ya Hamas ambayo inawazuia wanawake kutoka

ushiriki wa kisiasa. Naamini kinyume chake ni kweli — kuna aya nyingi za Quran

na maneno ya Mtume Muhammad (s.a.w.w.) ya kuwataka wanawake kujishughulisha na siasa na umma

masuala yanayowahusu Waislamu. Lakini pia ni kweli kwamba kwa wanawake, kama ilivyo kwa wanaume, harakati za kisiasa

si lazima bali ni hiari, na kwa kiasi kikubwa huamuliwa kwa kuzingatia uwezo wa kila mwanamke,

sifa na hali ya mtu binafsi. Hakuna kidogo, kuonyesha kujali umma

mambo ni wajibu kwa kila Mwislamu mwanamume na mwanamke. Mtume

Muhammad alisema: "Yeyote asiyejali mambo ya Waislamu sio Muislamu."

Kwa kuongezea, Wanawake wa Kiislam wa Palestina wanapaswa kuzingatia mambo yote ya msingi

akaunti wakati wa kuamua kujiunga na siasa au kujihusisha na harakati za kisiasa.


WANAWAKE Iran baada ya Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu

Ansiia Khaz Allii


Zaidi ya miaka thelathini imepita tangu ushindi wa Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu nchini Iran, bado kuna a idadi ya maswali na utata kuhusu namna Jamhuri ya Kiislamu na sheria zake inavyoshughulikia matatizo ya kisasa na hali ya sasa, hasa kuhusu haki za wanawake na wanawake. Karatasi hii fupi itaangazia masuala haya na kusoma nafasi ya sasa ya wanawake katika nyanja mbalimbali, wakilinganisha hali hii na ilivyokuwa kabla ya Mapinduzi ya Kiislamu. Data ya kuaminika na kuthibitishwa imetumika wherever possible. The introduction summarises a number of theoretical and legal studies which provide the basis for the subsequent more practical analysis and are the sources from where the data has been obtained.
The first section considers attitudes of the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards women and women’s rights, and then takes a comprehensive look at the laws promulgated since the Islamic Revolution concerning women and their position in society. The second section considers women’s cultural and educational developments since the Revolution and compares these to the pre-revolutionary situation. The third section looks at women’s political, social and economic participation and considers both quantative and qualitative aspects of their employment. The fourth section then examines questions of the family, the relationship between women and the family, and the family’s role in limiting or increasing women’s rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Wanawake katika Uislamu

Amira Burghul

Despite major consensus amongst a large number of philosophers and historians that the

principles and teachings of Islam caused a fundamental change in the position of women

compared to the prevailing situation in countries in both East and West at the time, and despite

the agreement of a large number of thinkers and legislators that women during the time of the

Prophet (PBUH) were granted rights and legal privileges not granted by man-made laws until

recently, propaganda campaigns by Westerners and people with a Westernised perspective

consistently accuse Islam of being unjust to women, ya kuwawekea vikwazo, na

kudharau nafasi yao katika jamii.

Hali hii imefanywa kuwa mbaya zaidi kutokana na angahewa na hali iliyoenea kote kote

Ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, ambapo ujinga na umasikini umezalisha uelewa mdogo wa dini

na mahusiano ya kifamilia na kibinadamu ambayo yanazuia haki na njia ya maisha ya kistaarabu, hasa

kati ya wanaume na wanawake. Kikundi kidogo cha watu ambao wamepewa fursa

kupata elimu na uwezo pia wameingia katika mtego wa kuamini kwamba kupatikana kwa haki

kwa wanawake na kutumia uwezo wao kunategemea kukataa dini na uchamungu na

kufuata mtindo wa maisha wa Magharibi, kama matokeo ya masomo yao ya juu juu ya Uislamu kwa upande mmoja

na athari za mabadiliko ya maisha kwa upande mwingine.

Ni idadi ndogo sana ya watu kutoka katika makundi haya mawili wameweza kutoroka na kutupwa mbali

vazi lao la ujinga na mila. Watu hawa wamesoma urithi wao kwa kina sana

na undani, na tumeangalia matokeo ya uzoefu wa Magharibi kwa nia iliyo wazi. Wana

kutofautisha kati ya ngano na makapi katika siku zilizopita na za sasa, na wameshughulikia

kisayansi na kimalengo na matatizo yaliyojitokeza. Wamewakanusha uwongo

mashtaka yaliyotolewa dhidi ya Uislamu kwa hoja fasaha, na wamekiri kuwa na dosari zilizofichika.

Pia wamechunguza tena kauli na desturi za Maasumin ili

tofautisha kati ya kile kilichowekwa na kitakatifu na kilichobadilishwa na kupotoshwa.

The responsible behaviour of this group has established new directions and new ways of dealing

with the question of women in Islamic societies. They have clearly not yet tackled all problems

and found final solutions for the many legislative gaps and deficiencies, but they have laid the

ground for the emergence of a new model for Muslim women, who are both strong and

committed to the legal and effective foundations of their society.

With the triumph of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the blessing of its leaders, which is the

main religious authority for the participation of women and their effective political and social

participation, the scope for strong debate over women in Islam has been significantly expanded.

The model of Muslim women in Iran has spread to Islamic resistance movements in Lebanon,

Palestine other Arab countries and even the Western world, and as a result, propaganda

campaigns against Islam have abated to some extent.

The emergence of Salafi Islamic movements such as the Taliban in Afghanistan and similar

Salafi movements in Saudi Arabia and North Africa, and their fanatical way of treating women,

have provoked nervous onlookers fearing an Islamic resurgence into launching new propaganda

campaigns accusing Islam of inspiring terrorism and being backwards and unjust towards

women.

smearcasting: Jinsi Islamophobes kuenea hofu, bigotry na taarifa potofu

FAIR

Julie Hollar

Jim Naureckas

Making Islamophobia Mainstream:
How Muslim-bashers broadcast their bigotry
Jambo ajabu kilichotokea katika Wakosoaji National Book Circle (NBCC) uteuzi katika Februari 2007: kawaida highbrow na kundi kuhimili ameshinda kwa kitabu bora katika uwanja wa upinzani kitabu na wengi kama matamshi ya yote kundi la kidini.
The nomination of Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept: How Radical Islam Is Destroying the West From Within didn’t pass without controversy. Past nominee Eliot Weinberger denounced the book at the NBCC’s annual gathering, calling it ‘‘racism as criticism’’ (New York Times, 2/8/07). NBCC board president John Freeman wrote on the group’s blog (Critical Mass, 2/4/07): ‘‘I have never been
more embarrassed by a choice than I have been with Bruce Bawer’s While Europe Slept…. Its hyperventilated rhetoric tips from actual critique into Islamophobia.’’
Though it didn’t ultimately win the award, While Europe Slept’s recognition in the highest literary circles was emblematic of a mainstreaming of Islamophobia, not just in American publishing but in the broader media. This report takes a fresh look at Islamophobia in today’s media and its perpetratrators, outlining some of the behind-the-scenes connections that are rarely explored in media. The report also provides four snapshots, or “case studies,” describing how Islamophobes continue to manipulate media to in order to paint Muslims with a broad, hateful brush. Our aim is to document smearcasting: the public writings and appearances of Islamophobic activists and pundits who intentionally and regularly spread fear, bigotry na taarifa potofu. The term “Islamophobia” refers to hostility toward Islam and Muslims that tends to dehumanize an entire faith, portraying it as fundamentally alien and attributing to it an inherent, essential set of negative traits such as irrationality, intolerance and violence. And not unlike the charges made in the classical document of anti-Semitism, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, some of Islamophobia’s more virulent expressionslike While Europe Sleptinclude evocations of Islamic designs to dominate the West.
Islamic institutions and Muslims, bila shaka, should be subject to the same kind of scrutiny and criticism as anyone else. For instance, when a Norwegian Islamic Council debates whether gay men and lesbians should be executed, one may forcefully condemn individuals or groups sharing that opinion without pulling all European Muslims into it, as did Bawer’s Pajamas Media post (8/7/08),
“European Muslims Debate: Should Gays Be Executed?”
vile vile, extremists who justify their violent actions by invoking some particular interpretation of Islam can be criticized without implicating the enormously diverse population of Muslims around the world. Baada ya yote, reporters managed to cover the Oklahoma City bombing by Timothy McVeighan adherent of the racist Christian Identity sectwithout resorting to generalized statements about “Christian terrorism.” Likewise, media have covered acts of terrorism by fanatics who are Jewishfor instance the Hebron massacre carried out by Baruch Goldstein (Extra!, 5/6/94)–without implicating the entirety of Judaism.

Totalitarianism ya jihadi Uislam na changamoto zake za Ulaya na kwa Uislamu

Bassam Tibi

Wakati wa kusoma idadi kubwa ya maandiko ya kuwa wanaunda maandiko kubwa ambayo imekuwa kuchapishwa na pundits binafsi kutangazwa kwenye siasa Uislamu, ni rahisi kukosa ukweli kwamba harakati mpya ametokea. Further, this literature fails to explain in a satisfactory manner the fact that the ideology which drives it is based on a particular interpretation of Islam, and that it is thus a politicised religious faith,
not a secular one. The only book in which political Islam is addressed as a form of totalitarianism is the one by Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (2003). The author is, hata hivyo, not an expert, cannot read Islamic sources, and therefore relies on the selective use of one or two secondary sources, thus failing to grasp the phenomenon.
One of the reasons for such shortcomings is the fact that most of those who seek to inform us about the ‘jihadist threat’ – and Berman is typical of this scholarship – not only lack the language skills to read the sources produced by the ideologues of political Islam, but also lack knowledge about the cultural dimension of the movement. This new totalitarian movement is in many ways a novelty
in the history of politics since it has its roots in two parallel and related phenomena: first, the culturalisation of politics which leads to politics being conceptualised as a cultural system (a view pioneered by Clifford Geertz); and second the return of the sacred, or ‘re-enchantment’ of the world, as a reaction to its intensive secularisation resulting from globalisation.
The analysis of political ideologies that are based on religions, and that can exert appeal as a political religion as a consequence of this, involves a social science understanding of the role of religion played by world politics, especially after the bi-polar system of the Cold War has given way to a multi-polar world. In a project conducted at the Hannah Arendt Institute for the application of totalitarianism to the study of political religions, I proposed the distinction between secular ideologies that act as a substitute for religion, and religious ideologies based on genuine religious faith, which is the case in religious fundamentalism (see note
24). Another project on ‘Political Religion’, carried out at the University of Basel, has made clearer the point that new approaches to politics become necessary once a religious faith becomes clothed in a political garb.Drawing on the authoritative sources of political Islam, this article suggests that the great variety of organisations inspired by Islamist ideology are to be conceptualised both as political religions and as political movements. The unique quality of political Islam lies is the fact that it is based on a transnational religion (see note 26).

Uislamu, Political Islam na Amerika

Arab Insight

Je! "Udugu" na Amerika Inawezekana?

khalil al-anani

"Hakuna nafasi ya kuwasiliana na yeyote Mkondoni. Usimamizi muda mrefu kama Marekani inao yake maoni ya muda mrefu ya Uislamu kama hatari halisi, maoni ambayo yanaiweka Merika katika boti moja na adui wa Kizayuni. Hatuna maoni ya mapema kuhusu watu wa Amerika au Merika. jamii na mashirika yake ya kiraia na vituo vya kufikiria. Hatuna shida kuwasiliana na watu wa Amerika lakini hakuna juhudi za kutosha zinazofanywa kutuleta karibu,”Alisema Dk. Issam al-Iryan, mkuu wa idara ya kisiasa ya Muslim Brotherhood katika mahojiano ya simu.
Maneno ya Al-Iryan yana muhtasari wa maoni ya Ndugu Waislamu juu ya watu wa Amerika na U.S. serikali. Washiriki wengine wa Muslim Brotherhood watakubali, kama vile marehemu Hassan al-Banna, ambaye alianzisha kikundi katika 1928. Al- Banna aliiona Magharibi kama ishara ya kuporomoka kwa maadili. Salafis wengine - shule ya fikra ya Kiisilamu inayotegemea mababu kama mifano ya mfano - wamechukua maoni kama hayo ya Merika, lakini hukosa kubadilika kwa kiitikadi kuungwa mkono na Udugu wa Kiislamu. Wakati Muslim Brotherhood inaamini kuwashirikisha Wamarekani katika mazungumzo ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vikundi vingine vyenye msimamo mkali havioni maana ya mazungumzo na kudumisha kwamba nguvu ndiyo njia pekee ya kushughulika na Merika.

Maelezo juu ya Legacy ya Isocratic na Kiislamu Siasa Thought: Mfano wa Elimu

JAMES Muir

An unfortunate feature of human history is the tendency for religious differences and con icts to nourish themselves with the poisonous brew of ignorance and prejudice. While much can sometimes be done to reduce prejudice, it seems to me that scholars and educators ought to be primarily concerned with the more fundamental and enduring goal of reducing ignorance. One’s success in reducing ignorance—including one’s own—will depend upon one’s motives.
The study of Islamic educational philosophy may be motivated by current practical concerns: the desire of British Muslims to have Islamic schools, whether funded privately or by the state, is one topical example. From the perspective of educational philosophy, hata hivyo, such a motive is exceedingly narrow, circumscribed by the concepts and categories of the local political disputes of the moment. For those motivated by a desire for knowledge and understanding of a tradition outside their own, it is most doubtful that any study of Islamic philosophy restricted by current practical concerns can be at all productive. There is no simple correspondence between knowledge and “relevance.”
There must, hata hivyo, be some connection between two traditions of thought and practice if there is to be a point of departure, and a point of entry, which allows the scholar to step from one tradition to another. The legacy of Isocrates may constitute one such point of departure, which will help us to understand the relation between two traditions, the classical Greek and the Islamic. The dominance of the Isocratic legacy in Western education is well established and widely known among historians, classicists
and political philosophers, although awareness of it has only just begun to surface among educationists.2 Similarly, the Isocratic legacy to education (and the rich tradition of Arabic Platonism in philosophy) has in uenced Islamic thought, though in ways that are
still not yet well understood. The intention of this paper is to suggest that a modiŽ ed form of the Isocratic educational tradition is a fundamental component of Islamic political thought, yaani, Islamic educational thought. This general wording of the intention of this paper in terms of Islamic political thought may give rise to a misunderstanding. Uislamu, bila shaka, is regarded by its adherents as a uniŽ ed and universal system of belief and behaviour.

Demokrasia huria na Uislamu wa Kisiasa: Utafutaji wa Sehemu ya Kawaida.

Mostapha Benhenda

This paper seeks to establish a dialogue between democratic and Islamic political theories.1 The interplay between them is puzzling: for example, in order to explain the relationship existing between democracy and their conception of the ideal Islamic political
regime, the Pakistani scholar Abu ‘Ala Maududi coined the neologism “theodemocracy” whereas the French scholar Louis Massignon suggested the oxymoron “secular theocracy”. These expressions suggest that some aspects of democracy are evaluated positively and others are judged negatively. Kwa mfano, Muslim scholars and activists often endorse the principle of accountability of rulers, which is a defining feature of democracy. On the contrary, they often reject the principle of separation between religion and the state, which is often considered to be part of democracy (at least, of democracy as known in the United States today). Given this mixed assessment of democratic principles, it seems interesting to determine the conception of democracy underlying Islamic political models. In other words, we should try to find out what is democratic in “theodemocracy”. To that end, among the impressive diversity and plurality of Islamic traditions of normative political thought, we essentially focus on the broad current of thought going back to Abu ‘Ala Maududi and the Egyptian intellectual Sayyed Qutb.8 This particular trend of thought is interesting because in the Muslim world, it lies at the basis of some of the most challenging oppositions to the diffusion of the values originating from the West. Based on religious values, this trend elaborated a political model alternative to liberal democracy. Broadly speaking, the conception of democracy included in this Islamic political model is procedural. With some differences, this conception is inspired by democratic theories advocated by some constitutionalists and political scientists.10 It is thin and minimalist, up to a certain point. Kwa mfano, it does not rely on any notion of popular sovereignty and it does not require any separation between religion and politics. The first aim of this paper is to elaborate this minimalist conception. We make a detailed restatement of it in order to isolate this conception from its moral (liberal) foundations, which are controversial from the particular Islamic viewpoint considered here. Kwa kweli, the democratic process is usually derived from a principle of personal autonomy, which is not endorsed by these Islamic theories.11 Here, we show that such principle is not necessary to justify a democratic process.

Juu ya Katiba ya Amerika kutoka kwa Mtazamo wa Kurani na Agano la Madinah

Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad

This paper is by no means an exhaustive comparison of the American Constitution with the Qur’an and the Madinah Covenant. Rather, it explores the kinds of insights that a comparison between these two documents may suggest. Kwa hiyo, the constitutional topics selected are those in which the author or the commentators on earlier drafts perceived an assessment within the Islamic sources.4 This paper should be taken as an invitation for future studies with more systematic comparisons. In addition to rational inference from the text of the Qur’an and of the Madinah Covenant, I shall draw on the views of the Prophet’s Companions as recorded in the leading Hadith books. Analogously, the views of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic on constitutional
matters are articulated in The Federalist Papers.We shall begin by reviewing the Madinah Covenant, na kisha kutathmini malengo ya Katiba kama ilivyoonyeshwa katika utangulizi. Baada ya hapo, tutachunguza mada anuwai katika sehemu kuu ya maandishi ambayo yanafaa kwa mtihani uliopendekezwa hapa. Hasa, haya ni majukumu ya matawi ya serikali kulingana na mgawanyo wa madaraka, jukumu la uchaguzi katika kuamua mkuu wa nchi ajaye, adhabu ya uhaini, kuwepo kwa biashara ya utumwa na ubaguzi wa rangi, aina ya serikali ya jamhuri, masharti ya marekebisho ya Katiba, mitihani ya kidini, na Mswada wa Haki. hatimaye, tunazingatia hoja za Madison kuhusu jinsi Katiba inavyoweza kuchukuliwa kuwa kielelezo cha kuepuka fitna.
The Madinah Covenant That Muslims attach great significance to their organization as a political community can be seen in the fact that their calendar is dated neither from the birth nor the death of the Prophet, but from the establishment of the first Muslim polity in the city-state of Madinah in 622. Before Madinah was founded, the Arabs had no state to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty” The custom at that time was that those who were too weak to protect themselves became clients of a protector (wali). Muhammad, himself an orphan, was brought up under the protection of his uncle Abu Talib.
After his uncle’s death in 619, Muhammad alipokea mwaliko kutoka kwa makabila ya Kiarabu yenye uhasama ya Yathrib kutawala huko. Mara moja huko Yathrib, aliingia agano na wakazi wake wote, iwe wameukubali Uislamu au la. Hata Wayahudi walioishi viunga vya jiji walijiunga nayo.

UISLAMU NA DEMOKRASIA huria

Robin Wright
Kati ya changamoto zote zinazoikabili demokrasia katika miaka ya 1990, moja ya uongo mkubwa katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Ni nchi chache tu kati ya zaidi ya dazeni nne zenye Waislamu wengi ambazo zimepiga hatua kubwa katika kuanzisha mifumo ya kidemokrasia.. Miongoni mwa wachache hawa–ikiwa ni pamoja na Albania, Bangladesh, Jordan, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Mali, Pakistan, na Uturuki–hakuna hata mmoja aliyepata mafanikio kamili, imara, au kulinda demokrasia. Na kambi kubwa zaidi ya kikanda inayoshikilia dhidi ya mwelekeo wa kimataifa kuelekea vyama vingi vya kisiasa inajumuisha nchi za Kiislamu za Mashariki ya Kati na Afrika Kaskazini..
Hata hivyo upinzani dhidi ya mabadiliko ya kisiasa unaohusishwa na kambi ya Kiislamu si lazima uwe kazi ya imani ya Kiislamu. Kwa kweli, ushahidi unaonyesha kinyume kabisa. Watawala katika baadhi ya tawala zinazopinga demokrasia katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu–kama vile Brunei, Indonesia, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Syria, na Turkmenistan–ni watawala wa kidunia wanaokataa kugawana madaraka na ndugu zao.
Kwa ujumla, vikwazo kwa wingi wa kisiasa katika nchi za Kiislamu si tofauti na matatizo yaliyokabiliwa awali katika sehemu nyingine za dunia: itikadi za kilimwengu kama vile Baathism huko Iraqi na Syria, Pancasila huko Indonesia, au Ukomunisti unaoendelea katika baadhi ya majimbo ya zamani ya Asia ya Kati ya Sovieti hakuna upinzani wa kweli. Cha kushangaza, nyingi ya itikadi hizi zilichukuliwa kutoka Magharibi; Ubatizo, kwa mfano, ulitiwa msukumo na ujamaa wa Ulaya wa miaka ya 1930 na 1940. Rigid government controls over everything from communications in Saudi Arabia and Brunei to foreign visitors in Uzbekistan and Indonesia also isolate their people from democratic ideas and debate on popular empowerment. In the largest and poorest Muslim countries, moreover, problems common to [End Page 64] developing states, from illiteracy and disease to poverty, make simple survival a priority and render democratic politics a seeming luxury. hatimaye, like their non-Muslim neighbors in Asia and Africa, most Muslim societies have no local history of democracy on which to draw. As democracy has blossomed in Western states over the past three centuries, Muslim societies have usually lived under colonial rulers, kings, or tribal and clan leaders.
In other words, neither Islam nor its culture is the major obstacle to political modernity, hata kama watawala wasio na demokrasia wakati mwingine hutumia Uislamu kama kisingizio chao. 1 Katika Saudi Arabia, kwa mfano, Baraza tawala la Saud liliegemea Uwahabi, chapa ya puritanical ya Uislamu wa Sunni, kwanza kuunganisha makabila ya Bara Arabu na kisha kuhalalisha utawala wa nasaba. Kama dini zingine za Mungu mmoja, Uislamu unatoa mafundisho mapana na wakati mwingine yanapingana. Katika Saudi Arabia, Misingi ya Uislamu imeundwa kwa kuchagua ili kudumisha ufalme wa kimabavu.

Uislamu na New Landscape Siasa

Back, Keith Michael, Azra Khan,
Kalbir Shukra na John Solomos

KUTOKANA na shambulio la World Trade Center tarehe 11 Septemba 2001, na milipuko ya mabomu ya Madrid na London ya 2004 na 2005, fasihi ambayo inashughulikia aina na taratibu za usemi wa kidini - haswa usemi wa kidini wa Kiislamu - imestawi katika maeneo ambayo yanaunganisha sayansi kuu ya kijamii na muundo wa sera za kijamii., think tanks and journalism. Much of the work has attempted to define attitudes or predispositions of a Muslim population in a particular site of tension such as London or the UK (Barnes, 2006; Ethnos Consultancy, 2005; GFK, 2006; GLA, 2006; Populus, 2006), or critiqued particular forms of social policy intervention (Bright, 2006a; Mirza et al., 2007). Studies of Islamism and Jihadism have created a particular focus on the syncretic and complex links between Islamic religious faith and forms of social movement and political mobilization (Husain, 2007; Kepel, 2004, 2006; McRoy, 2006; Neville-Jones et al., 2006, 2007; Phillips, 2006; Roy, 2004, 2006). Conventionally, the analytical focus has spotlighted the culture of Islam, the belief systems of the faithful, and the historical and geographical trajectories of Muslim populations across the world in general and in ‘the West’ in particular (Abbas, 2005; Ansari, 2002; Eade and Garbin, 2002; Hussein, 2006; Modood, 2005; Ramadan, 1999, 2005). In this article the emphasis is different. We argue that studies of Islamic political participation need to be contextualized carefully without recourse to grand generalities about culture and faith. This is because both culture and faith are structured by and in turn structure the cultural, institutional and deliberative landscapes through which they are articulated. In the case of the British experience, the hidden traces of Christianity in the formation of the welfare state in the last century, the rapidly changing cartography of spaces of the political and the role of ‘faith organizations’ in the restructuring of welfare provision generate the material social context determining the opportunities and the outlines of new forms of political participation.

Kanuni ya Harakati katika Muundo wa Uislamu

Dk. Muhammad Iqbal

As a cultural movement Islam rejects the old static view of the universe, and reaches a dynamic view. As an emotional system of unification it recognizes the worth of the individual as such, and rejects bloodrelationship as a basis of human unity. Blood-relationship is earthrootedness. The search for a purely psychological foundation of human unity becomes possible only with the perception that all human life is spiritual in its origin.1 Such a perception is creative of fresh loyalties without any ceremonial to keep them alive, and makes it possible for man to emancipate himself from the earth. Christianity which had originally appeared as a monastic order was tried by Constantine as a system of unification.2 Its failure to work as such a system drove the Emperor Julian3 to return to the old gods of Rome on which he attempted to put philosophical interpretations. A modern historian of civilization has thus depicted the state of the civilized world about the time when Islam appeared on the stage of History: It seemed then that the great civilization that it had taken four thousand years to construct was on the verge of disintegration, and that mankind was likely to return to that condition of barbarism where every tribe and sect was against the next, and law and order were unknown . . . The
old tribal sanctions had lost their power. Hence the old imperial methods would no longer operate. The new sanctions created by
Christianity were working division and destruction instead of unity and order. It was a time fraught with tragedy. Civilization, like a gigantic tree whose foliage had overarched the world and whose branches had borne the golden fruits of art and science and literature, stood tottering, its trunk no longer alive with the flowing sap of devotion and reverence, but rotted to the core, riven by the storms of war, and held together only by the cords of ancient customs and laws, that might snap at any moment. Was there any emotional culture that could be brought in, to gather mankind once more into unity and to save civilization? This culture must be something of a new type, for the old sanctions and ceremonials were dead, and to build up others of the same kind would be the work
of centuries.’The writer then proceeds to tell us that the world stood in need of a new culture to take the place of the culture of the throne, and the systems of unification which were based on bloodrelationship.
It is amazing, he adds, that such a culture should have arisen from Arabia just at the time when it was most needed. There is, hata hivyo, nothing amazing in the phenomenon. The world-life intuitively sees its own needs, and at critical moments defines its own direction. This is what, in the language of religion, we call prophetic revelation. It is only natural that Islam should have flashed across the consciousness of a simple people untouched by any of the ancient cultures, and occupying a geographical position where three continents meet together. The new culture finds the foundation of world-unity in the principle of Tauhâd.’5 Islam, as a polity, is only a practical means of making this principle a living factor in the intellectual and emotional life of mankind. It demands loyalty to God, not to thrones. And since God is the ultimate spiritual basis of all life, loyalty to God virtually amounts to man’s loyalty to his own ideal nature. The ultimate spiritual basis of all life, as conceived by Islam, is eternal and reveals itself in variety and change. A society based on such a conception of Reality must reconcile, in its life, the categories of permanence and change. It must possess eternal principles to regulate its collective life, for the eternal gives us a foothold in the world of perpetual change.

Islamic Matengenezo

Adnan Khan

The Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi boasted after the events of 9/11:
“…we must be aware of the superiority of our civilisation, a system that has guaranteed

well being, respect for human rights andin contrast with Islamic countriesrespect

for religious and political rights, a system that has its values understanding of diversity

and tolerance…The West will conquer peoples, like it conquered communism, even if it

means a confrontation with another civilisation, the Islamic one, stuck where it was

1,400 years ago…”1

And in a 2007 report the RAND institute declared:
“The struggle underway throughout much of the Muslim world is essentially a war of

ideas. Its outcome will determine the future direction of the Muslim world.”

Building moderate Muslim Networks, RAND Institute

The concept of ‘islah’ (reform) is a concept unknown to Muslims. It never existed throughout the

history of the Islamic civilisation; it was never debated or even considered. A cursory glance at classical

Islamic literature shows us that when the classical scholars laid the foundations of usul, and codified

their Islamic rulings (fiqh) they were only looking to the comprehension of the Islamic rules in order to

apply them. A similar situation occurred when the rules were laid down for the hadith, tafseer and the

Arabic language. Scholars, thinkers and intellectuals throughout Islamic history spent much time

understanding Allah’s revelation – the Qur’an and applying the ayaat upon the realities and coined

principals and disciplines in order to facilitate understanding. Hence the Qur’an remained the basis of

study and all the disciplines that evolved were always based upon the Qur’an. Those who became

smitten by Greek philosophy such as the Muslim philosophers and some from amongst the Mut’azilah

were considered to have left the fold of Islam as the Qur’an ceased to be their basis of study. Thus for

any Muslim attempting to deduce rules or understand what stance should be taken upon a particular

issue the Qur’an is the basis of this study.

The first attempt at reforming Islam took place at the turn of the 19th century. By the turn of the

century the Ummah had been in a lengthy period of decline where the global balance of power shifted

from the Khilafah to Britain. Mounting problems engulfed the Khilafah whilst Western Europe was in

the midst of the industrial revolution. The Ummah came to lose her pristine understanding of Islam, na

in an attempt to reverse the decline engulfing the Uthmani’s (Ottomans) some Muslims were sent to the

Magharibi, and as a result became smitten by what they saw. Rifa’a Rafi’ al-Tahtawi of Egypt (1801-1873),

on his return from Paris, wrote a biographical book called Takhlis al-ibriz ila talkhis Bariz (The

Extraction of Gold, or an Overview of Paris, 1834), praising their cleanliness, love of work, and above

all social morality. He declared that we must mimic what is being done in Paris, advocating changes to

jamii ya Kiislamu kutoka katika kuwaweka huru wanawake hadi kwenye mifumo ya utawala. Wazo hili, na wengine kama hayo,

uliashiria mwanzo wa mwelekeo wa kurejea katika Uislamu.